UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT  LOS  ANGELES 


LOMBARD   ARCHITECTURE 


VOLUME   I 


Lombard  Architecture 


By 


ARTHUR   KINGSLEY   PORTER 


Volume  I 


•  4     »  14 


NEW  HAVEN:    YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON:    HUMPHREY  MILFORD 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

MDCCCCXVII 


COPYRIGHT,  1917 
BY  YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


Published  February,  1917 
Seven  Hundred  Fifty  Copies  Printed  from  Type 


r 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 


PAGE 

CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART xxi 


INTRODUCTION 

X       CHAPTER  L     BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  FOREWORD        .  .  .  1 

"^  Lack  of  synthetic  Analyses   of  Lombard  Architecture — Historians 

of  the  XV,  XVI,  XVII  and  XVIII  centuries— Puricelli—Seroux 
d'Agincourt  and  Ferrario — Cordero  and  the  Sacchi — Clericetti — 
De  Dartein — Cattaneo — Rivoira  and  recent  writers — Abundance 
of  Monuments — Documentary  Evidence — Critical   Method. 

si       CHAPTER  II.     MASTER-BUILDERS 8 

The  Myth  of  the  Magistri  Comacini — the  Roman  Collegium — 
f^  Isidore     of     Seville — Laws     of     Rotari — Laws     of     Luitprando — 

[  Magistri   Antelami — the    Building    Trade    in    the    Middle    Ages — 

"^  Tendency    to    become    hereditary — Lombard    builders — the    Minia- 

tures    of    Modena — Reliefs    representing    the    Building    Trades — • 

Sculptures  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  at  Bergamo — the  Builders  and 
N^  the  Sculptors — Tools  and  Models — Liberty  of  the  Artists — Asym- 

N  metrics — Priests  and  Monks  were  sometimes  Builders — the  Master- 

s' Builder  generally  a  Layman — Benedictine  Monasteries — Cistercian 

Monasteries. 

CHAPTER  III.     THE     COMMUNES    AND     THE     ECCLESIAS- 
TICAL AUTHORITIES 21 

Power  of  the  Communes  established  at  the  Expense  of  the  Bishops — 
Cynicism  and  Indifference  of  the  Lombards — Popular  Enthusiasm 
for  Religion — Satire  against  Priests — Interference  with  the  Church- 
Building  by  Secular  Persons — the  Communes  and  the  Cathedral — 
the  Hierarchy  in  Lombardy — the  Superstans  and  the  ^lassaro — 
Reforms. 


160504 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

APPENDIX.     MASONRY  29 

Masonry  an  important  Criterion  for  determining  the  Date  of  Lom- 
bard Edifices — Local  Scliools — Apjiarent  Inconsistencies  of  Style — 
Stone  Masonry  anterior  to  the  Year  1100 — Brick  Masonry  anterior 
to  the  Year  1100 — Cross-Hatching  of  Bricks — Ashlar  Masonry  of 
the  XII  Century — Brick  Masonry  of  the  XII  Century — Poly- 
chromatic Masonry. 


PART  I.     STRUCTURE 

BOOK  I.     THE  CARLOVINGIAN  STYLE 

CHAPTER   I.     CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  c.  600-774       ...        49 
Architecture  of  northern  Italy  Byzantine,  at  the  Time  of  the  Lom- 
bard     Conquest — Lombard      Invasion — Building      Activities      sus- 
pended— Teodolinda — S.    Salvatore   of    Barzano — Baptisteries    and 
circular  Churches. 

CHAPTER   II.     BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  COO-774  .  .        54 

S.  Stefano  at  Pavia — S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro — S.  Salvatore  at 
Brescia — Characteristics  of  this  Church. 

Appendix  I.     Development  or  the  Apse  ....        55 

Raised  Choirs — their  History — the  Crypt — Enlargement  of  the 
Crypt — Deflected  Choirs — Variations  in  the  Design  of  the  Apse — 
Single  Apses — Three  Apses — Five  Apses — Double  Apses. 

Appendi.x   II.      Pilfered   Materials  .....        59 

Use  of  pilfered  Roman  Materials — Pilfered  Byzantine  Materials — 
Carlovingian  and  Lombard  Fragments  used  at  Second-Hand. 

Appendi.x  III.     Windows  .......        61 

Stone  Tracery — Wooden  Frames — Leaded  Glass — Glazed  and  un- 
glazed  Windows — Spacing  of  Windows. 

Appendix  IV.     Separation  of  Sexes  .....        65 

Women  were  not  relegated  to  Galleries — Churches  divided  by  a  cen- 
tral Screen. 

CHAPTER  III.     CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  774-c.  900  .  .        66 

Tlie  Carlovingian  Conquest — Religious  Establishments  favoured — 
Charlemagne's     Chapel     at     Aix-la-Chapelle — Germigny-les-Pres — 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

S.  Zeno  at  Bardolino — SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria  at  Verona — S.  Satiro  at 
■  Milan — Persistence  of  Lombard  Features. 

CHAPTER  IV.     BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  774-c.  900  .  .        70 

S.  Apollinare  at  Baggie — S.  Vincenzo  in  Prato  of  Milan — S.  Pietro 
at  Agliate — S.  Stefano  at  Verona — the  Campanile  del  Monaci. 

Appendix.     Campanili     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .71 

Use  of  Bells  and  Bell-Towers — Campanili  of  Ravenna — S.  Apolli- 
nare in  Classe — S.  Apollinare  Nuovo — Cathedral  of  Ravenna — 
circular  Campanili — S.  Savino  of  Piacenza — octagonal  and  polyg- 
onal Campanili — Campanili  flanking  the  Apse — Campanili  flanking 
the  Facade — Turrets — Broad  Campanili. 

CHAPTER  V.     CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  C.900-C.  1000         .  .       77 

Decline  of  Art  in  the  X  Century — the  Hungarian  Invasions — Bap- 
tistery at  Agliate — Baptistery  of  Novara — Baptistery  of  Agrate 
Conturbia — S.  Ponzo  Canavese — S.  Fedele  of  Como. 

CHAPTER  VI.     BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  900-c.  1000      .  .        80 

S.  Orso  of  Aosta — Spigno — Apses  of  Milan — S.  Stefano  of  Verona — 
Cathedral  at  Ivrea. 

Appendix'  I.     Ambulatories      .......        81 

Early  examples — S.  Sofia  at  Padova — Exterior  Ambulatories — - 
Lombard  Ambulatories — Ambulatories  in  central  and  southern  Italy. 

Appendi.x  II.     Transepts  .......        83 

Transepts  frequently  omitted — masked  Transepts — western  Tran- 
septs. 

Appendix  III.     Naves     ........        84 

Naves  of  a  single  Aisle — two  parallel  Naves — five-aisled  Basilicas — 
Galleries — Triforia — lengthened  eastern  Bays. 

Appendix  IV.     Dual  Cathedrals     ......        85 

CHAPTER  VII.     COMPOUND  PIERS 86 

Rectangular  Piers — Ambulatory  of  S.  Stefano  at  Verona — octan- 
gular Piers — T-shaped  Piers — cruciform  Piers — quatrefoiled  Piers — 
further  Developments — side-aisle  Responds — cylindrical  Piers — • 
coupled  Columns — coupled  Colonnettes. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 
BOOK  II.     THE  XI  CENTURY 

PAGE 

CHAPTER   I.     TRANSVERSE  ARCHES 93 

Renaissance  of  the  XI  Century — transverse  Arches  in  side  Aisles — 
transverse  Arches  in  Naves — Lomello — Examples  in  southern  Italy 
and  France — Revival  of  the  Construction  in  the  XI  Century — In- 
fluence of  the  Cathedral  of  Modena — S.  Pancrazio  at  Corneto. 

CHAPTER  II.  THE  ALTERNATE  SYSTEM  ....  97 
Origin  of  the  alternate  System — pilfered  Columns  and  Piers — 
transverse  Arches — Lomello — other  Examples — wall  Systems — 
their  Development — intermediate  unmeaning  Systems — Expedients 
adopted — the  alternate  System  and  the  Rib  Vault — alternation  of 
side-aisle  Responds. 

CHAPTER  III.  BARREL  VAULTS      102 

Reasons  for  vaulting  Basilica — the  barrel  Vault  known  from 
Antiquity — barrel  Vaults  in  Choirs- — barrel  Vaults  in  Transepts — 
transverse  Ribs. 

CHAPTER  IV.     CLOISTERED  VAULTS  .  .  .104 

Cloistered  Vaults  introduced  from  Aachen — Earliest  Examples  in 
centralized  Edifices — Development  of  the  Lombard  Cupola — 
Squinches. 

CHAPTER  V.     UNDOiMED  GROIN  VAULTS      .  .  .  .107 

Construction  inherited  from  the  Romans — avoided  at  S.  Salvatore 
of  Brescia — revived  at  S.  Satiro  of  Milan — later  Examples — solid 
Centering  required — transverse  Arches — their  Purpose — undomed 
groin  Vaults  built  without  solid  Centering. 

CHAPTER  VI.     DOMED  GROIN 'vaults  .  .  .  .109 

Character  of  the  domed  groin  Vault — wall  and  transverse  Ribs — 
loaded  transverse  Ribs — History  of  the  domed  groin  Vault — early 
Examples — Mazzone — Revival  of  the  domed  groin  Vault  in  the  XII 
Century — exceptional  Constructions — excessive  Doming  in  longitu- 
dinal Direction. 

CHAPTER  VII.     THE  RIB  VAULT  114 

Constructions  of  the  early  XI  Century  preparing  the  Way  for  the 
Evolution  of  the  rib  Vault — Mazzone — earliest  Example  of  rib 
Vault  at  Sannazzaro  Sesia,  1040 — other  early  Examples — the  alter- 
nate System — Return  to  the  uniform  System  in  the  XII  Century — 

viii 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

rib  Vaults  under  Towers — rib-vaulted  Choirs — Ribs  projecting  on 
the  Extrados — sexpartite  Vaults  originated  in  Lombardy — Vault  of 
Narthex  at  Casale — Cistercian  Vaults — Galleries  and  Clearstories — 
rib  Vaults  of  Central  Italy- — History  of  the  Construction — School 
of  Corneto — Lombard  and  French  Influence — rib  Vaults  in  Prov- 
ence, northern  France,  Dalmatia  and  Hungary. 

CHAPTER  VIII.     BUTTRESSES 127 

Roman  Buttresses — Buttresses  disliked  by  the  Lombard  Builders — 
earliest  Examples — Buttresses  used  inconsistently  and  with  Hesita- 
tion—triangular and  prismatic  Buttresses — later  Buttresses. 

CHAPTER  IX.  TRANSVERSE  BUTTRESSES      .    .    .131 

Transverse  Buttresses  a  Roman  Construction — not  adopted  in 
Lombardy  before  the  XII  Century — earliest  Examples — trans- 
verse Buttresses  used  inconsistently  and  ineffectively. 

CHAPTER  X.     TIE-RODS      AND      OTHER      CONSTRUCTIVE 

EXPEDIENTS 133 

Principle  of  the  Tie-Rod — clever  mechanically — lamentable  aestheti- 
cally— Construction  probably  originated  in  Repairs  to  insecure 
Vaults — wooden  Chains — relieving  Arches. 

CHAPTER  XL     ROOFING  EXPEDIENTS  .  .  .  .135 

Economy  of  Wood — Tiles  laid  directly  on  the  Extrados — Roof  of 
S.  Savino  of  Piacenza — other  Roofs  without  Timber — leaden  Roofs — - 
unnecessary  Weight  placed  on  Vaults. 

CHAPTER  XII.     RIBBED  HALF  DOMES  .  .  .  .138 

Reason  for  the  Construction — S.  Abondio  of  Como — other  Ex- 
amples— -S.  Maria  di  Castello  at  Corneto — Bruyere-sur-Fere — Riez. 

CHAPTER  XIII.  ANNULAR  VAULTS 140 

Barrel  Vaults — Influence  of  Charlemagne's  Chapel  at  Aachen — 
Compartments  alternately  rectangular  and  triangular — inclined 
Vaults — broken  Groins — diagonal  Ribs. 

CHAPTER  XIV.     SURVIVAL  OF  THE  WOODEN  ROOF  .      142 

Wooden  Roof  continued  in  use  at  all  Periods — exclusively  used 
before  1030 — from  1040  to  1100  confined  to  mountainous  Dis- 
tricts— many  wooden-roofed  Edifices  erected  in  the  XII  Century — 
School  of  Como. 

ix 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGE 


CHAPTER  XV.     CIRCULAR  EDIFICES  OF  THE  XI  AND  XII 

CENTURIES 144 

Circular  Churches — Influence  of  tlie  Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem — 
Churches  of  S.  Sepolcro — circular  Churches  of  the  XII  Century — 
mortuary  Chapels — Baptisteries  of  centralized  Type — other  Bap- 
tisteries. 

BOOK  in.     THE  XII  CENTURY 

CHAPTER  I.     LANFRANCO  OF  MODENA  .  .  .147 

Lack  of  Unity  in  Italy — local  Sub-Schools  in  Lombardy — School 
of  Moiiftrrato — School  of  Parma — School  of  Pa  via — Lanfranco — 
the  Cathedral  of  Modena — Innovations  introduced — transverse 
Arches — classic  Influence- — Lombard  Porch — Influence  on  later 
Architecture — great  Lombard  Churches  of  the  XII  Century — • 
School  of  Modena — School  of  Milan. 

CHAPTER  II.     CLUNIAC  ARCHITECTURE       .  .  .  .156 

S.  Guglielmo — his  Life — Reconstruction  of  St.-Benigne  at  Dijon — 
slight  Lombard  Influence — later  Influence  of  Cluny — Cluniac 
Edifices  in  Lombardy — Fruttuaria — later  Cluniac  Priories — no 
distinctively  Cluniac  Architecture  in  Lombardy — Influence  of  Order 
on  Lombard  Architecture  exceedingly  slight. 

CHAPTER  HI.     CLOISTERS 162 

Early  Lombard  Cloisters — Influence  of  Provence — new  Type 
evolved  at  Verona — copied  at  Bologna — Type  of  Voltorre — Type  of 
Vezzolano. 

CHAPTER  IV.     THE  TRANSITION  TO  GOTHIC       .  .  .164 

Architectural  Ideas  transmitted  by  the  Master-Builders  rather  than 
by  the  monastic  Orders — architectural  Relationships  between 
Provence  and  Piemonte — Proven^'al  Influence  in  Piemonte  in  the 
XII  Century — Influence  of  the  Ile-de-France  on  northern  Italy  in 
the  XII  Century — the  pointed  Arch — earliest  Examples  of  Gothic. 

CHAPTER  V.     CISTERCIAN  ARCHITECTURE  .170 

Thesis  of  Enlart — Abbazia  di  Albino — Tiglieto — Lucedio — Chiara- 
valle  Milanese  —  Cerreto  —  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba  —  Rivalta 
Scrivia  —  Morimondo  —  Cistercian  Characteristics  —  Atria  — 
rectangular  Apses — torical  Diagonals — Central  Towers — Transept 
Stairways — St.  Bernard — -Austerity  of  Cistercians — Augustinian 
Canons — other  Orders — Cistercians  did  not  introduce  Gothic  into 
Lombardy. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PART  II.     ORNAMENT 

BOOK  I.     DEVELOPMENT  BETWEEN  c.  600  AND  c.  1000 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  I.     CAPITALS 185 

Capitals  of  the  VII  Century — S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella — Renais- 
sance of  the  VIII  Century — S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  at  Pavia — 
Nonantola — S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia — Diffusion  of  Type — Capitals 
of  S.  Vincenzo  at  Milan — S.  Anastasio  of  Asti — S.  Satiro  of  Milan — 
S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino — S.  Stefano  at  Verona — S.  Savino  at  Pia- 
cenza — S.  Eusebio  of  Pavia — Isola  S.  Giulio — other  Examples. 

CHAPTER  II.     CHURCH-FURNITURE 191 

Ambones  —  Choir-rails  —  Ciborii  — •  Altars  —  Pergole  —  Pis- 
cinae— baptismal  Fonts — holy-water  Basins — Organs. 

CHAPTER  III.     CARVED  FRAGMENTS  .  .  .  .195 

Numerous  Fragments  of  Church-Furniture  earlier  than  1000 — 
Strength  of  the  Byzantine  Tradition — refined  Character  of  the  Art 
of  the  VIII  Century — Cimitile — Sarcophagus  of  Teodote — Tomb 
of  S.  Cumiano  at  Bobbio — S.  Abondio  of  Como — Ciborio  of  S. 
Giorgio  di  Valpolicella — Baptistery  of  Cividale — S.  Maria  della 
Valle — Altar  of  Ratchis — iconographical  Subjects — Altar  of  Villa- 
nova — Ciborio  of  S.  Eleucadio  at  Ravenna — Fragments  of  S. 
Lorenzo  of  Verona — Ciborio  of  Bagnacavallo — Fragments  of  Fer- 
rara — Decline  of  the  X  Century — Chiesa  d'Aurona  at  Milan — 
Renaissance  of  the  XI  Century — Slab  of  Galliano — Slab  in  Aosta 
Cloisters. 

CHAPTER  IV.     ORNAMENTAL  MOTIVES  .  .  .  .202 

Motive  of  the  Fir-Tree — Rope-Moulding — Crockets — Greek  Cross — 
Guilloche  —  Interlace  —  Rinceau  —  classical  Motives  —  Rosettes  — 
Byzantine  Influence  predominant. 

CHAPTER  V.     WINDOWS 206 

Greek-Cross  Windows  —  Oculi  —  Square-Headed  Windows  —  Dia- 
mond-Shaped Windows — fantastic  Forms. 

BOOK  11.     THE  XI  CENTURY 

CHAPTER  I.     CUBIC  CAPITALS 208 

Function  of  a  cubic  Capital — early  Expedients — Capitals  omitted — 
uncarved     Blocks     of     Stone — octagonal     Shafts     with     chamfered 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Corners — Evolution   of   the   cubic   Capital — later    Expedients — the 
classic    cubic    Capital — Development    in    the    XII    Century — orna- 
'  mcnted    cubic    Capitals — fan-shaped    Capitals — convex    Cushions — 

circular  Imposts — concluding  Summary. 

CHAPTER  II.     OTHER  CAPITALS  213 

Corintliiancsque  Capitals  —  Evolution  —  continued  classical  In- 
fluence— Derivation  of  the  Lombard  Capital — Capitals  of  Lodi 
Vecchio — Influence  of  S.  Ambrogio — Spread  of  the  Type — S. 
Giorgio  of  Milan — S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia— tardy  Survivals 
of  the  Type — Spur  Capitals. 

CHAPTER  III.     GROTESQUES 216 

Grotesques  not  symbolical — Text  of  S.  Bernard — Lombard  In- 
scriptions— Derivation  of  the  grotesque  Element — Popularity  of 
Grotesques  in  the  XI  Century — Development  at  S.  Ambrogio — 
Reaction  of  the  XII  Century — Obscenities — Caryatids. 

CHAPTER  IV.     BASES 221 

The  Attic  the  standard  Type — other  Profiles  merely  Variations  of 
this — Griffes — inverted  Capitals  used  as  Bases. 

CHAPTER  V.     ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES        .  .  .  .224 

The  arched  Corbel-Table  does  not  appear  in  Lombardy  before  the 
XI  Century — Cornices  of  the  Cathedral  and  Baptistery  of  Ravenna 
rebuilt — Cornices  of  S.  Vincenzo  in  Prato  of  Milan  modern — Carlo- 
vingian  Monuments  without  arched  Corbel-Tables — Date  of  Bagna- 
cavallo — blind  Arches  of  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe,  Ravenna — blind 
Arches  adopted  by  the  Lombard  Builders  at  the  End  of  the  X 
Century — S.  Stefano  of  Verona — Spigno — other  Examples — Sur- 
vival of  the  Motive  in  later  Times — blind  Arches  in  Carlovingian 
Carvings- — blind  Niches — Origin  of  the  Motive — second  Order 
supported  on  Pilaster  Styips  from  the  IX  Century — Examples — 
Survival  of  the  blind  Niche  in  the  XI  and  XII  Centuries — arched 
Corbel-Tables  derived  from  blind  Arches  rather  than  blind  Niches — - 
grouped  two  and  two  in  earliest  Examples — Motive  appeared 
c.  1000 — numerous  Instances  during  early  Years  of  XI  Century — 
gradually  Number  of  Arches  in  Group  increased — fully  developed 
Type  evolved  c.  1040 — Survival  of  smaller  Groups  in  later  Times — 
later  Developments  of  the  arched  Corbel-Table — Carvings 
and  Embellishments — Second  Orders — triangular  arched  Corbel- 
Tables — double  arched  Corbel-Tables — flat  Corbel-Tables — per- 
haps derived  from  Tyrol — S.  Michele  of  Pavia  and  its  relation  to 
northern  Churches — engaged  Galleries — Evolution  of  the  Motive — 

xii 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

its  History — intersecting  Arcades — interior  Corbel-Tables — other 
Cornices. 

CHAPTER  VI.     PILASTER  STRIPS  AND  SHAFTS  .  .     238 

Origin  of  the  Pilaster  Strip — earliest  Examples — Shafts — Shafts 
engaged  upon  Pilaster  Strips — Development  of  Shafts. 

CHAPTER  VII.     MULTIPLE  ORDERS 240 

Earliest  Examples  of  doubled  Orders — Lomello — Tendency  towards 
greater  Richness  in  Profiles — triple  and  quadruple  Orders — Colour 
and  Decoration. 

CHAPTER  VIII.     PORTALS 242 

Lintels  and  Relieving  Arches — Shafts  and  Roll-Mouldings — free- 
standing Colonnettes — fine  Mouldings — greater  Restraint  in  XII 
Century — Portals  of  Guglielmo,  Nicolo  and  Benedetto — Doors. 

CHAPTER  IX.     OTHER  ORNAMENTS 246 

Pottery  Plates — Saw-tooth  Moulding — Zigzag — Diamond  Pattern — 
Rope-Moulding — Letters — Column  on  Axis. 


BOOK  III.     ORNAMENT  IN  THE  XII  CENTURY 

CHAPTER  L     EARLIER  TYPES  OF  CAPITALS         .  .  .249 

Corinthianesque  Capitals — anthemion  Capitals — Byzantine  Capi- 
tals— modified  Types  of  Lombard  Capitals — Development  of  the 
Abacus — wreathed  Capitals. 

CHAPTER  II.     CAPITALS  TRANSITIONAL  TO  GOTHIC  .      253 

Infiltration  of  French  Influence — Origin  of  the  broad-leaved  Capi- 
tal— earliest  Lombard  Examples — Lombard  Capitals  fell  under 
French  Influence  in  fourth  Decade  of  XII  Century — -Cavagnolo — 
Later  Examples — Crockets — Vezzolano — Survival  of  Lombard  In- 
fluence— Influence  of  Provence. 

CHAPTER  III.     FOREIGN  MOTIVES  OF  DECORATION  .      257 

Influence  of  Provence — earliest  Examples — Extent  of  Proven9al 
Influence  in  Last  Half  of  XII  Century — Gothic  Influence — earliest 
Examples — Development — the  BiUet. 

CHAPTER  IV.     OTHER  MOTIVES  OF  DECORATION       .  .      260 

Twisted  and  spiral-fluted  Columns — introduced  by  Lanfranco — 
developed  by  Nicolo  and  his  Successors — inlaid  Sculptures — false 
Gables — triangular  Arch — Decoration  in  Stucco. 

xiii 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PART  III.    ACCESSORY  ARTS 
BOOK  I.     SCULPTURE 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  L     SCULPTURE  BEFORE  1100  .     265 

Altar  of  Ratchis — Baptistery  at  Cividale — S.  Giovanni  of  Asti — 
bronze  Eagle  and  Saint  of  S.  Ambrogio — ^Volvinio's  Palio  d'Oro — 
Renaissance  of  the  Year  1000 — Resurrection  Capital  of  Acqui — 
bronze  Doors  of  S.  Zeno — Hildesheiin — S.  Pietro  of  Bologna — 
S.  Michele  of  Pnvia. 

CHAPTER  IL     GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA        .  .  .  .269 

Three  Schools  of  Sculpture  active  in  Lombardy  at  Beginning  of 
XII  Century — that  of  Guglielmo  da  ^lodcna  most  important — • 
artistic  Personalit_y  of  Guglielmo  da  Modena — not  to  be  confused 
with  Nicolo  and  Guglielmo  da  Verona — authentic  Works  of 
Guglielmo  da  Modena — !Modena — Cremona — Inscription  of  Fer- 
rara — Origin  of  the  Art  of  Guglielmo — Analogies  with  the  School 
of  Languedoe — Cloister  of  Moissac — Ivory-Carvings — Genius  of 
Guglielmo — Characteristics  of  his  Art — jamb  Sculjitures — peasant 
Quality — classical  Influence. 

CHAPTER  III.     NICOLO      AND      THE      SCHOOL      OF      GU- 
GLIELMO DA  MODENA 277 

Importance  of  Guglielmo — Nicolo  his  most  famous  Pupil — authen- 
tic Works  of  Nicolo — his  artistic  Personality- — Influence  of  the 
School  of  Languedoe — Influence  of  the  School  of  Milan — Nicolo's 
Lombard  Porches — Guglielmo's  Assistant  in  the  Porta  della 
Pescheria — Porta  dei  Principi — S.  Celso  of  Milan — Tympanum  of 
Torre  dei  Piccenardi — Ambo  at  Quarantoli — Ambo  at  Bellagio — 
Nonantola — Capitals  of  Parma — Sasso — Cavana — S.  Abondio, 
Como  —  unknown  Sculptor  of  Almenno  —  Nicolo's  Follower  at 
Borgo — Guglielmo  da  Verona — Provencal  Influences — Followers 
of  Guglielmo  at  Cremona — Alberto — Sculptures  at  Castell'Arquato — 
exotic  Influences — artistic  Importance  of  tliese  Works — Ambo  at 
Carpi — Pellegrino — Font  at  Varese — Influence  of  Guglielmo  in 
France,  Spain,  England  and  Soutliern   Italy. 

CHAPTER  IV.     THE  SCHOOLS  OF  CLUNY  AND  PAVIA  .     288 

Tomb  of  S.  Alberto  at  Pontida — Archivolt  of  Calvenzano — Origins 
and  Ciiaracteristics  of  the  Cluniac  Sculptor — Development  of  the 
School  of  Pavia — S.  Stefano — S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo — S.  Fedele  of 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Como — Sculptures  of  Lodi  Vecchio — Ambo  of  Isola  S.  Giulio — 
Cloister  of  S.  Orso  at  Aosta — S.  Simpliciano  of  Milan — S.  Antonino 
of  Piacenza  and  the  Cathedral  of  Lodi. 

CHAPTER  V.     BENEDETTO  MISCALLED  ANTELAMI  .      292 

Origins  of  the  Art  of  Benedetto — the  Prophets  of  Piacenza — 
School  of  Guglielmo  and  Influence  of  Languedoc — Influence  of 
Provence  upon  Benedetto — Influence  of  the  Ile-de-France — In- 
fluence of  Byzantine  Ivory-Carvings — possible  Influence  of  Lan- 
guedoc— "Antelami" — authentic  Works  of  Benedetto — other  Sculp- 
tures by  his  Hand — Characteristics  of  his  Manner — lack  of 
architectural  Character  —  Composition  —  Anatomy  —  Psj'chol- 
ogy — conscientious  Finish — Sincerity — Influence  of  Benedetto — his 
School. 

CHAPTER  VI.     TRANSITIONAL  SCULPTURE  .  .300 

The  transitional  School — -the  Palio  d'Oro — Influence  of  Byzantine 
Ivory-Carvings — Lombard  Influences — Influence  of  Languedoc — 
Influence  of  the  Ile-de-France — the  Ciborio  of  S.  Ambrogio  and  the 
stucco  Sculptures  of  Cividale  and  Civate — Influence  of  Languedoc 
and  possibly  of  Spain — Brioloto  of  Verona — Sculptor  of  Modena 
Campanile — Sculptures  of  Balustrade  and  Ambo  at  Modena — 
naturalistic  Sculptures  at  Parma. 


BOOK  II.     OTHER  ARTS 

CHAPTER  I.     MOSAICS  305 

IMural  Mosaics — Pavement — mosaic  Pavements  extensively  used — 
recorded  in  documentary  Sources — some  Churches  never  possessed 
one — Roman  mosaic  Pavements — Labyrinth  at  Vienna — Early 
Christian  mosaic  Pavements — Pavement  at  Galliano — Sezze — - 
Acqui — Culmination  of  the  Art  c.  1100 — later  Examples — unex- 
cavated  Pavements. 

CHAPTER  II.     FRESCOS 312 

Importance  of  colour  Decoration  in  Lombard  Churches — pure 
Ornament  in  Fresco — Sparone — Mazzone — other  Examples — 
figure  Frescos — early  Examples — S.  Orso  of  Aosta — Spigno — Gal- 
liano— Examples  of  the  XI  Century — Examples  of  the  XII  Cen- 
tury— S.  RuflSllo  di  Bologna- — Carpi — Frescos  of  later  Date — 
Beauty  of  Lombard  Colour. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PART  IV.     ICONOGRAPHY 

BOOK  I.     THE     MIRROR  OF  NATURE 


PAGE 


CHAPTER  I.     CHARACTERISTICS    OF    LOMBARD     ICONOG- 
RAPHY   319 

The  four  Mirrors — Lombard  Iconography  embryonic — our  Ideas 
necessarily  incomplete  since  Frescos  and  Mosaics  have  perished — 
Tapestries  and  Hangings — Siccardo's  Account  of  Lombard  Iconog- 
rajjliy — the  Nimbus  and  the  Aureole — cruciform  Nimbus — hier- 
archical Precedence — Parallelism — structural  Allegory. 

CHAPTER  II.     BESTIARY  ANIMALS 324 

Popularity  of  Animals  in  Lombardy — Menageries — the  Aspic — the 
Basilisk — the  Centaur — the  Camel — the  Stag — the  Dog — the 
Eagle — the  Elephant — the  Fox — the  Lion — the  Ostrich — the 
Panther — the  Peacock — the  Pelican — the  Phoenix — -the  Siren — the 
Unicorn. 

CHAPTER  III.     ANIMALS   OF   CLASSICAL   AND    MEDIEVAL 

MYTHS  AND  FABLES 336 

Classical  Lore  in  Emilia — Achilles — Flight  of  Icarus — the  Laby- 
rinth —  Cerberus  —  Hydra  —  Chimaera  —  Hercules  —  Hermaph- 
rodite —  Cupids  —  Sphinx  —  Antipodes  —  Acephalus  — •  Fox  and 
Stork — Cranes — Wolf  Fables. 

CHAPTER  IV.     BIBLICAL  ANIMALS 341 

The  Evangelists — their  Inscriptions — Griffins  with  Wheels — Fish — 
the  Sea — the  Beast  with  seven  Heads. 

CHAPTER  V.     OTHER  ANIMALS  AND  FLORA         .  .  .344 

Hunting  Scenes  —  Bear-Baiting  —  Bear  wrestling  - —  Crows  —  non- 
symbolical  Representations  —  Palm-Trees  —  grotesque  Echoes  of 
iconographical  Subjects. 

BOOK  II.     THE  MIRROR  OF  SCIENCE 

CHAPTER  I.     THE  LIBERAL  ARTS 346 

Literary  Sources — Ivrea  Mosaic — Philosophy — Dialectic — Geome- 
try —  Arithmetic  —  Grammar  —  historical  Importance  of  Ivrea 
Mosaic. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  II.     ASTRONOMY  350 

The  Constellations — Nicolo's  Sculptures  at  Sagra  S.  Michele  and 
Piacenza — Symbolism  of  the  latter — Mosaic  Pavement  of  S. 
Michele  at  Pavia — the  Sun  and  the  Moon — Benedetto's  Deposition 
and  Bicorn  Reliefs — other  Representations  of  the  Sun  and  Moon 
in  Christian  Art — Symbolism  of  the  Subject — symbolical  Repre- 
sentations— non-symbolical  Representations. 

CHAPTER  III.     THE    MONTHS,    THE    SEASONS    AND    THE 

YEAR  354 

The  Zodiac — Roman  Prototypes — the  Chronograph  of  354 — Isidore 
of  Seville — Ausonius — Carlovingian  Poems — Wandalbertus — other 
Poems — Bonvesin  de  la  Riva — Alain  de  Lille — Commencement  of 
the  Year — two  Signs  for  each  Month — plastic  Representations — 
January  —  February  —  March  —  April  • —  May  —  June  —  July  — 
August  —  September  • —  October  —  November  —  December  — 
Zodiacs  without  corresponding  ^Months — the  Seasons — the  Year. 

CHAPTER  IV.     THE    WINDS,   THE    SEA   AND    THE    RIVERS 

OF  PARADISE 366 

Subjects  represented  in  Pavements — Symbols  of  the  World — Pave- 
ment described  by  Baudri — S.  Salutore  of  Turin — the  Winds — • 
Description  of  Pliny — Isidore  of  Seville — Honore  of  Autun — the 
Sea — the  Winds  caused  by  the  Sea — the  four  Rivers  of  Paradise — 
their  Symbolism — iconographical  Representations. 


BOOK  III.     THE  MIRROR  OF  MORALS 

CHAPTER  I.     THE  VIRTUES  AND  VICES        .  .  .  .372 

The  cardinal  Virtues — Representations  in  Lombard  Iconography — 
the  theological  Virtues — the  Psychomachia  of  Prudentius — Faith 
vs.  Paganism — Modesty  vs.  Voluptuousness — Patience  vs.  Wrath — • 
Pride  vs.  Humility — Luxury  vs.  Sobriety — Generosity  vs.  Avarice — 
Discord  vs.  Faith — Scenes  from  Psychomachia  in  Lombard  Art — 
Ennodio — Poem  attributed  to  Ambrose  of  Benevento — Rutebeuf — 
Alain  de  Lille — other  Writers — Representations  in  Lombard  Ico- 
nography —  Avarice  —  Usury  —  Patience  — •  Humility  —  Faith  — 
Justice  —  Prudence  —  Vigilance  —  Magnanimity  —  Envy  —  Clas- 
sification of  Virtues  in  Baptistery  of  Parma — Genre  Scenes — Sam- 
son and  the  Lion — Pavement  at  S.  Savino  at  Piacenza — Pavement  of 
S.  Maria  Maggiore  at  Vercelli — Capital  at  Modena. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  II.     THE  WHEEL  OF  FORTUNE  .384 

Conception  of  Boethius — Dante — Representations  in  French  Iconog- 
raphy— S.  Salutore  of  Turin — S.  Zeno  of  Verona. 

BOOK  IV.     THE  MIRROR  OF  HISTORY 

CHAPTER  I.     THE  FIRST  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD  .      386 

Ages  of  the  ^\■o^ld — Ages  of  Man — Fall  of  the  rebellious  Angels — 
Cherubim  and  Archangels — Story  of  Genesis — Creation  of  Adam — 
Creation  of  Eve — Symbolism  of  Adam  and  Eve — the  Temptation — 
Expulsion  from  Paradise — Shame  of  Adam  and  Eve — Labour  of 
Adam  and  Eve — Sacrifices  of  Cain  and  Abel — Murder  of  Abel — 
Lamech  and  Cain. 

CHAPTER  II.     THE    SECOND    AND    THIRD    AGES    OF    THE 

WORLD 391 

Popularity  of  Subjects  from  Genesis  in  first  Half  of  XII  Cen- 
tury— Scenes  from  the  Story  of  Noah — Symbolism  of  the  Ark — 
Story  of  Abraham — its  Symbolism — the  Sacrifice  of  Isaac — Jacob 
■wrestling  with  the  Angel — Symbolism — Scenes  from  the  Life  of 
Jacob — Moses — Scenes  from  his  Life — Samson  and  the  Lion — other 
Scenes  from  the  Life  of  Samson. 

CHAPTER  III.     THE  FOURTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD  .      396 

David  the  Symbol  of  Christ — the  Dance  of  David — Literary 
Sources— iconographical  Representations — Miniatures  and  Ivory- 
Carvings — Mosaic  at  Cologne — Pavement  at  Vercelli — Sculptures 
in  Baptistery  of  Parm.a — Representations  at  Modena,  Crenjona, 
Vezzolano,  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  and  Toano — Parodies  at  Berceto  and 
Fornovo — David  and  Goliath — David  as  King  and  Prophet — Solo- 
mon and  the  Queen  of  Sheba — Symbolism  and  iconographical  Repre- 
sentations— Kings  of  Juda — the  Jesse  Tree. 

CHAPTER  IV.     THE  FIFTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD  .  .404 

The  Prophets — Isaiah — Jeremiah — Ezekiel — Daniel— three  Israel- 
ites in  Furnace — the  Lions'  Den — the  Angel  and  Habakkuk — 
Hosea,  Joel,  Amos,  Obadiah — Jonah  and  the  Whale — Micah, 
Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Zejilianiah,  Haggai,  Zechariah  and  Malachi — 
Enoch  and  Elijah — Hebraic  Legends — the  Church-Fathers — Sym- 
bolism of  Elijah  ■ —  iconographic  Representations  —  David  and 
Ezekiel  —  Balaam  —  Aaron  —  Samuel  —  Job  —  .Story  of 
Tobias — Scenes  from  Judith — Scenes  from  Maccabees. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  V.     THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  CHRIST  .  .  .411 

The  Sixth  Age  of  the  World — the  Annunciation — the  Visitation — 
the  Angel  appearing  to  Joseph — the  Nativity — the  Shepherds — the 
Magi — the  Presentation  in  the  Temple — Joseph  warned  to  fly — the 
Flight  into  Egypt — the  Baptism  of  Christ — the  Temptations  of 
Christ — Christ  teaching  in  the  Temple — the  Merchants  driven  from 
the  Temple — the  Raising  of  Lazarus — Mary  Magdalen  anointing 
the  Feet  of  Jesus. 

CHAPTER  VI.     THE   SAYINGS  AND   PARABLES  OF   CHRIST     416 

The  Beatitudes — the  Parable  of  the  Vineyard — Symbolism — the 
Works  of  Mercy — plastic  Representation  in  the  Baptistery  of 
Parma — the  wise  and  foolish  Virgins. 

CHAPTER  VII.     THE  PASSION  OF  CHRIST  .  .  .419 

The  Entry  into  Jerusalem — Jesus  washing  the  Feet  of  the  Dis- 
ciples— the  Last  Supper — Christ  returning  from  Gethsemane — the 
Betrayal  —  Judas  receiving  the  Blood-Money  —  Christ  before 
Pilate  —  Peter  denying  Christ  —  the  P'lagellation  —  carrying  the 
Cross  —  the  Crucifixion  —  Symbolism  —  Ivory-Carvings  —  Rep- 
resentations in  Lombard  Art — the  Deposition — Christ  in  Limbo — 
the  Resurrection — the  three  Marys  at  the  Tomb — the  Feast  at 
Emmaus — the  Ascension. 

CHAPTER  VIII.     LIVES  OF  THE  SAINTS         .  .  .  .424 

Scenes  from  the  Life  of  the  Virgin — the  Life  of  John  the  Bap- 
tist— the  Stoning  of  Stephen — St.  George — St.  Lawrence  and  S. 
Ippolito — S.  Margherita — S.  Giulia — S.  Zeno — his  Legend — plastic 
Representations — S.  Geminiano — S.  Orso — S.  Donnino — S.  Am- 
brogio — St.   Martin — S.  Anselmo — S.   Adriano — -Theophilus. 

CHAPTER  IX.  STATUES  AND  IMAGES     .    .    .    .429 

The  Deity — the  Hand  of  God — the  Madonna — John  the  Bap- 
tist— John  the  Baptist  and  John  the  Evangelist — the  twelve 
Apostles — the  Fathers  of  the  Church — St.  Stephen — St.  Lawrence 
— other  Martyrs — S.  Zeno — S.  Nicolo — other  Confessors. 

CHAPTER  X.  SECULAR  SUBJECTS 434 

Donors — the  Trade  Corporations — genre  Scenes  of  ecclesiastical 
Life — genre  Scenes  of  popular  Life — Scenes  from  Romances — 
Berta — Giovanni  Baldesio — the  Carlovingian  Cycle — Aristotle  and 
Campaspe — the  Legend  of  Theodoric — the  Arthurian  Cycle — 
Romances  of  Chivalrv — Scenes  of  Combat. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAOB 

CHAPTER  XI.     THE  LAST  JUDGMENT  .  .  .  .489 

Tomb  of  S.  Alberto  at  Pontida — the  Horseman  of  the  Apocalypse — 
weighing  the  Souls — the  Soul  presented  to  the  Deity — analogous 
Representations — the  Last  Judgment  of  Parma — iconographical 
Peculiarities — the  Last  Judgment  of  S.  Zeno. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 448 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 

Note  :  Dates  established  by  documentary  evidence  are  printed  in  heavier  type 
C.575? 


C.590 
C.600 

C.680? 

C.730 
C.730 

C.735 

743 

751 

753 

C.760 
772 

C.775 

C.775 

c.775 
C.780 


Brescia,  S.  Salvatore,  Fragments  of  ma- 
sonry and  carving. 

Barzano,  S.  Salvatore. 

Isola  Comacina,  S.  Eufemia.  Capital  of 
crypt. 

Pavia,  S.  Stefano.  Remains  of  columnar 
basilica. 

Bobbio.    Tomb  of  S.  Cumiano. 

S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella.  Western  bays 
of  nave  and  ciborio  of  baptistery. 

Como,  S.  Abondio.  Carlovingian  frag- 
ments. 

Pavia,  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro.  Fragments 
in  museum. 

Verona,  SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria.  Outer  wall, 
central  bay. 

Nonantola.  Capitals  of  crypt  and  frag- 
ments in  archivio, 

Brescia,  S.  Salvatore. 

S.  Pietro  di  Civate.  Remains  of  earlier 
church. 

Modena,  Cathedral.  Fragments  of  ambo, 
etc. 

Porcile,  Madonna  della  Stra.  Certain  capi- 
tals. 

Villanova.     Capital  and  carved  slab. 

Brescia,  Duomo  Vecchio.     Crypt. 


XXI 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


C.807 
C.800 

C.800 

c.  830 
c.84.0 

C.860 
C.875 
C.875 
c.875 
c.875 

876 

885 
889 
899 

c.  1)00 

C.900 

-c.  900 

c.900 

-903 

^23 

c.  930 

C.940 

C.  9;)0 
c.  9.50 

975 


"\'erona,  Cathedral.    Two  capitals. 
Bologna,  S.  Pietro.    Parts  of  sarcophagi  of 

S.  Vitale  and  of  S.  Agricola. 
Milan,  S.  Ambrogio.     Campanile  de'  Mo- 

naci. 

^lilan,  S.  Vincenzo. 

Verona,    S.   Lorenzo.     Carlovingian   frag- 
ments. 
Asti,  S.  Anastasio.    Part  of  crypt. 
Agliate,  S.  Pietro. 
Bardolino,  S.  Zeno. 
Sermione,  S.  Pietro  in  Mavino. 

Verona,  SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria.    Main  part 
of  existing  edifice. 

Milan,  S.  Satiro.    Cappella  della  Madonna 

di  Pieta. 
Asti,  S.  Giovanni.     Capitals  of  crypt. 
Settimo  Vittone,  Battistero  di  S.  Lorenzo. 
Verona,  S.  Stefano.     Nave,  transepts  and 

capitals  of  ambulatory  and  crypt. 
Agliate,  Battistero. 
Isola  S.  Giiilio.    Capitals  of  side  aisles. 
Novara,  Battistero. 
Pavia,  S.  Eusebio.     Capitals  of  crypt. 
Piacenza,  S.  Savino.    Two  capitals  of  crypt. 
Aosta,  S.  Orso.    Crypt  and  core  of  church. 
Agrate  Conturbia,  Battistero.     Bit  of  wall. 
iSIilan,  S.  Ambrogio.    Apse. 
Asti,  S.  Secondo.    Capitals. 
Milan,     Chiesa     d'Aurona.       Fragments, 

Group  B. 
Vicenza,  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato.     Capitals 

of  crj^pt. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


C.980 
C.990 
C.990 

991 
c.  1000 

c.  1000 
c.  1000 

c.  1000 

c.  1000 

c.  1000 
c.  1000 

1002 

1005 

C.1005 

c.  1005 

1006 

1007 

1007 
1008 

c.  1010 


c.  1010 

c.  1010 

c.  1015-1023 

c.  1015 


Lenno,  S.  Stefano.     Capitals  of  crypt. 

Milan,  S.  Calimero.    Apse. 

Verona,    S.    Stefano.      Ambulator}^    choir 

and  crypt. 
Spigno,  S.  Quintino. 
Ivrea,  Cathedral.    Ambulatory  and  eastern 

part  of  crypt. 
Lago  di  Mezzola,  S.  Fedelino. 
Milan,      Chiesa     d'Aurona.       Fragments, 

Group  C. 
Milan,  S.  Eustorgio.     Apse  and  parts  of 

eastern  bay  of  choir. 
Montecchia     di     Crosara,     S.     Salvatore. 

Northern  absidiole,  etc. 
Sagra  S.  Michele.    Crypt  (?). 
S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella.    Eastern  bays  of 

nave  and  belfry  of  campanile. 
Sagra  S.  JNIichele.     Coro  Vecchio,  Fores- 

teria. 

Piacenza,  S.  Savino.     Campanile. 

S.  Pietro  in  Valle. 

S.  Ponzo  Canavese,  Battistero. 

Torino,  S.  Salutore.    Church  now  buried. 

Como,  S.  Abondio.  Fragments  of  carving 
brought  from  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano. 

Galliano,  S.  Vincenzo. 

Vigolo  Marchese,  S.  Giovanni. 

Aosta,  Cathedral.  Eastern  part  of  crypt, 
piers,  lower  part  of  southern  campanile, 
part  of  south  wall,  carved  slab. 

Padova,  S.  Sofia.    Fragments  of  nave. 

Vigolo  Marchese,  Battistero. 

Acqui,  S.  Pietro. 

Galliano,  Battistero. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


1019 

c.  1 020 
c.  1020 
C.1020 

c.  1020 
c.  1020 

1022 


c. 

1025 

c. 

1025 

c. 

1025 

c. 

1025 

c. 

1025 

c. 1028-1040 

c. 

1030 

1030 

(' 

1030 

c 

1030 

c 

1030 

f 

1030 

(• 

1 030 

1030 

c 

1030 

c 

1030 

c 

.1030 

c 

.1035 

Bologna,  S.  Pietro.     Parts  of  sarcophagus 

of  S.  Agricola. 
Bologna,  SS.  Nabore  e  Felice.    Crypt. 
Cirie.    Apse  and  southern  wall. 
Cremona,  S.  Michele.    Capitals  of  crypt. 
Piobesi  Torinese. 
Porcile,  INIadonna  della  Stra.     Lower  part 

of  campanile. 
Piacenza,   S.   Antonino.      Corbel-tables   of 

nave  and  transepts. 

Cavriana.    ISTave. 

Lomello,  S.  Maria  Maggiore. 

INIariano,  Battistero.    Walls. 

Settimo  Vittone,  Battistero  di  S.  I^orenzo. 
Bell-turret. 

Sparone. 

Como,  S.  Carpoforo.     Nave. 

Loppia  di  Bellagio.    Ruins  of  nave. 

Milan,  S.  Sepolcro. 

Mazzone,  S.  Maria  di  Xaula. 

Oleggio,  S.  INIichele. 

Pavia,  S.  Stefano.    Base  of  campanile. 

Palazzolo,  S.  Giustina. 

Pombia,  S.  Vincenzo. 

Sczze,  S.  Giustina. 

Spinairano  di  Cirie. 

Verona,  S.  Zeno.  Eastern  end  of  southern 
side  aisle.  Earlier  panels  of  bronze 
doors. 

Vicenza,  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato.  Lower 
part  of  apse,  piers  now  destroyed. 

Modena,  Cathedral.  Foundations  of  pre- 
existing basilica. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c.  1035 

c.  1035 

c.  1040 

c.  1040 

c.  1040 

C.1040 

c.  1040 

c.  1040 

c.1040 

1040 

c.  1040 

c.  1040 

c.1040 

c.  1040 

C.1041 

1043 

C.1045 

c.  1045 

c.  1045 

1045 

c.  1050 

c.  1050 

c.  1050 

C.1050 

c.  1050 

c.  1050 
c.1050 


Stradella. 

Susa,  Cathedral.     Romanesque  core,  lower 

part  of  campanile. 
Biella,  Battistero. 
Calvenzano.      Northern   absidiole,   core   of 

apse  and  four  eastern  bays. 
Casalino. 

Cirie.    Campanile. 

Novara,  Battistero.     Vault  and  cornice. 
Novara,  Duomo.     Campanile  and  vaults  of 

sacristy. 
Fiona,  S.  Nicolo. 
Sannazzaro  Sesia. 

S.  Pietro  di  Civ  ate. 

Sommacampagna. 

Tavernette,  S.  Giacomo. 

Tortona,  S.  Maria  Canale.     Certain  capi- 
tals. 

Ivrea,  S.  Stefano. 

Milan,  S.  Satiro.    Campanile. 

Fiona,  S.  jSIaria. 

Fombia,  S.  Vincenzo.    Narthex. 

S.  Fietro  di  Civate,  S.  Benedetto. 

S.  Zeno,  Verona.    Lower  part  of  campanile. 

Bardolino,  S.  Severo. 

Baveno.    Campanile. 

Brusasco.     Fiers. 

Lodi  Vecchio.     Lower  parts  of  nave  and 
choir. 

Sannazzaro    Sesia.      Lower    part   of   cam- 
panile. 

Sasso. 

Varallo  Fombia,  S.  Anna.    Campanile. 


XXV 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


C'.l  {).}() 

c.  10.55 
1060 
1065 

1067 

c.  1070 
c.  1070 
c.  1070 
c.  1070 
c.  1070 

1072 
1073 

c.  1075 

1075-C.1093 

C.1078 

1078 
1080 

c.  1080 

1083-1095 

1083 

1083 

c.  1085 
c.  1085 
c.  1085 
c.  1090 
1090 
c.  1090 
c.  1090 


Romanesque 
Begun   c. 


Viguzzolo. 

Curreggio,  Battistero. 
Mizzole,  S.  Micheletto. 
Verona,  S.  Fermo  Maggiore. 
basilica  begun. 

Acqui,    Cathedral    consecrated. 

1015. 
Castel  Seprio,  S.  Giovanni. 
Castel  Seprio,  S.  Paolo. 
Como,  S.  Carpoforo.    Campanile. 
Mongrando,  S.  Maria  del  Castello. 

Varallo  Pombia,  S.  Anna.     Fragments  of 
Romanesque  church. 

Gravedona,  S.  Vincenzo. 

Verona,  S.  Trinita.     Southern  absidiole. 

Sannazzaro  Sesia.    Campanile,  upper  part. 

Milan,  S.  Nazaro. 

Aversa,   Cathedral.     Xorthern  portal  and 

various  fragments. 
Cosio. 

Fontanella  al  INIonte.    Choir  begun. 
Lenno,  S.  Stefano.    Vaults  of  crypt. 
Badia  di  Vertemate. 

Monastero  di  Provaglio,    Fragment  of  apse. 
S.  Benedetto  di  Lenno. 
Campo  di  Lenno. 
Lenno,  Battistero. 
Oggiono,  Battistero. 
Casale,  Campanile. 

Fontanella  al  INIonte.    Choir  consecrated. 
ISIonastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte. 
Reggio  Emilia,  Duomo.    INIosaic. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


1091 

1092 

c.  1095 
C.1095 
c.  1095 

1095 

c.  1095 

c.  1095 

c.  1095 

1095 

c.  1095 

c.  1095 

1097 

1099-1106 

c.  1099 
1099 

c.  1100 

c.  1100 

c.  1100 
c.  1100 

c.llOO 
c.  1100 

C.llOO 
C.llOO 


Asti,  S.  Anastasio.    Part  of  crypt,  plan  and 

capitals  of  upper  church. 
Monte  veglio,    S.    Maria.      Fragments    of 

crj'jDt  and  northern  absidiole. 
Bellagio,  S.  Giacomo. 
Bologna,  S.  Pietro. 
Calvenzano.     Capitals  in  sacristy,  western 

bays,  sculptures  of  west  portal. 
Como,  S.  Abondio.    Church  consecrated. 
Corneto,  S.  Giacomo. 
Galliano,  S.  Vincenzo.    Pulpit. 
Isola  Comacina,  S.  Eufemia. 
Milan,     Chiesa     d'Aurona.       Fragments, 

Group  D. 
Ossuccio  di  Spurano,  S.  Giacomo. 
Pontida.    Fragments  of  tomb  of  S.  Alberto. 
Verona,  Cathedral,  S.  Maria  Matricolare. 
Modena,    Cathedral.      Fa9ade    sculptures; 

Porta  della  Pescheria  and  crypt,  both 

subsequently  altered. 
Rivolta  d'Adda. 
S.  Benedetto  di  Portesana. 
Abbazia    di    Sesto    Calende,    S.    Donato. 

Nave,  choir  and  campanile. 
Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo.    Pilfered  capitals 

and  bases. 
Acquanegra.     Mosaic  pavement. 
Bologna,  S.  Pietro.    Parts  of  sarcophagi  of 

S.  Agricola  and  S.  Vitale. 
Castelnuovo  Scrivia.     Certain  capitals. 
Cirie.     Southern  absidiole  and  arch  of  main 

arcade. 
Como,  S.  JNIargherita.     Portal  in  museum. 
Mariano,  Battistero.     Capitals. 


XXVll 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


1100 

c.  1100 

c.  1100 

c.  1100 

c.llOO 

c.llOO 

c.  1100 

1101-1106 

1101 

1102 

1104 

C.1105 

C.1105 

c.1105 

c.1105 

c.1105 

c.1105 

c.1105 

1106-C.1165 

C.1106 

1107 

1107-1117 

1107 

1108 

c.mo 

c.llio 

c.lllO 

jNIilan,  S.  Sepolcro.    Transept-ends. 

Monchio,  S.  Giulia. 

Pieve  Terzagni.    ^losaic. 

Renno. 

S.  Alberto  di  Pizzocorno. 

Sagra  S.  Michele,  Cappella  del  Cimitero. 

Verona,  SS.  Apostoli.    Campanile. 

Borgo   S.  Donnino.     lAinette  of  northern 

portal,  Simon  and  Berta. 
Nonantola,  S.  Michele. 
Abbazia  di  Sesto  Calende,  S.  Vincenzo. 
Roffeno-lNIusiolo. 
Brescia,  Duomo  Vecchio. 
Castellarano.     Crypt. 
Come,  S.  Giacomo. 
Corneto  Tarquinia,  Annunziata. 
I^Tca.  Cathedral.    JNIosaic,  cloisters,  western 

part  of  crypt,  side  aisles  of  choir. 
Loppia  di  Bellagio.    Campanile. 
Torino,  S.  Salutore.    Mosaic. 
Modena,  Cathedral.     Nave. 
Padova,  S.  Sofia.    Parts  of  eastern  half  of 

edifice. 

Casale  JNIonferrato.    Xave. 

Cremona,  Cathedral.  Mosaic  of  Campo 
Santo,  sculptures  of  Guglielmo,  nave 
and  choir  to  about  level  of  triforium. 

Piacenza,  S.  Savino.    Church  consecrated. 

Pieve  Trebbio. 

Aosta,  Cathedral.  Ambulatory  ( ?) ,  mosaic, 
western  part  of  crypt. 

Cemmo. 

Frassinoro.    Fragments  of  crypt. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c.lllO 

c.  1110 

C.lllO 

C.lllO 

C.lllO 

C.1112 

1112 

1114 

c.  1115 

c.  1115 

C.1115 

C.1115 

c.1115 

C.1115 

c.1115 

1117 

1117-1122 

1117 

C.1117 

1117 

c.  1120 

c.  1120 

c.1120 

c.1120 

1120 

c.  1120 

c.1120 

c.1120 

Reggio  Emilia,  S.  Tommaso.    Pavement. 

S.  Vitale  delle  Carpinete. 

Verona,  S.  Lorenzo. 

Verona,  S.  Procolo. 

Villa  d'Ossola,  S.  Bartolomeo. 

Milan,  S.  Nazaro.    Cupola. 

Milan,  S.  Stefano.  Respond  of  ancient 
atrium. 

Quarantoli.     Sculptures. 

Bellagio,  S.  Giacomo.    Ambo  sculptures. 

Como,  S.  Fedele. 

Corneto  Tarquinia,  S.  Giovanni.  North- 
eastern chapel. 

Lodi,  Cathedral.  Sculptures  of  Last  Sup- 
per and  ecclesiastics  brought  from  Lodi 
Vecchio. 

Mantova,  S.  Lorenzo. 

Priocca. 

Vaprio  d'Adda. 

Carpineti,  S.  Andrea. 

Castell'Arquato.     Pieve. 

S.  Pietro  di  Legnano. 

Parma,  Cathedral.  Transept  piers  and 
crypt. 

Verona,  S.  Trinita.    Narthex. 

Almenno  S.  Salvatore,  S.  Giorgio. 

Arsago,  S.  Vittore. 

Brescia,  S.  JMaria  del  Solario. 

Garbagnate  Monastero. 

Isola  della  Scala,  Chiesolina  della  Bastia. 

Isola  S.  Giulio.     Church  and  ambo. 

Maderno. 

INIignano. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c.  11-20 

c.irio 

c.  1120 

C-.  1120 

c.  1120 

c.  1120 

c.  1120 

c.  1120 

c.  1120 

1120 

c.  1120 

1121 

1121  f. 

1122-1132 

C.1123 

1123 

c.  1125 

C.1125 

C.1125 

c.1125 

1129 

;Milan,  S.  Babila. 

Milan,  S.  Eustorgio.    Parts  of  four  eastern 

bays  of  nave. 
]\Iodena,  Cathedral.     Porta  del  Principi. 
Monte  S.  Martino,  S.  JNIartino  in  Culmine. 
Pavia,  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo. 

Pavia,  S.  Stefano.  Remains  of  Lombard 
church. 

Portocomaro. 

Sagra  S.  Michele.    Porta  dello  Zodiaco. 

Verona,  S.  Stefano.  Facade,  cupola  and 
exterior  of  ambulatory. 

Verona,  S.  Zeno.    Campanile  above  podium. 

S.  Zaccaria  di  Rocca  Susella.  Eastern  por- 
tions. 

Corneto  Tarquinia.  S.  Maria  di  Castello 
begun. 

Nonantola.  Western  portal,  southern  side- 
aisle  wall,  western  bays  of  northern 
side  aisle,  piers  of  nave  and  crypt 
vaults. 

Piacenza,  Cathedral.  Interior  of  choir, 
transepts,  crossing  up  to  triforium 
level,  facade  sculptures. 

Padova,  S.  Sofia.  Parts  of  western  half  of 
edifice. 

Verona,  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte. 

Agrate  Conturbia,  Battistero. 

Novara,   Duomo.      Mosaic    and    destroyed 

cathedral. 
S.  Fermo  di  Sopra. 
Sasso.     Sculptures. 
Bonate  di  Sotto.    S.  Giulia. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


1129-1141 

1129 

c.  1129 

c.  1130 

C.1130 

C.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

.   c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.  1130-1150 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

c.1130 

1132 

1133 

1134-1136 

1134-1160 

c.1135 

Cremona,  Cathedral.  Upper  portions  ex- 
cept vaults,  sculptures  of  north  tran- 
sept. 

Milan,  S.  Giorgio  in  Palazzo. 

Pavia,  S.  Maria  in  Betlem. 

Abbazia  di  Sesto  Calende,  S.  Donato. 
Narthex. 

Almenno  S.  Salvatore,  JSIadonna  del  Cas- 
tello.    Ambo  and  vaults. 

Arsago,  Battistero. 

Bedero  Valtrovaglia,  S.  Vittore. 

Brusasco.     Eastern  portions. 

Castelletto  d'Orba. 

Cascina  S.  Trinita. 

Cavana.    Narthex. 

Fontanella  al  Monte.     Nave. 

]\Iarne,  S.  Bartolomeo. 

Mergozzo,  S.  Marta. 

JNIonastero  di  Provaglio.  Campanile  and 
eastern  bays  of  northern  side  aisle. 

Montefiascone,  S.  Flaviano. 

Pallanza,  S.  Remigio. 

Parma,  Cathedral.  Body  of  edifice  up  to 
vaulting  capitals. 

Pavia,  S.  Maria  del  Popolo. 

Pavia,  SS.  Primo  e  Feliciano. 

Pieve  di  Novi  Ligure. 

Rubbiano. 

Pavia,  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro.  Church  con- 
secrated. 

Aosta,  S.  Orso.    Cloister. 

Abbazia  di  Albino.    Choir. 

Aversa,  Cathedral.    Ambulatory. 

Baveno,  SS.  Gervasio  e  Protasio. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c. 

1135 

c. 

1135 

c. 

1135 

c. 

1135 

1135 

1135 

c. 

1135 

c. 

1135 

c. 

1135 

1135-c. 

1150 

c 

1135 

c. 

1135 

c 

1135 

c 

1136 

c 

1137 

1137 

1137 

1138 

1139 

1139-c 

.1153 

c 

1140 

c 

1140 

c 

lUO 

Baveno,  Battistero. 

Bologna,  S.  Sepolcro.    Cubic  capitals. 

Bologna,  S.  Stefano.  Lower  gallery  of 
cloister. 

Borgo  S.  Donnino.  North  and  south  por- 
tals and  fifth  respond  from  west  of 
soutliern  side  aisle. 

Chiaravalle  begun. 

Ferrara.  Sculptures  and  lower  part  of  west 
facade. 

Gravedona,  S.  Maria  del  Tiglio. 

Milan,  S.  Eustorgio.  Parts  of  four  western 
bays  of  nave. 

Pavia,  S.  Teodoro. 

Piacenza,  Cathedral.  Side  aisles  and  nave 
up  to  triforium  level. 

S.  Pancrazio. 

Tiglieto,  S.  Maria. 

S.  Zeno  di  Castelletto. 

Pavia,  S.  Lanfranco. 

Pavia,  S.  Lanfranco.    Campanile. 

Bergamo,  S.  Maria  ^Nlaggiore.  Choir  and 
transepts  in  part. 

Verona,  S.  Fermo  ]Maggiore.  Romanesque 
basilica  consecrated. 

Verona,  S.  Zeno.  Facade  with  sculptures, 
later  panels  of  bronze  doors. 

]Milan,  Chiesa  Rossa. 

Verona,  Cathedral.    Portals. 

Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo.     Core  of  edifice. 

Calvenzano.  Buttresses  and  cornice  of  cen- 
tral apse  and  cornice  of  west  bay,  north 
clearstory. 

Casale.    ^Mosaics. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c.  1140 

C.1140 

c.  1140 

c.1140 

c.1140 

c.1140 

c.1140 

c.1140 

c.1140 

c.1140 

c.1140 

1140 

1142 

C.1142 

1143 

C.1145 

C.1145 

c.1145 

C.1145 

c.1145 

c.1145 

c.1145 

c.1145 

1148 

1148 

1148 

0.1150 

C.1150 

c.1150 

c.1150 

Cavagnolo. 

Cerreto  begun. 

Isola  Comacina,  SS.  Faustino  e  Giovita. 

Milan,  S.  Babila,    Cupola. 

Montechiaro  d'Asti,  S.  Nazario. 

Pessano  di  Bollengo. 

Rocca  S.  Maria. 

S.    Ilario   di   Baganza.      Central   bay   and 
sculptures. 

S.    Zaccaria   di   Rocca    Susella.      Western 
portions. 

Rosignano  Monferrato. 

Tronzano,  S.  Pietro. 

Verona,  S.  Elena. 

Abbazia  di  Albino.    Nave  consecrated. 

Bologna,  S.  Croce  and  Atrio  di  Pilato. 

Porcile,  Madonna  della  Stra. 

Chiaravalle  della  Colomba  begun. 

Como,  S.  Carpoforo.     Choir. 

Dongo.     Nave. 

Gallarate,  S.  Pietro. 

Mont'  Orfano. 

Montechiarugolo,  S.  Felicola.     Church. 

Montemagno,  S.  Vittore. 

Panico. 

Reggio  Emilia,  S.  Prospero.    Mosaics. 

Vercelli,  S.  JNIaria  Maggiore. 

Villanova.    Lower  part  of  campanile. 

Bologna,  Confessi. 

Casale.    Narthex. 

Cortazzone  d'Asti. 

Marentino. 


Fragments. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c.llSO 


C.1150 

C.1150 

c.1150 

c.1150 

c.  1150-C.1165 

0.1150 

c.  n 

)0-c.  11(50 

1151 

1151 

1154 

1154 

C.1155 

1157 

C.1160 

c.  1160 

c.lKiO 

c.llGO 

c.1160 

c.1160 

c.1160 

1160 

1162 
1164 
1164 

c.  1165-1185 


^Milan,  S.  Simpliciano.     Romanesque  frag- 
ments in  apse,  cupola  and  transepts. 

Montafia.    Apse. 

Montiglio,  S.  Lorenzo. 

iSIuceno,  JNIadonna  del  Marzo. 

Pavia,  S.  Eusebio.    Vaults  of  crypt. 

Piacenza,  Cathedral.     Coating  of  apse. 

S.  Michele  di  Castelvetro. 

Verona,  S.  Zeno.    Eastern  bays  of  nave. 

Aosta,  S.  Orso.    Campanile. 

S.  Benedetto  Po.    jMosaic  of  Oratorio  di  S. 
INIartino. 

Santhia.     Crypt. 

Vicenza,  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato.     Upper 
part  of  apse. 

Castell'Alfero. 

Pavia,  S.  Lazaro. 

Asti,  S.  Pietro. 

Bologna,  S.  Sepolcro. 

Brescia,  S.  Salvatore.    Western  portion  of 
crypt. 

Corneto,  S.  Pancrazio. 

Denzano.    Apse. 

Pianezza,  S.  Pietro. 

S.   Giorgio  di   Valpolicella.     Cloister   and 
belfry  of  campanile. 

Vicenza,   SS.   Felice   e   Fortunato.      Cam- 
panile. 

Parma,  Cathedral.    Vaults. 
Vercelli,  S.  Bernardo. 
Verona,  S.  Giovanni  in  Valle. 
Corneto,  S.  Francesco. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c.  1165 

c. 1165-1175 

C.1165 

1167 

1167-1184 

1167 

c.  1170 
1171 

1171 


c. 

1175 

■c.  1200 
c.  1175 

c. 

1175 

■c.  1200 

1176 
1177 
1178 

1178 

1178 

1179 
1179 

c.  1180 
c.  1180 

c.  1180 


Corneto,  S.  Giovanni.  Central  chapel, 
north  side. 

Piacenza,  Cathedral.  Exterior  ornament 
and  galleries,  flanks  of  nave. 

Tortona,  S.  Maria  Canale. 

Cremona,  Battistero. 

Modena,  Cathedral.  Campanile,  subse- 
quently altered. 

Villanova.    Existing  church. 

Bologna,  S.  Sepolcro.    Sculptures  of  ambo. 

Milan,  S.  Simpliciano.  Western  portal  and 
responds  of  narthex. 

Piacenza,  S.  Antonino.  Northern  portal 
and  sculptures. 

Sagra  S.  Michele.  Apse  and  eastern  por- 
tions of  nave. 

Serravalle,  Battistero. 

Verona,  S.  Zeno.  Cloister,  clearstor}-  of 
nave,  font,  rose-window. 

Viboldone.     Choir. 

Ferrara.     Flanks. 

Parma,  Cathedral.  Sculpture  of  Deposi- 
tion. 

S.  Ruffillo  di  Bologna,  S.  Vittore.  Church 
consecrated.    In  construction  1164. 

Verona,  S.  Zeno.  Upper  belfry  of  cam- 
panile. 

Piacenza,  S.  Antonino.     Central  tower. 

Vicenza,  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunate.  Upper 
part  of  apse. 

Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo.    Choir. 

Bologna,  S.  Stefano.  Upper  gallerj^  of 
cloister. 

Casorso. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c.  1180 
c.  1180 

1180 
C-.  1180 
c.  1180 
c.  1180 
c.  1180 

1183 

1184-1190 

1184 
c.  1185 
c.  1185 

c.  1185 

1185 

c.  1185 

c.  1185-1187-1 193 

(".1185 
1186 
1187 

1187 

1188 

1189 

c.  1190 

C.1190 


Frassinoro.    Fragments  of  cloisters. 

Lodi.    Western  portal. 

Rivalta  Scrivia  begun. 

S.  Ruffillo  di  Bologna,  S.  Vittore.    Cloisters. 

Vezzolano.     West  gallery  of  cloister. 

Viarigi,  S.  ISIarziano. 

Voltorre.    North  gallery  of  cloister. 

Castelnuovo  Scrivia.  Portal,  certain  capi- 
tals, etc. 

Borgo  S.  Donnino.  Facade  and  sculptures 
of  Benedetto. 

Carpi. 

Albugnano,  S.  Pietro  al  Cimitero. 

Castell'Arquato.  Sculptures  of  portal  and 
ambo. 

iNIilan,  S.  Eustorgio.  Vaults  and  parts  of 
nave. 

Monteveglio,  S.  IMaria. 

Parma,  Cathedral.  Zodiac  sculptures,  area 
and  ambo  capitals. 

Verona,  Cathedral.  Apse,  etc.,  and  clois- 
ters. 

Voghera,  Chiesa  Rossa, 

iNIorimondo  begim. 

Bergamo,  S.  jNIaria  Maggiore.  Nave  and 
transepts  in  part. 

Varese,  S.  Giovanni.  Entire  building,  in- 
cluding font. 

Ranverso,  S.  Antonio. 

Vezzolano  completed. 

Brebbia. 

Cremona,  Cathedral.  Vaults  of  nave  and 
side  aisles. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  CHART 


c 

1190 

c 

1190 

c 

1190 

c 

1190 

c 

1190 

1194 

c 

1195 

c 

1195 

c 

1195 

c 

1195 

1196-1207 

1196 

1196 

c 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1200 

c. 

1210 

c. 

1220 

Crescenzago. 
Gazzo  Veronese. 

Lodi.    Remains  of  Romanesque  church. 
Verona,  S.  Trinita.    Xorthern  absidiole  and 
apse. 

Voltorre.  South  and  east  galleries  of  clois- 
ter. 

Verona,  SS.  AjDostoli.    Apse. 

Cremona,  S.  Lorenzo. 

S.  Pietro  di  Civate.     Stucco  decorations. 

Viboldone.     Nave. 

Voltorre.     West  gallery  of  cloister. 

Borgo  S.  Donnino.  Church,  except  vaults 
and  some  sculptures. 

Chiaravalle.    Western  bays  of  nave. 

Parma,  Battistero  begun. 

Bardone.    Fragments  of  sculpture. 

Brusasco.    Western  bay. 

Careno. 

Cremona,  S.  Michele.    Choir  and  apse. 

Fornovo  Taro.    Narthex  and  sculptures.    * 

Ganaceto.     Apses. 

Montechiarugolo,  S.  Felicola.     Cloisters. 

Roncoscaglia. 

Verona,  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte.    Font. 

Vicofertile. 

Bergamo,  S.  Maria  Maggiore.  Southern 
portal. 

Berceto. 


XXXVll 


LOMBARD   ARCHITECTURE 


VOLUME   I 


Lombard  Architecture 


INTRODUCTION 

CHAPTER  I.    BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  FOREWORD 

Although  the  bibliography  of  Lombard  architecture  is 
already  an  exceedingly  long  one,  and  increasing  so  rapidly  that 
within  a  few  years,  if  the  present  rate  of  growth  be  maintained, 
it  must  inevitably  reach  such  proportions  that  it  will  be  impossible 
for  any  one  man  to  cover  the  entire  field,  there  have  been,  never- 
theless, as  a  glance  at  the  bibliography  at  the  end  of  this  volume 
will  show,  remarkably  few  attempts  at  a  synthetic  analysis  of 
the  stjde.  Before  the  XIX  century  none  at  all  was  made.  The 
scholars  of  the  XVI,  XVII  and  XVIII  centuries  took  little 
interest  in  mediaeval  art  for  itself,  and  concerned  themselves  not 
at  all  with  questions  relating  to  the  development  and  growth  of 
an  architecture  considered  barbarous  and  uncouth.  When  thej^ 
touched  upon  the  mediteval  monuments,  it  was  generally  to 
illustrate  some  point  connected  with  local  history.  They  treated 
of  them  very  rarely  in  an  archaeological  spirit,  almost  never  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  history  of  art.  The  modern  student  will 
refer  constantly  and  with  profit  to  the  works  of  Lupi,  Allegranza, 
Castiglione,  Giulini,  Campi,  Poggiali,  Affo  and  Tatti,  but  it  will 
be  always  in  search  of  documentary  evidence  of  some  sort — either 
historical  documents  or  facts,  or  descriptions  of  buildings  that 
have  been  destroyed  or  ruined  by  restoration.  He  will  turn  their 
pages  in  vain  seeking  for  information  upon  the  chronological  or 
artistic  development  of  the  architecture  of  the  INIiddle  Ages. 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

The  dim  and  vague  impression  of  mediaeval  art  with  w^hich 
these  earlier  antiquarians  were  fully  satisfied  seems  to  have  been 
derived  almost  entirely  from  the  work  of  Puricelli  upon  the 
monuments  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  ]Milan,  published  in  164.5.  This 
book  is  a  production  of  remarkable  erudition,  which  for  depth  of 
learning,  soundness  of  scholarship  and  penetrating  intuition  holds 
a  high  rank  among  the  historical  works,  not  only  of  the  XVII, 
but  of  all  centuries.  Nevertheless,  Puricelli  initiated  a  great 
misconception  destined  to  lead  scholars  astray  until  even  our 
own  day.  In  the  church  of  S.  Ambrogio  there  is  still  extant  the 
epitaph  of  the  bishop  Ansperto,  who  died  in  the  year  881.  This 
inscription  records,  among  the  other  good  works  of  the  deceased, 
the  construction  of  an  atrium.  Puricelli  jumped  to  the  erroneous 
conclusion  that  the  atrium  which  now  stands  before  the  church 
of  S.  Ambrogio  was  the  atrium  referred  to  in  the  epitaph.  Until 
the  XIX  century,  all  historians  who  thought  about  the  question 
at  all,"  seem  to  have  taken  their  point  of  departure  from  the 
incorrect  premise  that  the  atrium  of  S.  Ambrogio  dated  from 
the  IX  century. 

The  earliest  attempt  worthj-^  of  the  name  to  form  a  synthetic 
conception  of  the  medieval  Italian  style  was  that  of  Seroux 
d'Agincourt,  who  published  his  history  of  art  in  six  volumes  in 
1823.  His  description  of  the  Romanesque  period,  it  is  true,  is 
fundamentally  erroneous,  and  his  book  is  to-day  valuable  chiefly 
for  tracing  the  changes  which  monuments  have  undergone  in  the 
century  that  has  elapsed  since  its  publication.  The  work  never- 
theless marks  a  new  era  in  that  it  is  a  conscientious  attempt  to 
study  mediaeval  architecture  in  an  historical  spirit.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year,  1824,  the  new  point  of  view  appeared  in  Italy  in  the 
form  of  a  monograph  upon  the  church  of  S.  Ambrogio  by 
Ferrario.  This  is  the  earliest  architectural  monograph,  in  the 
modern  sense  of  the  word,  to  be  written  upon  a  Lombard 
church — the  first  of  a  long  and  notable  series. 

It  was  five  years  later,  however,  or  in  1829,  that  Lombard 
architecture  began  to  be  studied  really  in  the  modern  spirit.    A 

iThe  one  exception  was  Torre  (177),  who  assigned  the  atrium  to  the  correct  date, 
possibly  on  the  strength  of  documentary  evidence  which  has  now  been  lost. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  FOREWORD 

competition  organized  by  a  learned  society  of  Brescia  in  1829 
inspired  the  production  of  two  books  of  the  greatest  importance. 
The  first,  to  which  was  awarded  the  prize,  was  written  by  the 
Brescian  Cordero,  an  archaeologist  who  had  derived  from  De 
Caumont  a  good  sense  of  architectural  style  and  a  scientific 
method.  To  him  belongs  the  glory  of  having  been  the  first  to 
recognize  that  many  edifices  which  had  been  believed  to  date 
from  the  VIII  and  IX  centuries  were  in  reality  of  the  XI  and 
XII  centuries.  This  great  advance  over  Seroux  d'Agincourt 
gives  him  ample  claim  to  forgiveness  for  many  mistakes  and 
lapses  of  judgment."  Moreover,  he  anticipated  Rivoira  in 
holding  that  Norman  architecture  was  derived  from  Lombardy.' 

Cordero's  competitors,  the  brothers  Sacchi  of  Pavia,  pub- 
lished a  book  which,  although  it  failed  to  win  the  prize,  obtained 
greater  popularity  than  that  of  Cordero.  Pavia  had  formerly 
been  the  capital  of  the  Lombard  kings  by  whom  many  of  her 
churches  were  founded.  It  was  therefore  a  natural  induction 
that  the  many  mediaeval  buildings  there  preserved  were  the 
actual  edifices  erected  in  the  VII  and  VIII  centuries.  Although 
based  on  this  fundamental  error,  the  work  of  the  Sacchi  is  in 
detail  more  conscientious  and  more  exhaustive  than  that  of 
Cordero,  and  to-day  is  still  of  value,  especially  for  determining 
the  condition  of  buildings  in  the  early  part  of  the  XIX  century. 

For  fifty  years  the  weight  of  critical  opinion  inclined 
strongly  to  favour  the  thesis  of  the  Sacchi  as  against  that  of 
Cordero.  Whatever  was  written  upon  Lombard  architecture 
in  this  period  was  pretty  apt  to  be  based  upon  the  assumption 
that  the  churches  of  Pavia  dated  from  the  VIII  century,  and 
S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan  from  the  IX  century.  Little  progress 
was  made  in  the  synthetic  analysis  of  the  style,  although  as  early 
as  1856  Clericetti  anticipated  the  two  principal  theses  of  Rivoira, 
i.e.,  first  that  the  churches  of  Ravenna  are  earlier  than  the 
churches  of  Constantinople  and  hence  prototypes,  rather  than 

2  For  example,  he  assigns  the  tomb  of  Theodoric  at  Ravenna,  S.  Giovanni  of 
Florence,  S.  Fredlano  and  S.  Michele  of  Lucca,  all  to  the  same  epoch  (13).  See  also 
the  long  discussion  of  Arab  architecture  and  its  influence  in  the  West. 

3  157. 

3 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

derivatives,  of  the  Byzantine  monuments ;  and,  secondljs  that  the 
Lombard  style  was  introduced  into  northern  Europe  through 
the  constructions  of  S.  Gugliehno  at  Dijon.  Clericetti  seems  to 
have  had  singularly  little  sym|)athy  for  tlie  Ivombard  style  which 
he  calls  '^I'artc  piu  go/fa  c  ridicola  iiscita  dalle  mani  dcU'uomo"; 
nevertheless,  notwithstanding  numerous  errors,  he  studied  the 
style  with  critical  acumen,  and  comjjiled  the  first  list  of  Lombard 
monuments,  embracing  in  all  some  thirty-one  buildings. 

From  18.5(>  to  1882  was  published  the  great  work  of  De 
Dartein,  illustrating  the  L()ml)ard  monuments  by  means  of  a 
folio  volume  of  text  and  an  atlas  in  great  folio  with  superbly 
engraved  plates.  De  Dartein's  drawings  were,  and  are,  and 
probably  always  will  be,  the  nee  plus  ultra  of  measured  drawings. 
So  conscientiously  are  they  made,  that  in  them  may  be  traced  all 
the  irregularities  and  asymmetries  discovered  by  Professor 
Goodyear,  although  the  idea  of  media?val  refinements  was 
entirely  unknown  to  De  Dartein  at  the  time  the  drawings  were 
executed.  In  the  measurements  I  have  taken  in  Ijombard 
churches  I  have  had  occasion  time  and  again  to  verify  the 
drawings  of  De  Dartein,  and  I  have  invariably  found  them 
of  unimpeachable  accuracy.  Ui'ifortunatelj^  the  text  of  the  work 
is  far  from  being  so  remarkable  as  the  atlas.  Gifted  with  a 
personality  of  peculiar  charm,  De  Dartein  seems  to  liave  made 
a  social  conquest  of  the  leading  arch;eologists  of  northern  Italy. 
From  these  friends  he  gathered  all  the  information  they  were 
able  to  give  him,  and  transcribed  it  in  his  text  with  the  same 
phenomenal  exactitude  with  which  he  transcribed  measurements 
in  his  drawings.  The  value  of  the  text,  therefore,  depends  very 
largely  upon  the  value  of  the  informant  from  whom  any  par- 
ticular part  is  derived,  for  De  Dartein  does  not  appear  to  have 
contributed  much  that  was  new  nor  original  in  regard  to 
docunuiitary  evidence  or  synthetic  analysis.  jNIost  of  his  inform- 
ants, like  Landriani  and  Barelli,  belonged  to  the  Puricelli- 
Sacchi  school.  Through  the  work  of  De  Dartein,  therefore,  since 
this  book  acquired  a  reputation  even  in  excess  of  its  merits,  the 
question  of  the  chronolog}^  of  Lombard  architecture  became  only 
more  perplexing  and  confused. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  FOREWORD 

In  1888,  however,  appeared  the  work  of  Raffaele  Cattaneo, 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  achievements  ever  produced  in  the  realm 
of  artistic  criticism,  and  worthy  to  rank  beside  the  productions 
of  ]Morelli.  Written  by  a  young  man  still  in  his  twenties, 
abounding  in  errors  and  inexactitudes  of  detail,  this  book  never- 
theless by  a  few  sharp,  incisive  strokes,  at  once  destroyed  the  work 
of  the  critics  who  had  been  building  for  centuries  upon  false 
foundations.  It  was  natural,  however,  that  the  archaeologists 
who  saw  their  laboriously  erected  theories  brought  crashing  about 
their  heads  by  one  blow  of  genius,  should  turn  all  their  weapons  of 
polemic  and  enmity  against  the  young  man  who  had  the  presump- 
tuous daring  to  see  the  truth.  Cattaneo's  early  death  offered  the 
opportunity  to  men  like  Luca  Beltrami  to  do,  without  fear  of 
reprisal,  what  they  could  to  attack  the  young  archfeologist's 
reputation.  For  a  moment  it  seemed  as  if  the  reactionaries  might 
carry  the  day;  but  the  dead  iconoclast  found  a  supporter  in 
Rivoira,  who  reiterated  with  emphasis  and  far  more  profound 
scholarship,  the  great  thesis  of  Cattaneo. 

Rivoira  greatly  enlarged  the  outlook  upon  Lombard  archi- 
tecture, calling  attention  to  numerous  monuments  until  his  day 
unknown.  Only  one  who  has  had  long  experience  with  the 
inaccessibility  of  Lombard  churches  can  appreciate  the  patience 
and  enthusiasm  which  must  have  been  required  to  write  this  work 
at  a  time  when  automobiles  were  still  unknown.  The  difficulties 
under  wliich  the  author  laboured  were,  moreover,  increased  by 
the  fact  that  his  book  treated  only  in  part  of  Lombard  archi- 
tecture, being  concerned  as  well  with  the  origins  of  the  Lombard 
style  in  the  Byzantine  and  Roman  periods,  and  the  influence  of 
the  Lombard  style  upon  the  architecture  of  northern  Europe. 
The  latter  question,  one  of  absorbing  interest,  can  only  be  dis- 
cussed intelligenth'  when  the  chronological  development  of  the 
architecture  of  northern  Italy  and  that  of  northern  Europe  as  well 
have  been  accurately  determined.  Unfortunately,  at  the  time 
Rivoira  wrote,  this  had  been  done  only  for  the  very  small  territory 
comprised  in  the  Ile-de-France.  Xor  can  Rivoira's  own  efforts 
to  establish  the  chronology-  of  the  Lombard  style  be  considered 
successful.    Since  the  publication  of  his  book  as  before,  the  most 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

divergent  and  contradictory  opinions  have  continued  to  be 
expressed  upon  the  question.  While  Venturi  and  the  best  of 
the  younger  generation  of  archa?ologists,  such  as  ]Monneret  de 
A^iUard,  Tcsti  and  Biscaro,  have  in  the  main  followed  Kivoira, 
Beltrami  has  still  continued  to  protest  that  S.  Ambrogio  dates 
from  the  IX  centurj^  and  Sant'Ambrogio,  Enlart  and  Toschi 
to  go  to  the  other  extreme,  assigning  monuments  of  the  XI  and 
XII  centuries  to  the  XIII  century. 

A  definitive  synthetic  analysis  of  Lombard  architecture, 
therefore,  remains  to  be  made,  and  it  is  this  which — I  hope  not 
presumptuously — I  have  undertaken.  So  far  as  I  am  aware, 
no  other  l?omanesque  style  offers  so  great  a  wealth  of  surely 
dated  monuments.  ISIany  of  these  monuments  have  hitherto 
never  been  described,  and  of  numerous  others  the  documents 
establishing  their  dates  have  either  never  been  pubhshed,  or  have 
been  to  be  found  only  in  local  histories  inaccessible  in  the  principal 
hbraries  even  of  Italy.  It  has  been  my  purpose  to  bring  together 
a  description  of  as  many  of  the  Lombard  monuments  as  I  was 
able — I  am  well  aware  that  many  have  escaped  me — together 
with  the  documents  bearing  upon  their  architectural  history. 
From  a  comparison  of  the  documents  and  the  architectural  style, 
it  has  been  possible  to  date  with  precision  and  with  certainty  a 
large  number  of  monuments.  These  are  the  ones  of  which  the 
dates  are  printed  in  heavier  type  in  the  chronological  chart  which 
precedes  this  volume.  The  documentary  evidence  may  be  found 
in  each  case  by  reference  to  the  list  of  monimients  in  the  second 
and  tliird  volumes.  These  monuments  of  authenticated  date  were 
sufficiently  numerous  to  leave  no  doubt  in  regard  to  the  chrono- 
logical development  of  the  style,  and  it  soon  became  evident  that 
it  was  possible  to  determine  the  date  of  a  monument  for  which 
no  documents  were  extant  merely  by  an  inspection  of  its  archi- 
tectural style  and  a  careful  comparison  with  monuments  the 
date  of  which  had  already  been  determined.  In  the  chronological 
chart  monuments  to  which  dates  have  been  assigned  thus,  merely 
on  internal  evidence,  are  printed  with  dates  in  lighter  type.  That 
this  method  of  assigning  dates  may  be  relied  upon  with  entire 
confidence,  I  have  proved  to  my  own  satisfaction  in  several  cases 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  FOREWORD 

where,  after  I  had  assigned  a  monument  to  a  given  date  on  its 
style,  documentary  evidence  estabhshing  the  time  of  construction 
subsequently  came  to  light.  In  no  instance  was  the  date  as 
determined  bj^  the  documents  separated  by  more  than  five  years 
from  the  date  which  I  had  previously  determined  upon  internal 
evidence  alone. 

Taking  together  the  monuments  of  authenticated  date  and 
those  to  wlaich  dates  may  be  assigned,  by  the  comparative  method, 
we  have,  as  a  glance  at  the  chronological  chart  will  show,  a 
splendid  series  of  monuments  amply  sufficient  to  determine,  even 
to  small  details,  the  historj'  of  the  Lombard  style  during  the  XI 
and  XII  centuries.  Monuments  previous  to  the  year  1000  are, 
it  is  true,  more  scarce  and  also  less  well  preserved;  but  yet  there 
are  quite  enough  to  give  a  clear  idea  of  the  development  of  the 
stjde  until  as  far  back  as  the  VIII  century. 

A  synthetic  analysis  of  the  style,  based  ujjon  these  monu- 
ments, breaks  many  cherished  illusions.  I  have  myself  been 
obliged  to  abandon  favourite  theories  one  after  another.  In 
archaeological  work,  the  temptation  to  make  facts  fit  the  theory 
is  so  great  that  it  costs  a  real  struggle  to  follow  the  contrary 
process.  It  is  a  trite  saying,  however,  that  the  truth  is  stranger 
than  fiction;  and  from  the  ruins  of  shattered  misconceptions  the 
Lombard  style  emerges,  it  seems  to  me,  more  interesting,  more 
worthy  of  study  and  certainlj-  more  beautiful. 


CHAPTER  II.    MASTER-BUILDERS 

Before  beginning  the  study  of  Lombard  buildings,  it  will 
be  well  to  form  some  idea  of  the  corporation  of  masons  by  whom 
the  construction  was  executed,  and  the  more  so  because  several 
fantastic  theories,  founded  principally  upon  conjecture,  have 
led  to  the  belief  that  the  district  of  Como  was  the  centre  from 
which  radiated  architectural  influences  during  the  Romanesque 
period. 

The  facts  are  so  few  and  simple  that  it  is  amazing  they 
should  have  been  able  to  inspire  such  long  flights  of  imagination. 
It  is  certain  that  in  Roman  times  the  building  trades  were  closely 
organized  into  a  body  which,  whether  or  not  it  technically  formed 
a  collegium,  nevertheless  offers  so  many  analogies  to  the  medieval 
corporation  of  the  masons  that  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  latter 
must  have  been  more  or  less  directly  derived  from  its  classical 
prototype.'  In  Roman  times  the  head  builder  was  called 
generall)'  architectus,  but  sometimes  also  7n agister.' 

The  barbarians  swept  down  into  Italy,  and  the  question 
arises,  what  happened  to  the  building  trades?  Since  the  Lom- 
bards possessed  no  architecture  of  their  own,  it  is  almost  certain 
that  they  were  dependent  upon  the  conquered  Romans  for  what 
building  was  done.  Beyond  this  inference  we  know  but  little, 
since  the  monuments  are  silent,  and  the  documents  ambiguous. 
Isidore  of  Seville,  a  Spaniard,  who  wrote  in  the  early  part  of 
the  VII  century,  treated  at  length  of  the  art  of  architecture.  It 
is  evident,  however,  that  his  work  is  little  but  a  compilation  of 
earlier  authors,  and  that  he  possessed  slight  practical  knowledge 
of  building  as  performed  in  his  own  time.^     He  apparently  did 

1  On  this  question  see  especially  the  admirable  study  of  Carlo  Promis ;  Cholsy, 
Byzantins,  17G;  Orlando,  and  Venturi,  II,  116-122. 

-  See  the  study  of  Promis  cited  above. 

3  See  the  Etymologiarum,  XV,  Cap.  2  f.,  6,  7,  8,  9,  10,  11,  12;  XVI,  Cap.  S;  XVIII, 
28  f.,  43  f.;  XIX,  9,  10,  11,  13,  17,  18,  19,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat..  LXXXII,  536  f.     Isidore 

8 


MASTER-BUILDERS 

not  know  the  word  magister  as  applied  to  a  head  builder,  since 
he  gives  to  the  term  merely  the  general  definition  of  "higher  in 
station."* 

The  Lombard  king  Rotari  (636-652)  promulgated  a  set  of 
laws  in  favour  of  the  builders."^  It  seems  clear  that  the  object 
was  to  offer  special  protection  to  the  building  trade.  This 
document  is  famous  chiefly  because  the  term  magistri  comacini 
is  used  to  denote  the  builders.  The  expression  is,  perhaps,  no 
more  obscure  than  many  others  in  the  exceedingly  difficult 
document,  but  it  has  given  rise  to  much  discussion.  While  Pertz 
tried  to  derive  comacini  from  macina,  meaning  a  sort  of  scaffold- 
ing," other  authorities  were  convinced  that  the  word  was  the  same 
that  has  survived  to  our  own  day  in  the  proper  name  Isola 
Comacina,  and  that  it  was  an  adjective  meaning  "of  Como."  It 
is  known  that  the  Isola  Comacina,  the  only  island  in  the  lake 

speaks  at  length  of  types  of  buildings  which  certainly  were  not  erected  in  his  time, 
such  as,  for  example,  the  gymnasium,  the  curia,  the  praetorium,  the  capitolium,  the 
circus,  the  theatre,  the  amphitheatre,  baths,  etc.  He  also  discusses  marbles  which 
could  not  have  been  in  use  in  Spain  in  the  VII  century.  In  speaking  of  sacred  build- 
ings, however,  he  enumerates  oratorium,  monasterium,  ccenobium,  fans,  basilica, 
pulpituTn,  etc.,  and  shows  information  which  it  is  improbable  he  could  have  derived 
from  any  previous  author.  His  knowledge  of  the  building  customs  of  his  own  time 
must  therefore  have  entered,  at  least  to  a  certain  extent,  into  his  work. 

*  Magister,  major  in  statione,  nam  artpphv  Graece  statio  dicitur.  {Etymologiarum, 
X,  171,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  385).  The  word  architectus  is  used  in  the 
Sanctorum  Nazzarii  et  Ceisi  Martyrum  Passio,  ed.  Mombrizio,  ed.  1910,  II,  327.  Indeed, 
the  term  continued  in  use  occasionally  throughout  the  Middle  Ages.  Thus  it  appears 
about  the  middle  of  the  XI  century  in  the  Itinerarium  Leonis  (Ahh6  Poussin,  Mono- 
grapkie  de  I'Abbaye  et  de  I'Eglise  de  St.-Remi  de  Reims.  Reims,  Lemoin-Canart,  1857, 
p.  105) ;  in  another  document  of  the  XI  century  cited  below,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  84,  in  connection 
with  S.  Michele  of  Nonantola;  in  Salimbene  (ad  annum  1250,  ed.  Parma,  1857,  p.  169), 
and  in  numerous  other  documents  which  might  be  mentioned.  In  the  Relatio  Trans- 
lationis  Corporis  Sancti  Geminiani,  which  dates  from  the  XII  century,  the  word 
architector  is  used  (see  citation  below.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  14),  and  also  in  the  miniatures 
with  which  the  codex  is  illustrated  (Plate  141,  Fig.  3).  The  fact  seems  to  be  that  the 
term  magister  was  the  one  in  common  use  during  the  Middle  Ages.  Architectus  was 
the  bookish  word  affected  by  writers  who  had  come  in  contact  either  directly  or 
indirectly  with  the  classics.  Magister,  like  its  English  derivative,  master,  might  of 
course  denote  many  other  things  besides  a  master-builder.  In  mediaeval  trade  corpora- 
tions it  was  regularly  used  to  denote  the  highest  of  the  three  grades  of  members,  the 
lower  ones  being  those  of  the  apprentices  and  labourers. 

5  Published  by  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  I,  pt.  2,  25. 

6  M.  G.  H.,  Leges,  IV,  176.  If  one  were  obliged  to  find  an  explanation  of  the 
term,  I  should  be  inclined  to  suggest  that  it  miglit  be  a  corruption  of  collegini,  meaning 
members  of  a  collegium.    Cf.  collega,  often  used  in  the  laws. 

9 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

of  Como,  was  frequently  the  last  resort  of  refugees  in  the  time 
of  invasion.  By  an  easy  flight  of  fancy,  therefore,  it  was 
conjectured  that  there  all  the  masons  from  the  entire  Roman 
world  had  taken  refuge  from  the  I^omhards.  Protected  by  the 
barbarian  kings,  it  was  imagined  that  they  soon  formed  them- 
selves into  a  secret  corporation,  and  that  for  long  centuries  Como 
continued  to  be  the  centre  from  which  all  Italy,  nay,  all  Europe, 
derived  its  builders  and  masons.  All  this  is  founded  solely  upon 
the  exceedingly  doubtful  etymology  of  the  word  com  acini. 
Merzario,  in  a  work  of  two  volumes,  has  sought  to  prove  from 
documents  that  all  mediaeval  builders  of  Italy  came  from  the 
region  of  Como.  Had  he  searched  with  the  same  diligence  for 
texts  recording  master-builders  who  originated  elsewhere,  he 
would  have  arrived  at  the  truth,  demonstrable  from  the  docu- 
ments cited  in  the  second  and  third  volumes  of  the  present  work, 
namely,  that  the  birthplace  of  most  medijeval  master-builders 
is  unknown;  that  some  came  from  the  province  of  Como,  and 
many  from  elsewhere.  From  these  facts  to  argue  that  Como 
was  the  sole,  or  even  the  chief  home  of  the  corporation  of  master- 
builders,  is  as  illogical  as  it  would  he  to  argnje  from  the  fact  that 
certain  learned  men  have  been  Bostonians,  that  scholarship  is 
the  exclusive  monopoly  of  Boston. 

The  myth  of  the  magistri  comacini,  however,  has  such  an 
imaginative  appeal  that  it  has  seduced  even  sober  scholars  like 
jNIiu'atori,  Troya  and  Rivoira.  Conjecture  has  been  pushed  to 
the  most  grotesque  limits.  Not  only  has  the  mediaeval  corpora- 
tion been  connected,  on  the  one  hand,  with  the  freemasons  of  our 
own  time, — this  much  may  readily  enough  be  granted, — but,  on 
the  other,  it  has  been  gravely  asserted  to  have  originated  with 
the  builders  of  the  temijle  of  Solomon.  And  all  this  airy  fabric, 
this  glorious  history  embracing  over  two  thousand  years,  rests 
solely  upon  a  piece  of  doubtful  etymology!' 

Little  additional  light  is  thrown  by  a  second  set  of  laws 
usually  attributed  to  Luitprando.*    Again  the  masons  are  denoted 

'  See  the  work  of  Ravenscroft. 

8  Orimoaldi  give  Liutprandi  Memoratorum  de  Mercedibus  Commacinorum,  ed. 
Pertz,  M.  G.  H.,  Leges,  IV,  176  f. 

10 


MASTER-BUILDERS 

bjr  the  term  magistri  comacini.^  Again  the  builders  seem  to  have 
been  the  object  of  royal  favour.  That  even  in  the  VIII  century 
the  magistri  comacini  had  little  to  do  with  Como,  is  proved  by 
a  document  of  December,  739,  in  which  it  is  recorded  that  one 
of  them  sold  a  house  and  vineyard  in  Toscanella.'"  After  the 
Carlovingian  conquest  we  hear  no  more  of  magistn  comacini. 
Even  as  early  as  755,  the  term  magister  marmorariiis  seems  to 
have  been  substituted,'^  and  in  805  we  hear  of  a  magister 
casarius.^^ 

In  later  times  the  valley  of  Antelami,  in  the  Apennines, 
came  to  be  renowned  for  its  carpenters."  In  the  laws  of  Genoa, 
the  term  magistri  antelami  is  the  regular  term  used  to  indicate 
builders,  not  only  of  timber  edifices,  but  of  those  of  stone  as  well." 
The  word  antelamiis,  without  the  magister,  is  joined  to  the 
signature  of  the  sculptor  Benedetto  in  his  relief  of  the  Deposition 
in  the  Cathedral  of  Parma.  A  misunderstanding  of  the  inscrip- 
tion has  caused  Benedetto  to  be  given  the  nickname  of  Antelami 
by  which  he  is  still  generally  known.  Numerous  other  words, 
such  as  (cdificator  and  artifex,  were  used  to  indicate  builders 
during  the  JNIiddle  Ages,  but  they  throw  little  light  upon  the 
organization  of  the  corporation. 

In  fact,  the  whole  subject  of  the  mediaeval  building  trades 
is  singularly  obscure.'^  In  many  cases,  mastership  seems  to  have 
been  hereditary,  and  to  have  passed  down  from  father  to  son.'" 
It  is  certain  that  the  builders  were  nomads  who  moved  from  place 

9  In  the  Glossarium  Cavense  et  Vaticanum,  140,  ibid.,  656,  it  is  explained: 
Magister  Commacinus.     Id  est  fabricatores. 

10  Troya,  III,  672.  n  Troya,  IV,  556.  i=  Merzario,  I,  77. 

13  Omnes  carpentarios  iUos,  quos    [S.   Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro]   .  .  .  dinoscitur  .  .  . 
possedisse  in  vaUe  quae  dicitur  Antelamo.  .  .  .   (Hist.  Pat.  Mon.,  XIII,  903). 
n  Lopez,  80. 

15  See  Anonymi  Ticinensis,  De  Laudibus  Papiae,  XIII,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S., 
XI,  26. 

16  Giovanni  di  Ugone,  accompanied  by  his  son,  Nicolino,  worked  upon  the 
southern  portal  of  S.  Maria  at  Bergamo.  The  northern  portal  is  the  work  of  another 
son,  Giovanni.  In  a  contract  of  1244  it  appears  that  Anselmo,  Ottacio  and  Enrico 
were  successively  master-builders  in  the  cathedral  of  Modena,  son  succeeding  father. 
The  Enrico  who  sculptured  the  ambo  a  century  later  was  doubtless  a  descendant  of 
the  first  Enrico.  It  would  be  easy  to  multiply  examples  of  sons  who  followed  their 
fathers  in  the  calling  of  master-builder  during  the  later  Middle  Ages.  The  case  was 
no  doubt  the  same  very  frequently  during  the  Romanesque  period,  but  documents  to 

11 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

to  place  when  opportunity  for  work  presented  itself.  The  proofs 
of  this  are  so  numerous  that  it  would  be  tedious  to  take  them  up 
in  detail,  since  a  long  series  of  inscriptions  and  documents  record 
that  master-builders  from  one  place  worked  upon  some  building 
in  another  town,  or  how  builders  were  summoned  by  the  citizens 
or  by  the  clergy  when  occasion  for  building  arose.  Yet  in  the 
case  of  large  edifices,  the  construction  of  which  occupied  many 
years,  or  to  maintain  which  in  repair  required  the  constant 
presence  of  a  master-builder,  the  builders  frequently  settled 
down  for  a  long  period  of  time.  The  same  family  of  builders 
resided  at  Modena  for  at  least  five  generations.  Brioloto  owned 
a  house  at  Verona  in  which  he  lived,  and  the  complicated  property 
relations  which  existed  between  him  and  the  abbey  of  S.  Zeno 
make  it  evident  that  he  did  not  contemplate  the  possibilitj^  of 
moving  away  from  Verona.^' 

The  artists  of  Lombardy  were  more  fond  than  those  of  most 
other  countries  of  signing  their  productions,  and  from  the  XI 
century  onward  we  know  the  names  of  a  considerable  number 
of  builders  and  sculptors.'"  Thus,  Giuliano  signed  a  capital  in 
the  Chiesa  d'Aurona  of  Mdan  about  1095;  somewhat  earlier 
Adamo  had  signed  a  capital  of  the  narthcx  of  S.  Ambrogio  at 
Milan.  The  construction  of  the  cathedral  of  Modena  by 
Lanfranco  was  recorded  in  an  inscription  of  which  we  have  a 
later  copy.  Another  Lanfranco  signed  a  capital  in  the  cloister 
at  Voltorre.  Guglielmo  signed  his  sculptures  at  JNIodena,  and 
Nicolo  signed  his  at  Sagra  S.  Slichele,  in  the  cathedrals  of 
Ferrara  and  Verona  and  at  S.  Zeno.  Other  sculptures  at 
S.  Zeno  are  signed  by  another  Guglielmo.  JSIartino  erected  the 
campanile  of  S.  Zeno  in  1178;  Bricio  of  Verona  rebuilt  the  choir 
of  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato  at  Vicenza  in  1179;  Adamo  di  S. 

prove  it  are  lacking.  It  may,  however,  be  conjectured  that  the  Guglielmo  who  worked 
with  Nicoli)  on  the  portal  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  was  the  son  of  Nicolf),  and  the  grandson 
of  Guglielmo  da  Modena.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  certain  that  Ogniljene,  the  son  of 
the  Veronese  master-builder,  Brioloto,  was  not  a  master-builder.     (Simeoni,  Brioloto). 

17  Brioloto  took  his  pay  at  least  partially  in  property  rights  and  indirect  financial 
help. 

18  In  the  VIII  century  Magister  Ursus  and  two  pupils  signed  the  ciborio  of 
S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (see  Vol.  Ill,  p.  3G4) ;  in  the  IX  century  the  archdeacon 
Pacifico  worked  upon  several  churches  of  Verona  (see  Vol.  Ill,  p.  468). 

12 


MASTER-BUILDERS 

Giorgio  signed  a  capital  of  the  crypt  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona,  and 
Brioloto  recorded  by  an  inscription  his  work  in  the  same  basilica. 
Alberto  placed  his  name  upon  the  j)ortal  of  Castelnuovo  Scrivia 
in  1183,  and  Pellegrino  signed  his  ciborio  for  the  cathedral  of 
Verona.  Finally,  Benedetto  signed  his  relief  of  the  Deposition 
in  the  cathedral  of  Parma  and  the  baptistery  in  the  same  city. 

These  names,  however,  tell  us  little  of  the  inner  workings 
of  the  corporations.  More  is  indicated  by  the  series  of  miniatures 
which  adorn  the  codex  of  the  Relatio  Translationis  Sancti 
Gcminiani  in  the  archives  of  the  chapter  of  INIodena  (Plate  141, 
Fig.  3,  4 ) .  Here  we  have  four  scenes  connected  with  the 
reconstruction  of  the  cathedral  of  ]\Iodena  1099-1106.  Since  the 
miniatures  were  executed  not  more  than  a  hundred  years  after 
the  event,  they  form  a  reliable  source  for  the  study  of  the  building 
trades  in  the  XII  century.  One  fact  emerges  clearly,  and  that 
is,  the  dignity  of  the  master-builder,  Lanfranco.  He  is  distin- 
guished from  the  men  under  him  by  his  dress,  which  is  evidently 
of  superior  quality  and  falls  to  his  ankles,  while  the  workmen 
have  skirts  which  reach  only  to  their  knees."  Lanfranco  has, 
moreover,  a  skullcap  with  a  tassel,  quite  different  from  anything 
worn  by  his  suborcHnates,  and  he  holds  in  his  hand  a  club  or  a 
sceptre  which  seems  to  be  a  badge  of  authority.  In  the  first  two 
miniatures  (Plate  141,  Fig.  3)  he  is  shown  standing  apart  from 
his  men,  and  directing  their  efforts  without  participating  in  the 
manual  labour.  In  the  last  relief  (Plate  141,  Fig.  4)  he  is  shown 
as  present  at  the  invention  of  the  bodj^  of  the  saint,  standing 
beside  the  countess  Matilda  and  near  the  bishops  of  Reggio  and 
Modena.  It  therefore  appears  that  the  master-builder  was  an 
exceedingly  important  personage,  who  enjoyed  a  social  position 
far  superior  to  that  of  the  ordinarj^  M'orkman.  Nor  are  we  led 
to  this  conclusion  only  by  the  case  of  Lanfranco.  Brioloto  of 
Verona  had  debts  to  the  extent  of  a  hundred  lire,  a  sum  large 
enough  to  indicate  that  he  was  a  man  of  considerable  property. 
The  dowries  of  his  daughter-in-law  (one  hundred  and  forty  lire) , 
and  of  his  wife,  were  large  for  a  borghese.     The  grandiloquent 

18  In  the  scene  of  the  festival  (Plate  141,  Fig.  4)  the  subordinates  also  wear 
long  robes,  doubtless  in  honour  of  the  occasion. 

13 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

boasts  attaclied  to  the  signatures  of  Lanfranco  da  ISIodena"  and 
Nicolo"'  would  not  have  been  permitted  in  a  public  monument 
had  not  the  artists,  to  a  singular  degree,  enjoj-ed  the  admiration 
and  respect  of  their  contcmi)oraries. 

In  the  Modena  miniatures  the  subordinates  of  Lanfranco 
are  labelled  as  belonging  to  two  classes,  the  operarii,  or  labourers, 
who  did  the  roughest  sort  of  work,  such  as  digging  the  ground 
for  the  foundations,  and  bringing  baskets  of  brick,  and  the 
artifices^'-  or  more  skilled  labourers,  who  are  represented  as 
laying  the  bricks  in  the  walls."'  In  an  interesting  relief  of  S. 
Ilario  di  Baganza  (Plate  199,  Fig.  1)  are  shown  two  operarii 
carrying  a  pail,  presimiably  filled  with  mortar,  from  a  rod 
suspended  over  their  shoulders.  The  important  reliefs  of  the 
northern  portal  of  S.  JNIaria  jNIaggiore  of  Bergamo,  although 
later — they  date  from  1403 — throw  much  light  upon  the  cor- 
poration of  the  master-builders."*  The  head  master-builder, 
siuHorctus,  is  seen  drawing  with  his  compass  and  directing  three 
assistants.  Of  these,  the  first,  grechus,  blocks  out  a  capital  from 
the  stone.  The  second,  aristatius,  holds  a  capital  inverted  before 
him  and  carves  it  roughly  with  hammer  and  chisel.  The  third, 
pinclwmnsHus,  puts  the  finishing  touches  upon  a  capital  after  it 
has  been  placed  in  position.  Three  other  reliefs  elsewhere  show 
an  aristatius  carving  an  inverted  capital  held  before  him.  One 
is  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  234,  Fig.  1)  •,'^ 
the  second  is  on  a  string-course  of  the  same  basilica;  the  third  is 
in  the  Porta  dei  Principi  at  Modena  (Plate  142,  Fig.  4).  It  is 
therefore  evident  that  capitals  were  finished  except  for  the  last 
touches  before  they  were  placed  in  the  building.*"  An  interesting 
proof  that  this  method  of  work  was  followed  is  afforded  by  the 

20  See  Vol.  Ill,  p.  15.  21  See  Vol.  II,  p.  419;  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  474,  529. 

22  Rooul  Glaber  {De  Vita  S.  Ouillelmi  Divioncnsis,  ed.  Mlgne,  Pat.  Lot.,  CXLII, 
609  f.)  speaks  of  masons  as  artifices  caementarii. 

23  The.se  artifices  have  a  hammer-like  instrument  with  a  pronf;  or  pick. 

2<  It  is  interesting  to  compare  these  sculptures  with  the  well  known  capital  of 
St.  Servatius,  Maastricht,  of  which  there  is  a  cast  (No.  1536)  in  the  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art. 

25  It  is  possible  that  this  l)uikler  is  merely  squaring  a  block  of  stone,  not  carving 
a  capital. 

20  Many  capitals  of  Casale,  the  atrium  of  S.  Ambrogio  and  elsewhere  still  await 
the  finishing  touches  of  the  pischomastius. 

14 


MASTER-BUILDERS 

portal  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan,  where  pieces  intended  for  one 
side  of  the  portal  have  been  placed  upon  the  other  side,  with  the 
result  that  the  signature  of  the  builder  was  put  in  upside  down. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  stone  blocks  were  also  dressed  before 
being  placed  in  the  building.'' 

At  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  are  reliefs  which  depict  painters 
at  work  and  four  men — doubtless  carpenters — hewing  a  log. 
These  are  probably  both  phases  of  the  activities  of  the  builders. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  same  men  were  frequently  in  turn 
carpenters,  builders,  sculptors  and  probably  also  painters.  The 
sculptor  Benedetto  was  the  architect  of  the  baptistery  of  Parma, 
and  in  all  probability  also  of  that  of  Serravalle.  Internal  evidence 
makes  it  clear  that  at  Vezzolano  the  same  artist,  who  was  a 
Lombard  and  had  travelled  in  Provence  and  the  Ile-de-France, 
executed  both  the  architecture  and  the  sculpture.  In  other  cases, 
however,  individual  artists  seem  to  have  confined  themselves 
either  to  architecture  or  to  sculpture,  according  to  their  genius. 
In  the  cathedral  of  Modena  the  architectin-e  was  intrusted  to 
Lanfranco,  while  contemporaneously  Guglielmo  worked  exclu- 
sively upon  the  sculptures.  Nicolo  seems  to  have  confined 
himself  to  sculpture.  It  is  probable  that  in  this,  as  in  much  else, 
it  is  possible  to  reconstruct  a  picture  of  conditions  in  the  Middle 
Ages  from  customs  which  survived  into  the  time  of  the  Renais- 
sance. It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  Tre-,  Quattro-  and 
Cinquecento  the  same  man  was  frequently  architect,  sculptor 
and  painter,  but  in  other  cases  a  man  who  had  genius  for  one  art 
above  the  others,  confined  himself  exclusively  to,  or  at  least 
specialized  in,  that  for  which  he  had  particular  aptitude. 

There  is  little  evidence  to  show  what  tools  were  employed 
by  the  master-builders  in  the  XII  century.  The  reliefs  and 
miniatures  already  described  show  very  simple  instruments  in 
use — a  hammer  and  a  chisel  for  carving,  and  an  instrument 
resembling  a  short-handled  pickax,  with  one  prong  flattened  into 
a  hammer,  for  cutting  and  laying  bricks  or  stones.  To  the  extent 
of  my  knowledge  there  are  extant  in  Lombardy  no  traces  of 
architectural   drawings   dating   from   the   Romanesque   period. 

27  Malladra  e  Ranieri,  80;  Choisy,  Histoire,  II,  143-144.. 

15 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Models  of  an  edifice  are  frequently  represented  in  the  hands  of 
founders,  as,  for  example,  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona,  the  cathedral 
of  ^Vcqui,  or  in  the  fresco  of  Galliano  now  in  the  Biblioteca 
Anibrosiana.  But  this  fact  does  not  prove  that  models  were 
made  and  used  by  the  builders,  since  the  iconograjihic  tradition 
may  have  been  carried  over  from  Roman  times. 

In  Lombardy  the  artists  seem  to  have  been  given  a  much 
freer  rein  in  the  choice  of  their  subjects  and  the  details  of  their 
representations  than  in  France.  It  is  easy  to  trace  in  the  works 
of  Guglielmo  da  Modena  the  spirit  of  a  man  who  was  not 
particularly  religious,  and  at  times  almost  irreverent.  The 
sculptor  of  Berceto  placed  on  the  portal  of  the  church  a  satire 
which  is  little  short  of  blasphemous.  In  the  sculptures  of  Bene- 
detto, on  the  other  hand,  there  is  clearly  shown  a  mystic  and 
profoundly  religious  temperament.  Nicolo  chose  his  own  sub- 
jects. The  proof  of  this  is  tliat  he  repeated  certain  ones  of  which 
he  seems  to  have  been  particularly  fond.  At  Sagra  S.  INIichcle 
and  Piacenza  he  sculptured  astronomical  subjects  which  not  only 
are  without  parallel  in  the  iconography  of  the  period,  but  display 
such  deep  knowledge  of  the  science  that  we  are  forced  to  conclude 
that  Nicolo  was  particularly  versed  in  this  branch  of  learning. 
Nicolo  was  also  fond  of  placing  in  parallel  the  two  Johns.  This 
iconographic  idea,  which  is  peculiar  to  him,  appears  in  his  four 
principal  works,  that  is  to  say,  Piacenza,  Ferrara  and  the  two 
churches  of  Verona.  At  Ferrara  and  Verona  Nicolo  places  upon 
the  scrolls  of  his  prophets  the  same  peculiar  inscriptions  taken 
from  a  sermon  attributed  to  St.  Augustine.  These  inscriptions, 
moreover,  he  had  derived  from  his  master,  Guglielmo  da  Modena, 
who  had  used  them  in  the  cathedral  of  Cremona.  Nicolo  often 
composed  himself  the  verses  which  he  placed  upon  his  sculptures. 
At  Sagra  S.  Michele  he  tells  us  so: 

Vos  legite  versus  quos  descripsit  Nicholaus 

Moreover,  he  repeats  exactly  the  same  inscription  at  Sagra 
S.  ]\Iichele  and  Piacenza.  His  signature,  with  slight  variations, 
is  given  in  the  same  jingle  at  Ferrara  and  in  the  two  churches 
of  Verona.  Guglielmo  da  Modena  repeated  the  same  subjects 
in  the  cathedrals  of  Modena  and  Cremona — Enoch  and  Elijah 

16 


MASTER-BUILDERS 

in  parallel,  the  story  of  Genesis.  Probably  the  inscriptions  with 
which  the  story  of  Genesis  was  accompanied  were  very  similar, 
if  not  identical,  in  the  two  cathedrals. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  tradition  of  asj-mmetries 
was  preserved  by  the  Lombard  builders  from  the  time  of  Rome 
until  the  Renaissance.  Owing  to  the  poor  condition  of  the 
edifices,  it  is  difficult  to  trace  it  before  the  year  1000."*  Never- 
theless, a  glance  at  the  plans  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella 
(Plate  197),  S.  Satiro  of  Milan  (Plate  129)  or  of  S.  Vincenzo 
of  Prato  of  the  same  city  (Plate  134),  will  be  sufficient  to 
demonstrate  that  before  the  year  1000  the  barbarity  of  mechanical 
exactitude  was  as  studiously  avoided  as  in  later  times.  During 
the  XI  and  XII  centuries,  as  the  technique  of  building  improved, 
the  irregularities  came  to  assume  a  new  and  definite  character 
and  one  peculiar  to  the  Lombard  style.  Typical  of  this  sort  of 
asymmetry  is  the  use  of  broken  straight  lines  instead  of  curves. 
In  measured  drawings  the  irregularities  produce  a  broken-legged, 
disjointed  appearance — see,  for  example,  the  plans  of  S. 
Ambrogio  of  JNIilan  (Plate  116)  or  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia 
(Plate  172).  In  the  actual  construction,  however,  the  asym- 
metries singularly  increase  the  charm  and  subtlety  of  the  build- 
ing. So  typical  are  the  irregularities  of  Lombard  buildings,  and 
so  different  from  any  that  I  know  of  elsewhere,  that,  I  think, 
were  I  shown  the  plan  of  S.  Maria  di  Castello  of  Corneto 
Tarquinia  (Plate  73),  I  should  know  at  once  that  this  building 
had  been  built  under  Lombard  influence,  even  without  the  other 
indications  afforded  by  the  superstructure."^ 

2S  A  proof  that  Isidore  of  Seville  knew  little  of  practical  architecture  is  probably 
to  be  found  in  the  following  passage,  which  seems  to  show  that  he  had  no  knowledge 
of  the  irregularities  that  must  have  been  traditional  in  his  time:  Denique  in  fabrica 
nisi  omnia  ad  perpendiculum,  et  certam  regulam  flant,  necesse  est,  ut  cuncta  mendosa 
instruantur,  ut  aliqua  prava  sint,  aliqua  cubantia,  pron*  nonnulla,  alia  supina,  et 
propter  hoc  universa  ruunt  constructa.  {Etymologiarum,  XIX,  18,  ed.  Migne,  Pat. 
Lat.,  LXXXII,  680). 

29  The  fact  that  asymmetries  exist  in  mediaeval  architecture  has  been  so  thor- 
oughly demonstrated  by  Professor  Goodyear,  that  it  is  unnecessary  here  to  enter  into 
a  discussion  of  the  subject,  especially  since  the  fact  when  once  pointed  out  is  patent 
in  nearly  all  mediaeval  buildings  to  any  one  not  so  blinded  by  preconceived  prejudice  as 
to  be  incapable  of  accepting  the  evidence  of  his  senses.  One  of  the  finest  examples  of 
intentional  asymmetry  in  Lombardy  is  afforded  by  the  cloister  of  Voltorre. 

17 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  at  times  priests  or  monks  were 
builders.  According  to  verses  published  by  Mabillon™  the  archi- 
tect of  the  church  of  S.  Gallo,  consecrated  in  835,  was  the 
brother  "Winihardus,  and  the  workmen  were  all  monks.  The 
Veronese,  Pacifico,  who  died  in  847,  was  a  deacon,  but,  according 
to  his  epitaph,  skilled  in  works  of  gold,  of  silver,  of  other  metals, 
of  wood  and  of  white  marble.  He  restored  numerous  churches 
of  Verona.  In  1264.  there  were  working  upon  S.  Antonio  of 
Padova  two  master-builders,  assisted  by  several  clerics."  In  1321 
canons,  frotrcs  lahorcni,  were  working  upon  the  baptistery  of 
Parma.  In  1342  two  master-builders,  Avho  were  clerics,  signed 
the  southern  transept  of  the  cathedral  of  Cremona.  A  fresco  of 
S.  Francesco  of  Lodi  represents  S.  Bernardino  directing  his 
monks  in  the  construction  of  a  monastery." 

These,  and  many  other  instances,  prove  that  the  duties  of 
a  master-builder  were  at  times  assumed  by  a  monk  or  a  priest. 
In  the  overwhelming  majority  of  instances,  however,  the  master- 
builder  was  a  layman.  He  was  generally  merely  employed  bj' 
the  clerics.''^  The  case  was  precisely  the  same  in  the  time  of  the 
Renaissance.  Fra  Angelico,  Fra  Filippo  Lippi  and  Fra 
Diamante  were  undoubtedly  monks.  To  argue  from  this  fact 
that  all  Renaissance  painters  were  monks,  would  obviously  bring 
us  to  a  conclusion  far  removed  from  the  truth.  Yet  this  is  pre- 
cisely what  has  been  done  by  learned  archaeologists  who  have 
concluded,  from  the  fact  that  certain  master-builders  were  monks, 
that  all  monastic  architecture  was  erected  under  the  supervision 
of  a  monk  master-builder. 

In  Lombardy  it  is  fortimately  possible  to  prove  that 
monasteries,  just  like  cathedrals,  collegiate  or  parish  churches, 
were,  save  in  exceptional  instances,  erected  by  lay  master- 
builders.  The  cloister  of  the  Cluniac  priory  of  Voltorre  was 
built  by  the  layman  Lanfranco.     The  Benedictine  abbey  of  S. 

30  Ann.  Ben.,  II,  570.  si  Merzario,  I,  160.  32  Merzario,  I,  161. 

•13  In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  compare  a  text  of  Isidore  of  Seville: 
Ad  prsepositum  autem  pertinet  soUicitudo  nionachorum,  actio  cansarum,  cura  posses- 
sionum,  satio  agrorum,  plantatio  et  cultura  vinearuni,  diligentia  greguin,  constructio 
aedificiorum,  opus  carpentariorum,  sive  fabrorum  (^Regula  Monachorum,  XX,  ed.  Migne, 
Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  389). 

18 


MASTER-BUILDERS 

Zeno  at  Verona  was  completed  by  the  layman  Brioloto.  The 
lay  sculptors  Nicolo  and  Guglielmo  da  Verona  worked  on  the 
same  edifice.  Xicolo  also  worked  upon  the  Benedictine  abbey 
at  Sagra  S.  ]\Iichele. 

Is  it  necessary  to  admit  that  matters  were  otherwise  with 
one  particular  monastic  order — that  is  to  say,  wth  the  Cistercians  ? 
The  weighty  voice  of  Enlart  would  have  us  believe  so."  ^\nien 
we  turn,  however,  to  the  volume  in  which  he  has  gathered  together 
the  proofs  of  this  important  thesis,  which  has  been  so  widely 
accepted,  we  find  that  the  premises  are  quite  insufficient. 
Conversi  of  S.  Galgano  worked  upon  that  abbey  and  upon  the 
cathedral  of  Sienna.  A  conversus  of  the  Cistercian  abbey  of 
Aduard,  in  Belgium,  was  sent  to  Citeaux  to  draw  the  plan  of 
that  church  which  the  monks  of  Aduard  wished  to  reproduce.^^ 
Are  these  few  instances  a  sufficient  basis  upon  which  to  rest  a 
conclusion  which  embraces  the  Cistercian  churches  of  all  Chris- 
tendom?^'^    I  think  not.     As  regards  the  Cistercian  churches  of 

'*  L'Abhaye  de  San  Galgano  pris  Sienne  au  Treiziime  SUcle,  in  Ecole  fran^aise 
de  Rome,  Melanges  d'Archiologie  et  d'Bistoire,  XI  ann^e,  1991,  201. 

35  Ce  document,  come  ceux  qui  se  referent  a  San  Galgano  et  a  la  cath^drale  de 
Sienne,  montre  que  les  architectes  de  I'ordre  ^taient  gen^raleraent  des  frferes 
convers  [!!!]   (Enlart,  230). 

36  The  study  of  the  question  is  complicated  by  the  fact  that  Enlart,  instead  of 
publishing  the  important  original  documents  which  he  held  in  his  hand — as,  perhaps, 
we  might  have  a  right  to  expect — saw  fit  to  give  only  his  own  summary  of  them.  In 
view  of  the  well  known  ambiguity  and  difficulty  of  mediaeval  phraseology,  the  suspicion 
at  once  arises  that  the  originals  might  be  open  to  another  interpretation  than  that 
which  the  great  archaeologist  has  placed  upon  them.  Thus,  in  a  deed  of  1240,  we  find 
the  stipulation  that  the  monks  of  Fossanova  must  receive  the  monks  of  Valvisciola 
ad  studium  artium.  On  the  basis  of  this  document  Enlart  (11)  has  announced  that 
there  was  set  up  at  Fossanova  a  regular  school  of  architecture;  but  in  mediaeval  Latin 
the  word  artes  is  frequently  used  to  mean  simply  the  liberal  arts,  the  trivium  and 
quadrivium,  which  formed  part  of  the  training  of  all  learned  persons,  and  especially 
of  monks.  By  the  phrase  in  question,  therefore,  no  more  is  necessarily  implied  than 
that  the  monks  of  Fossanova  maintained  a  school  which  the  monks  of  ^'alvisciola  had 
the  right  of  attending. 

Similarly,  Enlart  tells  us  that  the  first  four  builders  of  the  abbey  of  S.  Galgano 
were  Donnus  Joannes  (1218-1227),  Donnus  Petrus  (1229),  Donnus  Simon  (1239), 
D.  lldinus  (1271-1273).  He  implies  that  these  were  all  monks,  but  nowhere  mentions 
any  documentary  evidence  that  such  was  the  case.  The  suspicion  arises  in  consequence 
that  Enlart  simply  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were  monks,  and  that,  in  reality, 
they  may  have  been  lay  builders.  In  this  case,  the  greater  part  of  the  work  of  con- 
struction upon  S.  Galgano  would  have  been  performed  under  the  direction  of  men 
who   were   not  monks.     In   regard   to  the   conversi  mentioned   in   later   documents   as 

19 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Lombardy,  the  documents  happil_v  give  us  proof  of  the  falsity 
of  Eulart's  thesis.  If  we  are  to  behave  Casale,"  it  is  true,  the 
first  abbey  of  Lucedio  was  built  by  the  abbot  and  the  monks. 
But  authentic  and  contemporary  documents  which  are  published 
in  the  third  volume  of  this  work''  amply  prove  that  the  Cistercian 
abbey  of  ^Slorimondo  was  constructed  bj^  lay  master-builders  and 
by  lay  workmen.  The  truth  evidently  is  that  the  Cistercian 
order  was,  in  this  respect,  little  different  from  the  others.  If 
there  happened  to  be  a  monk  able  to  assume  the  duties  of 
architect  he  did  so.     Otherwise,  lay  builders  were  employed. 

magister  operis  lignaminis,  magister  operis  lapidum,  or  operarius,  it  is  entirely  doubtful, 
as  Enlart  himself  has  recognized,  whether  we  have  to  do  with  master-builders  or 
simply  with  a  monastic  officer  correspondinfj  to  the  niassaro  or  superstans  of  northern 
churches.  (See  Jlilanese,  I,  142,  150).  Knlart  states  that  all  of  the  six  operarii  men- 
tioned in  the  documents  of  S.  Galgano  were  conversi,  but  the  documents  he  cites  pive 
the  impression  that  this  statement  is  merely  a  conjecture  of  the  author,  and  tliat  of 
the  six,  only  two  are  proved  by  the  documents  to  have  been  conversi.  Knlart  also 
cites  a  now  lost  inscription  of  S.  Galgano,  of  no  very  ancient  date,  in  which  it  is  stated 
that  eighty  monks  laboured  upon  the  construction  of  the  church.  But  this  inscription, 
as  he  himself  admits,  is  contradicted  by  authentic  documents. 

In  the  last  analysis,  therefore,  the  evidence  brouglit  forward  tjy  Enlart  amounts 
to  exceedingly  little:  three  conversi  of  the  abbey  worked  upon  the  cathedral  of  Sienna; 
two  conversi  were  operarii  at  the  abliey  after  the  construction  of  the  latter  was  well- 
nigh  completed.  From  these  facts  to  deduce  that  Cistercian  churches  were  built  by 
monk  master-builders  is  manifestly  absurd. 

3' 157.  According  to  Manrique  (I,  80)  the  first  abbey  of  Clairvaux  was  built 
by  the  hands  of  the  monks  themselves,  but  it  was  a  poor  and  temporary  affair. 

38  Pp.  77  f. 


20 


CHAPTER  III.     THE  COMMUNES  AND  THE 
ECCLESIASTICAL  AUTHORITIES 

Into  the  delicate  equation  of  the  mediseval  church-building 
there  entered,  not  only  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  and  the  laj^ 
master-builder,  but  the  civil  powers  of  the  city  and  sometimes 
even  of  the  state. 

To  understand  the  relationship  of  the  communes  and  the 
ecclesiastical  authorities  in  the  XI  and  XII  centuries,  it  is 
necessary  to  remember  that  the  commune  and  the  bishop  were 
natural  enemies.  Until  the  rise  of  the  communes  in  the  XI 
centurj^  the  bishop  had  enjoyed  many  of  the  prerogatives  which 
the  consuls  subsequently  took  to  themselves.  Before  the  j^ear 
1000  the  bishoj}  was  the  leader  of  the  great  borghese  class,  the 
temporal,  as  well  as  the  sjjiritual,  head  of  the  city.  The  bishop 
frequently  made  war  and  peace,  negotiated  treaties  and  ■  con- 
cluded alliances;  the  bishop  was  also  often  the  supreme  general, 
and  in  person  led  the  forces  of  the  city  to  battle.  With  the  rise 
of  the  communes  all  this  was  changed.  The  consuls  became  the 
official  representatives  of  the  borghesi,  and  the  rulers  of  the  city 
state.  The  enmity  between  the  bishops  and  the  commune  was 
therefore  as  natural  and  as  inevitable  as  was  the  enmity  between 
the  Italian  state  and  the  pope  in  the  XIX  century.  Local 
conditions,  which  always  vary  from  place  to  place  in  Italy, 
frequently  resulted  in  smoothing  over  this  underlying  hostility, 
or  even  in  producing  a  temporary  alliance  between  the  two 
powers.  The  natural  opposition,  however,  continued  to  exist, 
and  merely  awaited  an  occasion  to  be  fanned  into  flame. 

It  ma)^  well  be  this  underlying  hostility  which  explains  why 
the  Italians,  even  in  the  most  fervent  moment  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
were  never  as  deeply  religious  as  other  nations  of  Europe.  From 
the   earliest   times   Ave   are   conscious   in   Italj^,   and   especially 

21 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

in  Lombardy,  of  a  something  cynical  and  indifferent  in  the 
attitude,  not  certainly  of  the  majority  of  the  people,  but  of  a 
considerable  minority.  The  century  which  })roduced  Francis 
of  Assisi  produced,  to  the  extent  of  my  knowledge,  in  no  other 
country  of  Eiu'ope  a  writer  of  such  cj-nicism,  of  such  religious 
indifference,  of  such  open  worldliness,  as  the  Franciscan  monk, 
Fra  Salimbene  of  Parma. 

Nevertheless,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  during  the  XI  and 
XII  centuries  the  vast  majority  of  north  Italians  were  pro- 
foundly and  deeply  religious,  and  that  religion  entered  very 
vitally  into  the  lives  of  the  people.  A  tangible  proof  that  such 
was  the  case  is  the  fact  that  when  cities  were  destroyed  in  war — 
as  frequently  happened — the  churches  were  alwajj^s  scrupulously 
spared.  ^Vhen  the  Comaschi  failed  to  observe  this  rule  in  the 
destruction  of  Isola,  they  were  laid  under  an  interdict.  AVhen, 
after  the  destruction  of  Lodi  Vecchio,  the  citizens  resolved  to 
erect  a  new  city  on  a  new  site,  almost  their  first  care  was  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  the  new  cathedral,  and  translate  with  all 
solemnity  the  body  of  their  patron  saint,  S.  Bassiano.  Innumer- 
able texts  prove  the  popular  enthusiasm  for  the  relics  of  the 
saints  and  for  religious  ceremonies.  Vast  crowds  assembled  for 
the  consecration  of  churches.  The  consuls  of  jNIilan  issued  a 
special  decree  affording  safe  conduct  to  all  who  should  come  to 
the  festival  of  the  saints  Gervasio  and  Protasio.  Churches  were 
erected  in  incredible  numbers.  In  Pavia  there  were,  in  the  XIV 
centur}%  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  churches  in  the  city  and 
thirty-four  more  in  the  suburbs.^  The  little  town  of  Corneto 
Tarquinia,  w^hich  was  not  even  the  seat  of  a  bishopric,  possessed 
seventy-one  churches,  of  which  only  five  were  monastic."  Doubt- 
less other  towns  possessed  a  proportionate  number  of  eccle- 
siastical establishments.  When  we  remember  that  mediaeval 
towns  were  frequently  destroyed  by  conflagrations,  we  can 
imagine  what  an  enormous  amount  of  building  it  must  have 
constantly  required  to  reconstruct  when  necessary  and  maintain 

1  Anonymi  Ticinensis,  De  Laudibus  Papiae,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  XI,  8  f. 
=  Guerri,  358. 

22 


COMMUNES  AND  ECCLESIASTICAL  AUTHORITIES 

in  repair  this  vast  number  of  edifices,^  and  with  what  generosity 
the  citizens  must  have  contributed  to  the  support  of  the  Church. 
In  at  least  one  instance  the  people  of  Lombardy  emulated  those 
of  France,  and  ran  in  great  numbers  to  carry  on  their  backs  stones 
destined  for  a  new  church-building.*  Enthusiasm  for  religion, 
however,  and  even  love  of  the  Church  as  an  institution  was  not, 
in  tlie  XI  and  XII  centuries,  any  more  than  in  present-day 
Italy,  incompatible  with  lively  dislike  of  individual  priests."  Far 
less  rarely  than  in  the  Xorth  did  this  dislike  flare  up  into  actual 
outbursts  of  hate,  resulting  in  physical  violence,"  but  it  found 
expression  much  more  frequently  in  indifference  and  cynicism. 
In  Lombard  churches  of  the  XII  century  this  spirit  appears  in 
sculptures  of  a  distinctly  satiric  character,  directed  against  the 
priests,  or  even  against  Christianity,  a  century  and  a  half  earlier 
than  similar  works  of  art — at  least  to  the  extent  of  my  knowl- 
edge— can  be  found  north  of  the  Alps. 

3  Padova  was  destroyed  by  the  Lombards  in  the  time  of  Teodolinda  (Pauli 
Diaconi,  Hist.  Long.,  IV,  23,  ed.  Waitz,  ISS) ;  Parma  was  burned  in  1038  and  1055 
(Chronicon  Parmense,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  IX,  759) ;  Brescia  was  burned  in  1096 
(Jacobi  Malvecii,  Chronicon,  VII,  16,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  XIV,  873)  ;  and  again  in 
1144  (ibid.,  VII,  36,  ed.  M.,  877);  Cremona  was  burned  in  1113  (Chronicon  Cremonense, 
ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  VII,  634);  Xovara  was  twice  burned  during  the  XII  century 
(see  below.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  113);  Verona  was  burned  in  1173  (Chronicon  Veronense,  ed. 
Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  VIII,  621);  Milan  was  burned  in  1071  and  again  in  1075  (see  below, 
Vol.  II,  pp.  635,  659  f.).  Cf.  Galvanei  Flammae,  Manipulus  Florum,  CLVI,  ed.  Muratori, 
R.  I.  S.,  XI,  628. 

*  Et  ad  praedictum  opus  [ecclesia  Jesu  Christi  fratrum  Praedicatorum  in  civitate 
regina]  faciendum  veniebant  homines  et  mulieres  Regii  tam  parvi  quam  magni,  tam 
milites  quam  pedites,  tam  rustic!  quam  cives;  et  ferebant  lapidem,  sabulam  et  calcinam 
super  dorsa  sua  in  pellibus  variis  et  zendalibus.  Et  beatus  Ule,  qui  plus  poterat 
dcportare.  Et  fecerunt  omnia  fundamenta  domorum  et  ecclesiae;  et  partem  mura- 
verunt.  Et  in  tertio  anno  compleverunt  totum  laborerium  suum.  Et  tunc  frater 
Jacobinus  superstabat  ad  laboreria  bene  facienda.  (Salimbene  ad  ann.  1233,  ed. 
Parm.  1857,  34-35). 

5  Nulla  certe  in  mundo  tam  crudelis  bestia  quam  malus  sacerdos  et  monachus 
qui  non  corrigi  paratur  nee  veritatem  undique  audire  potest  (Chronica,  delta  di  Filippo 
da  Castel  Seprio,  MS.  Amb.,  S.  Q.  +  I,  12,  f.  42).  Heu  domine  quid  dicarn  quod  hodie 
sacerdotes  se  comedunt  in  altari  ut  carnes  pecudum  et  volucrum  imnio  plus  quod  nocte 
mulierum  fornicationi  ac  in  turpissimo  immiscendo  et  mane  masticando  te  commedunt 
(ibid.,  f.  36).    Sunt  qui  tales  sacerdotes  et  monaci  solum  habitu  (ibid.,  f.  42),  etc. 

«  Such,  however,  did  occur.  In  1032  the  emperor  had  to  interfere  in  the  strife 
between  the  Cremonesi  and  their  bishop.  In  1256  the  master-builders  of  Como  waged 
a  pitched  battle  with  the  monlis  of  S.  Abondio  (Tatti,  II,  951).  The  Pavesi  sacked 
the  monastery  of  Morimondo  and  outraged  the  monks. 

23 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Such  sculptures,  however,  are  undoubtedly  more  the  result 
of  the  individual  feelings  of  the  artists  than  an  interference  with 
the  church-l)uilding  by  the  secular  authorities.  Such  interference 
did,  nevertheless,  take  place.  Even  before  the  year  1000  secular 
persons  had  been  in  the  habit  of  maintaining  jurisdiction  over 
churches.  A  law  of  Lothair  I'  decreed  that  a  church  constructed 
by  a  private  person  on  his  own  land  should  remain  his  own 
property,  even  if  consecrated  by  a  bishop,  and  even  if  the  rite 
of  baptism  were  there  performed — that  is  to  say,  even  if  the 
church  were  a  parish;  for  in  these  early  times  the  phrase  "chinx-h 
with  right  of  baptism"  is  regularlj'^  used  to  denote  a  parish  church. 
From  a  law  of  Lothair  II,'  it  appears  that  counts  and  missi  were 
in  the  habit  of  playing  an  important  part  in  the  restoration  of 
churches.  It  had  earlier  been  decreed  that  churches,  both  parish 
and  non-parish,  should  continue  to  be  restored  by  whoever  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  doing  so  in  the  past. 

In  actual  practice  we  find  that  churches  were  considered  a 
piece  of  property  like  any  other,  and  a  profitable  investment  for 
the  owner,  whether  he  were  a  secular  person,  a  monastery,  a 
chapter  or  a  bishop.  The  rights  of  the  family  of  Rozo  over  the 
church  of  S.  Sepolcro  at  INIilan  were  acknowledged  for  a  long 
period  of  years,  and  in  1100  the  edifice  was  rebuilt  at  their 
initiative.  Similarly,  the  church  of  S.  Maria  of  Calvenzano, 
which  had  long  existed,  was  rebuilt  and  donated  to  the  abbey  of 
Cluny  b}'  its  owners. 

During  the  XII  century,  the  communes  succeeded,  little  by 
little,  in  wresting  from  the  bishops  and  from  the  chapters 
jurisdiction  over  the  cathedral  churches  in  most  of  the  large 
Lombard  towns.  The  documents  enable  us  to  catch  glimpses 
here  and  there  of  the  progress  of  this  strife  at  ]Modena.  Despite 
the  spirited  resistance  of  the  clerg}^,  the  commune  appropriated 
to  itself  one  prerogative  after  another  over  the  cathedral  building. 
The  commune  used  the  cathedral  for  assemblies,  and  even  passed 
laws  dictating  that  certain  offerings  must  be  applied,  not  for  the 
support  of  the  priests,  but  for  maintaining  the  building  in  repair. 

-  No.  85,  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  I,  pt.  2,  148. 
8  No.  42,  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  I,  pt.  2,  141. 

24 


COMMUNES  AND  ECCLESIASTICAL  AUTHORITIES 

The  massaro  was  charged  with  the  administration  of  these  and 
all  other  funds  appertaining  to  the  fahhrica.  This  massaro  was 
appointed  bj^  the  bishop  and  chapter,  but  the  commune  passed 
a  law  decreeing  that  he  must  be  a  borghese  and  not  an  eccle- 
siastic. Elsewhere,  throughout  Lombardy,  we  catch  here  and 
there  echoes  of  a  similar  strife  between  the  commune  and  the 
clergj',  ending  invariably  in  the  victory  of  the  former.  At  Como 
the  citizens  took,  not  the  cathedral,  but  the  church  of  S.  Giacomo 
for  their  assemblies."  As  early  as  1022  the  citizens  of  Brescia 
began  to  use  their  cathedral  for  secular  meetings."  Numerous 
other  instances  of  the  same  practice  might  be  cited. ^^  In  a  bull 
of  1204,  the  pope  Innocent  III  complained  to  the  archbishop  of 
Ravenna  that  at  INIodena  the  podesta  arrogated  to  himself  even 
the  right  of  regulating  the  ringing  of  the  church-bells.'"  At 
Novara  the  consuls  held  their  courts  of  law  in  the  cathedral.'^ 
At  Parma,  especiallj^  from  the  XIII  century  onward,  the 
citizens  interfered  persistentlj'^  in  the  details  of  the  administration 
of  the  cathedral.  The  elections  of  the  podesta  were  sometimes 
held  in  the  cathedral  or  in  the  baptisterj\"  The  revenues  of  the 
cathedral  and  baj^tistery  buildings  were  administered  by  a 
duumvirate,  consisting  of  one  layman  and  one  ecclesiastic;  but 
in  1448  this  duumvirate  was  supplanted  by  a  committee  consist- 
ing of  two  citizens  and  two  canons.'^  Fra  Salimbene,  in  speaking 
of  the  completion  of  the  baptistery  of  Parma,  refers  to  it  as  the 
work  of  the  citizens,  implying  that  the  ecclesiastical  authorities 
were  little  concerned  with  the  work.  At  Milan  the  commune 
appropriated  the  galleries  of  the  basilica  of  S.  Ambrogio  to  use 
as  a  storehouse  for  grain.'" 

It  was,  however,  only  towards  the  close  of  the  Romanesque 
period  that  the  communes  commenced  to  interfere  in  the 
administration  of  churches.  The  great  majority  of  Romanesque 
buildings  in  Lombardy  were  erected  exclusively  under  the 
direction  of  the  clergy. 

The   organization   of   the   clergj'   in   northern    Italj-,    and 

9  Cantii,  I,  239.  lo  Oderici,  III,  321 ;  IV,  219.  u  Zamboni,  3. 

12  Borghi,  159.  is  Gemelli,  3.  n  Lopez,  lU.  is /6id.,  117,  136. 

16  Texts  cited  below.  Vol.  II,  p.  568;  Vol.  Ill,  p.  152. 

25 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

especially  at  JSIilan,  offers  certain  peculiarities  which  the  student 
of  Lombard  architecture  will  do  well  to  bear  in  mind.  It  will 
be  recalled  that  the  church  of  Milan  enjoyed  certain  unusual 
privileges.  Among  these  was  the  use  of  the  Ambrosian  rite  and 
a  clergj'^  organized  upon  extraordinary  lines.  Beneath  the  arch- 
bishop was  a  college  of  cardinals.  In  the  early  XII  century, 
these  cardinals  included  the  archipreshytcr  and  vicedominus  of 
INIilan,  the  presbyter  of  Vellate,  the  deacon  of  Birago,  another 
deacon  and  the  deacon  of  Arsago  who  had  become  canon  of 
^lortara."  It  is  evident  therefore  that  the  title  of  cardinal  was 
an  honour  bestowed  upon  prominent  secular  clergj'men  of 
different  churches  of  the  diocese.  In  later  times  the  cardinals 
came  to  be  called  ordinarii.  Their  number  was  fixed  at  twenty- 
four,  and  they  were  united  into  a  chapter  regular." 

The  decumani  were  an  order  apart.  They  were  always  one 
hundred  in  number  and  served  in  the  eleven  mother-churches  of 
3Iilan.  At  their  head  stood  the  primicerio.  The  decumani  seem 
to  have  been  always  jjresbyteri,  that  is  to  say,  priests  in  charge 
of  parish  duties.  Dependent  upon  the  decumani  were  the 
cappellani,  who  officiated  in  ten  chapels.  In  the  diocese  of 
JMon/a  there  were  decumani  and  ordinarii  similar  to  those  of 
Milan. 

In  certain  cases  the  dean  of  a  chapter  was  given  the  title  of 
prior. 

The  churches  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan  and  S.  Pietro  in 
Ciel  d'Oro  at  Pavia  possessed  two  bodies  of  clergj%  one  a  chapter 
of  canons,  the  other  a  chapter  of  monks.  In  neither  instance 
does  the  arrangement  seem  to  have  proved  a  happy  one.  In  both 
churches  hostility  soon  developed  between  the  two  bodies,  and 
this  enmity  lasted  for  long  centuries,  manifesting  itself  not  only 
in  unending  lawsuits,  but  even,  at  times,  in  acts  of  physical 
violence  and  crime. 

Certain  chapters  had  connected  with  them  women  to  whom 
was  given  the  title  of  conversce,  or   lay-sisters.     These  were 

n  Giulini,  VII,  79,  85. 

isLnnduIphi  Senioris,  Med.  Hist.,  I,  III-V,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  IV,  62-63; 
Arnulphi,  Jlist.  Med.,  I,  1,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  IV,  8;  Galvanei  Flanunas,  Manipulus 
Florum,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  XI,  570. 

26 


COMMUNES  AND  ECCLESIASTICAL  AUTHORITIES 

probably  persons  to  whom  a  sort  of  pension  was  given  in  return 
for  services  rendered. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  XI  century  it  became  customary 
to  intrust  the  care  of  the  church-building,  and  all  that  had  to 
do  with  its  maintenance  or  reconstruction,  to  an  officer  calfed 
the  superstans.  This  dignitary  existed  in  all  the  more  important 
churches  of  Milan.  In  the  case  of  S.  Ambrogio,  the  documents 
prove  that  he  was  appointed  neither  by  the  canons  nor  by  the 
monks,  but  by  the  archbishop. ^°  The  superstans  was  the  chief 
officer,  or  rather,  it  appears,  generally  the  sole  officer,  of  what 
was  known  as  the  fahhrica  or  the  laborerio.  By  this  term  was 
meant  the  administration  of  all  that  had  to  do  with  constructing, 
restoring,  or  maintaining  in  repair,  the  church-building.  It 
included  not  only  looking  after  the  funds  required  for  building 
expenses,  but  also  the  executive  part  of  their  expenditure,  making 
contracts  with  builders,  obtaining  materials,  etc.  Legacies  were 
frequently  left,  and  donations  made,  to  the  laborerio  of  a  given 
church.  Outside  of  Milan  the  superstans  was  often  supplanted 
by  a  committee  of  several  persons.""  These  were  regularly 
clerics."^  Outside  of  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  ISIilan  the 
superstans  was  often  a  cleric,  in  which  case  he  was  given  almost 
always  the  title  of  massaro,  but  the  duties  appear  to  have  been 
substantially  the  same,  and  the  organization  of  the  laborerio 
essentially  identical. 

As  elsewhere  in  Europe  the  XI  and  XII  centuries  in 
Lombardy  were  a  time  of  storm  and  stress  for  the  Church,  which 
was  rent  by  schisms  and  by  attempts  at  reform  which,  in  general, 
succeeded  only  after  bitter  sti'ife.  In  the  XI  century  the 
questions  of  simony  and  the  right  of  priests  to  maintain  concu- 

10  In  1156  the  archbishop  conceded  the  right  of  appointing  the  superstans  to  the 
canons  of  S.  Eustorgio  (Giulini,  VII,  136). 

20  At  Cremona  the  members  of  this  committee  were  all  given  the  title  of  massaro: 
the  leader  was  capo  massaro.     At  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  there  were  two  massari  in  1178. 

21  II  idus  Marc.  Anno  ab  Incarnatione  Domini  MCCLVI  indictione  IIII,  obiit 
frater  Albricus,  qui  fuit  rector,  gubernator,  et  minister  domus  laborerii  ecclesiae 
Sancti  Evaxii  de  Casali,  et  iudicavlt  ecclesiae  supradictae  libras  XII  papienses  in 
auxilium  emendi  calicem  argenteum,  et  planetam  pro  animae  suae  mercede  {Necrologium 
Ecclesiae  Beati  Evasii  Casalensis,  ed.  Eist.  Pat.  Mon.,  V,  463).  Many  other  texts 
might  be  cited. 

27 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

bines  were  the  chief  points  at  issue.  Kveiitiially  the  conscience 
of  the  people  resulted  in  at  least  niakin<r  illc<>al,  if  not  in 
altogether  suppressing,  both  abuses.  On  the  whole,  the  clergy 
of  Lombardy  during  the  Komanesque  period,  if  they  failed  to 
rise  to  the  heights  of  piety  attained  by  the  clergy  of  France,  seem, 
on  the  other  hand,  never  to  have  sunk  as  low  as  those  of  certain 
other  pai'ts  of  Europe.  In  religious  matters  the  Italians  always 
have  been  inclined  to  hold  a  middle  course.  The  great  reforms 
of  Cluny  and  of  St.  Bernard  passed  over  the  Italian  clergj', 
leaving  them  essentially  as  unaltered  as  did  the  revolt  of  Luther 
some  centuries  later. 


28 


APPENDIX.     MASONRY 

Of  one  other  matter  the  reader  should  be  warned  before 
plunging  into  the  complex  questions  which  beset  the  history  of 
the  Lombard  style.  For  determining  the  date  of  Lombard 
buildings  no  other  criterion  can  be  relied  upon  as  confidently  as 
the  character  of  the  masonry.  Ornamental  or  structural  char- 
acteristics of  an  earlier  time  may  be  repeated  archaistically,  but 
the  character  of  masonry  depends  upon  a  general  and  ever 
changing  tradition.  Even  when  modern  restorers  consciously 
attempt  to  reproduce  the  masonry  of  earlier  times,  they  invariably 
fail.  The  living  tradition  of  the  masons  can  not  be  set  aside. 
More  or  less  consistent  attempts  have  been  made  to  establish 
the  chronolog}'  of  buildings  of  the  Roman  period  by  the  masonrj^ 
and  something  of  the  sort  has  been  done  in  northern  Europe, 
especially  in  England,  but  it  is  strange  that  the  method  has  not 
yet  been  applied  in  Lombardy,  where  the  ambiguity'  of  structural 
and  ornamental  types  makes  it  of  the  greatest  usefulness  in 
determining  the  age  of  monuments. 

If  we  can  once  bring  ourselves  to  give  attention  to  a  matter 
which  seems  so  dull  and  academic,  we  shall  find  no  difficulty  in 
perceiving  that  masonry  underwent  a  steady  development  and 
improvement  during  the  Lombard  period.  Compare,  for 
example,  the  masonry  of  the  church  of  Sj^igno  (Plate  207, 
Fig.  4),  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  991,  with  that  of 
the  western  part^  of  the  nave  of  S.  Carpoforo  at  Como  (  Plate  60, 
Fig.  4),  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1040,  and  with 
S.  Benedetto  di  Lenno  (Plate  102,  Fig.  5),  an  authentically 
dated  monument  of  1083.  It  will  be  evident  that  at  Spigno  the 
masonry  is  much  rougher  than  in  the  other  two  edifices;  that 
the  stones  are  of  irregular  size  and  shape,  and  laid  with  little 

1  The  masonry  of  the  eastern  part  of  this  nave  was  denatured  in  the  restoration. 

29 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

regard  to  the  horizontality  of  the  courses;  that  the  mortar-beds 
are  wide,  the  scafFohliiig  holes  unduly  large  and  prominent.  At 
S.  Carpoforo  of  Como,  on  the  other  hand,  the  masonry  is 
decidedly  better,  the  courses  have  a  distinctly  horizontal  ten- 
dency, the  stones  are  more  nearly  of  the  same  size  and  shape, 
the  mortar-beds  are  narrower.  At  S.  Benedetto  di  Lenno, 
furthermore,  the  masonry  is  still  superior,  the  stones  are  dressed 
and  laid  in  courses  which  are  generally  horizontal.  That  is  to 
sa\',  in  the  centurj'  which  elapsed  between  the  building  of  Spigno 
and  of  S.  Benedetto  there  was  a  progressive  improvement  in  the 
character  of  the  masonry.  That  this  improvement  was  steady 
and  consistent  we  shall  readily  convince  ourselves  if  we  examine 
the  masonry  of  edifices  built  between  981  and  108.3.  liCt  us  take, 
for  example,  the  church  of  S.  Giovanni  at  Vigolo  INIarchese 
(Plate  240,  Fig.  5).  It  will  be  evident  upon  insjiection  of  the 
photographs  that  this  masonry  falls  midway  between  that  of 
Spigno  and  that  of  S.  Carpoforo  of  Como,  and,  in  point  of  fact, 
if  we  turn  to  our  documents  we  shall  find  that  this  church  was 
erected  in  1008.  Now,  this  progressive  development  in  the 
character  of  the  masonry  began  much  before  981,  and  continued 
after  1083.  A  few  experiments  with  the  monuments  listed  in 
the  chronological  chart  will,  I  think,  be  sufficient  to  convince  the 
reader  that  the  date  of  monuments  may  be  readily  determined 
by  the  character  of  their  masonry. 

We  must,  however,  be  on  our  guard  against  supposing  that 
the  matter  is  as  clear  and  obvious  as  the  four  examples  cited 
might  lead  us  to  suppose.  There  are  certain  difficulties  which, 
although  easily  explained  when  carefully  studied,  at  first  glance 
appear  so  great  that  they  are  discouraging.  Thus,  if  we  look 
at  the  apse  of  S.  Giulia  of  Bonate,  a  church  Avhich  dates  from 
1129,  we  shall  find  broken  courses  and  rubble  which  seem 
distinctly  more  primitive  than  the  masonry  of  S.  Benedetto  di 
I^enno.  At  Sesto  Calende,  in  the  choir  (c.  1100)  and  even  in 
the  narthex  (c.  1130)  of  S.  Donato,  and  in  the  apse  of  S. 
Vincenzo  (Plate  2,  Fig.  1),  a  monument  which  dates  from  1102, 
we  find  masonry  which  would  appear  much  earlier  than  it  really 
is.    At  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Bergamo  the  masonry  of  1187  is 

80 


MASONRY 

distinctly  rougher  than  that  of  fifty  years  earlier.  In  Verona^ 
(c.  1110)  we  find  at  S.  Lorenzo  (Plate  219,  Fig.  2)  herring-bone 
pebble  work,  very  similar  to  masonry  of  sixty  years  earlier  in 
the  province  of  Novara.  At  Lodi  Vecchio  and  in  many  other 
churches^  masonry  of  very  different  character  is  used  in  the  piers 
and  structural  portions  of  the  edifice  (Plate  104,  Fig.  3; 
Plate  105,  Fig.  1,  2,  4)  from  that  used  in  the  screen- walls 
(Plate  105,  Fig.  3).' 

Such  apparent  contradictions  are  generally  to  be  explained 
by  local  conditions.  It  is  well  known  that  in  Italy  a  few  kilo- 
metres in  distance  will  often  mean  a  complete  change  in  the  racial 
characteristics  of  the  people  and  the  physical  conditions  of  their 
environment.  Como  and  Milan  are  cities  situated  only  forty 
kilometres  apart,  yet  not  only  do  the  people  of  Como  speak  a 
dialect  essentially  different  from  that  of  Milan,  but  they  have 
a  national  character  of  their  own  quite  distinct  from  that  of  the 
Milanesi.  The  climatic  conditions  of  the  two  cities  are  entirely 
divergent.  Moreover,  Como  is  placed  in  the  mountains,  Milan 
in  the  flattest  of  plains.  At  Como  there  was  plenty  of  wood  and 
stone  for  building,  at  Milan  there  was  only  brick.  It  is  therefore 
not  surprising  that  the  Romanesque  architecture  of  Como  is 
absolutely  different  from  that  of  Milan ;  and  the  architecture  was 
different,  not  only  in  its  structural  and  ornamental  features,  but 
in  the  character  of  its  masonry  as  well. 

Differences  as  striking  as  those  which  exist  between  the 
schools  of  INIilan  and  Como  exist  between  all  the  other  innumer- 
able schools  into  which  the  Romanesque  architecture  of  Lombardy 
was  divided.  No  two  were  alike,  no  one  but  had  its  own  distinct 
and  individual  character.  While  some  were  in  advance,  others 
lagged  behind.  It  therefore  results  as  a  primary  and  funda- 
mental rule  of  criticism  that,  in  establishing  chronolog}%  a 
monument  is  to  be  compared,  so  far  as  possible,  with  monuments 
which  belong  to  the  same  local  school,  and  which  are  situated 

2  Also  at  Cascina  S.  Trinity— c.  1130— (Plate  50,  Fig.  2),  Isola  della  Scala— 
1120— (Plate  101,  Fig.  1),  Castelletto  Monastero  (c.  1110),  etc. 

s  Such  as  Rivolta  d'Adda,  Pallanza,  S.  Fermo  di  Sopra. 

•1  At  Maderno  the  masonry  of  the  flanks  is  distinctly  inferior  to  that  of  the 
fafade,  although  contemporary. 

81 


l.OMHAIU)  AUCHITKCTrRE 

geographically  as  near  to  it  as  jjossihle.  Mominuiits  separated 
by  a  considerable  geographical  distance  may  be  compared  only 
with  the  utmost  caution,  and  when  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
the  two  local  schools  were  advancing  about  abreast  of  each  other. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  building  material  available 
had  a  great  influence  u])on  the  character  of  the  construction/ 
The  fact  that  ])ebbles  were  abundantly  obtainable  at  Sesto 
Calende  induced  the  masons  to  retain  a  rough  rubble  masonry 
at  a  time  when  this  had  been  discarded  elsewhere.  Yet  the 
narthex  of  S.  Donato  proves  that  the  masons  of  Sesto  were 
perfectly  capable  of  executing  fine  ashlar  when  they  could  obtain 
the  stone.  Brick  was  used  at  iSIilan  because  it  w^as  easier  to 
obtain  than  stone,  pebbles,  or  wood.  Economj'  also  frequently 
j)layed  its  part  in  altering  the  character  of  masonry.  Simple 
edifices  were  generally  more  carelessly  built  than  important 
churches.  For  the  same  reason  the  structural  portions  of 
churches,  that  is  to  say,  the  piers  and  those  parts  of  the  wall  upon 
which  weight  was  concentrated,  were  regularly  built  of  better 
masonry  than  the  portions  of  the  wall  which  served  merely  to 
fill  in.  In  assigning  dates,  these  facts  must  always  be  borne  in 
mind  and  discounted.  Notwithstanding  the  exceptions,  however, 
the  general  rule  remains  that  masonry  from  the  X  to  the  XII 
century  underwent  a  steady  and  progressive  development,  and 
that  it  affords  the  key  by  means  of  which  the  chronolog}^  of  a 
building  may  be  most  safely  determined. 

Kven  before  the  I^ombard  invasion,  the  technique  of  masonry 
had  sunk  to  the  lowest  depths.  The  sacristy  of  SS.  Felice  e 
Fortunato  at  Vicenza,  which  was  built  in  554,  is  constructed  of 
stones  and  bits  of  brick  ol)viously  second-hand,  and  laid  in  courses 
which  are  seldom  horizontal.  Those  portions  of  the  masonry 
of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia  (Plate  35,  Fig.  3)  which  appear  to 
date  from  c.  550-c.  575  are  constructed  of  rubble  masonry  of  the 
roughest  sort.  ^Masonry  of  coarse  rubble  and  walls  of  enormous 
thickness  characterize  the  church  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Barzano 
( Plate  20,  Fig.  2 )  which,  I  believe,  dates  from  c.  590. 

Of  the  masonry  of  the  VII  century  and  even  of  the  early 

!>  At  Corncto  no  mortar  was  used  between  the  stone  joints. 

82 


MASONRY 

part  of  the  VIII  century,  we  know  nothing.  At  SS.  Tosca  e 
Teuteria  of  Verona,  in  the  jjortions  of  wall  which  date  from  751, 
we  find  chunks  of  brick  of  all  sizes  and  shapes,  unsquared  blocks 
of  stones,  pebbles  and  a  few  squared  blocks  (doubtless  pilfered), 
piled  in  haphazard,  although  herring-bone  and  even  horizontal 
courses  occur. 

In  the  IX  centurj'  the  qualitj'  of  the  masonry  declined  even 
further.  At  S.  Pietro  of  Agliate,  which  dates  from  c.  875,  the 
masonry  is  little  better  than  crude  rubble  (Plate  5,  Fig.  3). 
Even  rougher  is  the  masonrj^  of  the  transepts  of  S.  Stefano  of 
Verona  (c.  885).  Similar  masonrj'  is  found  in  the  baiDtisteries 
of  Settimo  Vittone— 889— (Plate  206,  Fig.  2)  and  Agliate— 
c.  900— (Plate  5,  Fig.  5),  and  at  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (923).  In 
991  at  Sjjigno,  the  masonry  shows  a  distinct  improvement  in 
quality  (Plate  207,  Fig.  4). 

In  the  XI  century,  as  has  already  been  seen,  masonry  in 
stone  underwent  rapid  development.  The  character  of  stone- 
work about  the  year  1000  may  be  seen  in  the  church  of  S.  Fedelino 
on  the  Lago  di  Mezzola  (Plate  102,  Fig.  1),  or  in  the  later 
portions  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella.  In  the  latter  edifice, 
small  rectangular  pieces  of  stone,  mixed  occasionallj^  with  brick, 
are  laid  in  thick  beds  of  mortar.  The  church  of  Montecchia 
(Plate  147,  Fig.  2)  shows  masonry  in  whicli  some  attempt  is 
made  to  maintain  horizontal  courses.  In  the  Foresteria  of  Sagra 
S.  ISIichele  we  find  rather  cruder  masonry  dating  from  1002. 
The  masonry  of  S.  Ponzo  Canavese,  dating  from  c.  1005,  is 
formed  of  round  stones  from  the  river-bed,  bricks  and  other 
fragmentary  materials,  although,  as  at  IMontecchia,  a  certain 
horizontality  of  the  courses  is  maintained.  It  will  be  noted  that 
in  both  instances  the  walls  support  a  vault.  At  S.  Ponzo  the 
walls  are  1.41  metres  thick.  A  similar  attempt  to  use  superior 
material  in  structural  portions  of  the  edifice  is  to  be  found  at 
S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano,  an  authentically  dated  monimient  of 
1007,  in  which  the  archivolts  are  of  carefully  laid  bricks,  although 
the  wall  is  of  rubble.  This  same  construction  is  repeated  in  the 
baptistery  of  Vigolo  JNIarchese,  which  dates  from  c.  1010.  The 
remainder  of  the  masonry  at  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano  (Plate  99, 

33 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Fig.  1),  before  it  was  denatured  by  the  recent  restoration,  con- 
sisted of  uncut  stones  and  a  few  bits  of  brick.  At  S.  Giovanni 
of  Vigolo  3Iarchese  (Plate  240,  Fig.  5),  an  authentically  dated 
monument  of  1008,  much  herring-bone  work  is  introduced.  The 
baptistery  at  Vigolo  Marchese  (Plate  240,  Fig.  3),  although 
almost  contemporary  with  the  church,  shows  masonry  of  superior 
quality.  Vaulted  edifices  almost  invariably  were  better  built 
than  contemporary  edifices  roofed  in  wood.  The  masonry  of 
Piobesi — c.  1020— (Plate  188,  Fig.  1)  and  of  S.  Pietro  at  Acqui- 
(Plate  4,  Fig.  2),  an  authenticallj"^  dated  monument  of  1015- 
1023,  shows  an  advance,  in  that  the  stones  are  somewhat  larger 
and  more  regularly  shaped,  and  the  courses  more  horizontal. 
In  the  baptistery  of  Galliano,  built  c.  1015  (Plate  96,  Fig.  1), 
there  is  a  distinct  tendency  towards  horizontal  courses,  although 
the  masonry  is  still  of  rubble.  Oleggio — c.  1030 — (Plate  160, 
Fig.  1)  and  Mazzone— c.  1030— (Plate  187,  Fig.  1)  are  con- 
structed of  uncut  stones  mixed  with  cut  stones  and  brick.  At 
Sezze  (Plate  206,  Fig.  4),  an  authentically  dated  monument 
of  1030,  we  find  a  distinct  advance.  The  masonry  is  formed  of 
brick-shaped  stones  and  brick.  Although  the  mortar-beds  are 
thick,  many  courses  are  horizontal;  others  are  irregular  and 
herring-bone  work  is  introduced.  At  Biella  (Plate  24,  Fig.  2), 
a  vaulted  edifice  of  c.  1040,  we  find  masonry  which  at  first  glance 
seems  somewhat  more  primitive.  A  closer  study,  however,  shows 
that  this  appearance  is  due  to  the  fact  that  many  stones  from  the 
river-bed  have  been  cmjiloyed,  but  that  really  the  masonry  is 
superior  to  that  of  Sezze.  The  cut  stones  are  laid  in  courses 
with  an  accuracy  even  greater  than  in  the  latter  edifice.  The 
masonry  of  Sommacampagna — c.  1040 — (Plate  207,  Fig.  1)  is 
also  rough.  At  Piona  (Plate  188,  Fig.  4),  about  the  same  date, 
we  find  masonry  that  really  begins  to  look  like  ashlar.  Although 
the  courses  wander  up  and  down,  although  the  mortar-beds  are 
thick,  and  the  stones  of  very  variable  size,  this  masonry  is  far 
superior  to  any  we  have  yet  found.  It  should  be  observed, 
however,  that  in  the  recent  restoration  this  masonry  of  Piona 
was  carefully  worked  over  and  made  to  appear  much  better  than 
it  realh^  is.    Before  the  restoration  it  was  hardly  superior  to  that 

84 


MASONRY 

of  the  contemporary  church  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (Plate  56, 
Fig.  5).  The  masonry  of  the  neighbouring  chapel  of  S.  Bene- 
detto (Plate  56,  Fig.  4),  which  was  intended  to  be  vaulted,  is 
better,  and  probably  dates  from  about  five  years  later.  The 
aslilar  of  Sasso  (Plate  205,  Fig.  2),  an  edifice  which  dates  from 
c.  1050,  has  really  ceased  to  be  rubble. 

The  masonry  of  the  cathedral  at  Acqui,  a  building  begun 
c.  1015,  and  consecrated  in  1067,  is  even  better  (Plate  2,  Fig.  6). 
At  Curreggio — c.  1055 — (Plate  87,  Fig.  1)  the  large  stones  are 
roughly  or  not  at  all  squared,  and  are  laid  in  courses  seldom 
horizontal.  Pebbles  and  herring-bone  brickwork  are  introduced. 
S.  Vincenzo  of  Gravedona  (Plate  100,  Fig.  4,  5),  erected  in  1072, 
is  constructed  of  small  rectangular  blocks  of  stone,  roughly 
squared  and  irregularly  laid.  At  Cosio,  an  authentically  dated 
monument  of  1078,  we  find  blocks  of  extremely  variable  size 
employed.  Some  are  of  fairly  Cyclopean  dimensions,  while 
others  are  little  better  than  small,  rough  pebbles.  The  courses 
tend  to  be  horizontal,  but  the  joints  are  often  very  wide.  The 
masonry  at  the  Badia  di  Vertemate,  an  authentically  dated 
monument  of  1083-1095,  is  much  better,  as  is  also  that  of  the 
baptistery  of  Lenno  (Plate  102,  Fig.  2),  which  dates  from 
c.  1085.  The  contemporary  baptistery  of  Oggiono  (Plate  159, 
Fig.  2,  3,  4)  shows  similar  stonework.  The  masonry  of  Mon- 
astero  di  Capo  di  Ponte— c.  1090— (Plate  146,  Fig.  2)  is  finer, 
although  the  courses  are  often  broken.  Very  similar,  but  even 
better,  is  the  masonry  of  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (Plate  58,  Fig.  2) , 
in  which  small  rectangular  blocks  of  various  sizes  are  laid  in 
courses  not  always  horizontal.  This  church  was  consecrated 
in  1095. 

While  stone  masonry  was  undergoing  this  evolution,  masonry 
in  brick  had  been  developing  with  similar  rapidit5^  The  two 
constructions  appear  to  have  existed  alongside  of  each  other  from 
the  earliest  times.  One  of  the  few  facts  which  can  be  gathered 
from  the  puzzling  set  of  building  laws  attributed  to  Luitprando 
is  that  there  were  in  use  in  the  VIII  century  two  distinct  kinds 
of  construction  known  respectively  as  opera  gallica  and  ojjera 
romanense.     The  ojjera  gallica  was  probably  the  rubble  con- 

85 


ro^rnARD  architecture 

struction  which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  iiiiieh  emjjloyed.  The 
opera  romanense  was  presumably  construction  in  brick,  such  as 
had  been  used  in  Honiau  times.  In  point  of  fact,  in  tlie  church 
of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia,  constructed  c.  7<>0,  at  the  order  of 
the  I^ombard  sovereigns,  we  find  flat  bricks  laid  in  horizontal 
courses  (Plate  3.5,  Fig.  1),  in  ([uite  the  Roman  manner. 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  this  tradition  died  out  soon 
after.  Forty  years  later,  in  the  Cani])ani]e  dei  INIonaci  at  S. 
Ambrogio  of  ^lilan,  we  find  emj)loyed  bricks  (Plate  118,  Fig.  4) 
quite  different  from  those  of  the  Romans,  being  of  irregular  size 
and  shape,  and  tending  to  be  rather  thick.  It  is  evident  that 
these  bricks  were  made,  not  in  a  mould  such  as  is  employed  in 
the  manufacture  of  bricks  to-day,  but  that  the  clay  was  merely 
cut  into  the  shape  desired  when  it  was  (]uite  soft  and  left  to  dry. 
This  same  process  of  manufacture  continued  to  be  used  through- 
out the  Romanesque  period.  At  S.  Vincenzo  of  INIilan,  a  chvn-ch 
which  dates  from  c.  830  (Plate  137,  Fig.  7),  we  find  similar 
bricks,  small  and  irregular  in  shape,  Avith  thick  mortar-beds,  laid 
in  courses  in  the  main  regular  and  horizontal,  although  vertical 
and  oblique  courses  are  introduced.  At  SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria 
of  Verona  bricks  of  irregular  size  were  roughly  laid  in  courses 
approximately  horizontal,  separated  by  mortar-beds  of  enormous 
tliickness  (c.  875) .  Very  small  l)ricks  were  used  in  the  baptistery 
of  Xovara  (c.  900).  In  the  apse  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  INIilan 
(Plate  117,  Fig.  .3),  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  940, 
we  find  the  brickwork  is  decidedly  rough,  with  many  vertical  and 
many  herring-bone  courses.  In  the  apse  of  S.  Eustorgio  of  the 
same  city,  which  dates  from  c.  1000  (Plate  127,  Fig.  4),  we  find 
again  bricks  of  all  sizes  and  shapes,  laid  with  thick  mortar-beds." 
The  courses  are  appi'oximately  horizontal,  but  much  herring- 
bone work  is  introduced.  The  masonry  of  c.  1010  at  S.  Sofia  of 
Padova  consists  of  broken  bits  of  brick  roughlj'  laid  in  horizontal 
courses,  with  wide  mortar-beds.  In  the  contemporary  baptistery 
of  Vigolo  Marchese  we  find  for  the  first  time  the  use  of  bricks 
of  enormous  dimensions.     Such  bricks,  characteristic  of  much 

8  This  masonry  has  been  denatured  by  restoration. 

36 


MASONRY 

of  the  brick  masonry  of  the  first  half  of  the  XI  centurj',  serve 
to  establish  the  date  of  many  edifices.'  At  Lomello,  an  edifice 
erected  c.  1025,  the  bricks  are  small  (Plate  111,  Fig.  3)  and 
roughh'  laid,  often  obliquely  or  in  herring-bone  courses.  Some- 
times the  broad  side  or  end  of  the  brick  is  exposed  to  view.  There 
are  broad  beds  of  coarse  mortar.  The  brickwork  at  S.  Sepolcro 
of  jNIilan,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1030,  is  very 
similar  but  slightly  better.  Rough  bricks,  which  vary  greatly 
in  size,  are  mixed  occasionally  with  blocks  of  stone,  especially 
at  the  angles.  There  is  much  herring-bone  work  (Plate  133, 
Fig.  2,  6).  The  apse  of  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato  at  Vicenza,  in 
the  parts  which  date  from  c.  1030  (Plate  239,  Fig.  4),  is  built 
of  bricks  laid  in  courses  for  the  most  part  horizontal,  but  fre- 
quently broken.  Herring-bone  and  vertical  work  occurs.  Some 
stones  and  many  fragmentary  bricks  of  all  sizes,  shapes  and 
colours,  are  indiscriminately  mingled  together.  The  wide 
mortar-beds  contain  pebbles.  At  Casalino,  built  c.  1040,  herring- 
bone work  i^redominates  (Plate  48,  Fig.  1).  In  the  contem- 
porary church  of  Calvenzano  (Plate  41,  Fig.  1,  2),  the  bricks 
vary  greatly  in  size,  and  are  frequently  laid  in  herring-bone 
fashion.  At  Sannazzaro  Sesia  (Plate  201,  Fig.  5),  a  monument 
of  1040,  the  brickwork  is  of  similar  character,  but  bands  of 
herring-bone  pebbles'  are  introduced.  In  the  piers  and  struc- 
tural portions  (Plate  201,  Fig.  6)  the  masonry  is  of  a  superior 
quality.  At  Brusasco  (c.  10.50)  the  bricks  are  small  and  of 
irregular  size,  and  the  courses  seldom  horizontal.  At  S.  Xazaro 
of  Milan,  an  edifice  begvni  c.  1075,  the  masonry  is  much  superior. 
In  the  atrium  of  S.  Ambrogio  (Plate  118,  Fig.  T;  Plate  120, 
Fig.  1)  we  see  how  far  the  technique  of  construction  had 
advanced  at  the  end  of  the  XI  centiuy. 

The  brickwork  of  the  XI  century  shows  to  a  large  extent 
local  variations  due  to  the  traditions  of  the  different  schools,  and 
in  order  to  arrive  at  a  conclusion  in  regard  to  the  date  of  a  given 

'Large  bricks  are  found,  e.g.,  at  Stradella  (c.  1035) — one  measures  37x7x30 
centimetres — and  in  the  campanile  of  S.  Satiro  of  Milan  (1043).  Occasionally  bricks 
of  colossal  dimensions  continued  to  be  used,  even  in  the  XII  century,  as  at  Monte- 
chiarugolo  (c.  1145),  where  some  of  the  bricks  are  nearly  a  metre  in  length. 

8  Compare  the  herring-bone  pebble  work  at  Oleggio — c.  1030 — (Plate  160,  Fig.  3). 

37 


160504 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

edifice,  it  is  necessary  to  compare  the  masonry  carefullj^  with 
other  monuments  of  the  same  region,  especially  as  to  the  size 
of  the  bricks,  the  width  of  the  mortar  courses,  and  the  composition 
of  the  mortar.  It  would  be  too  tedious  here  to  go  over  in  detail 
the  innumerable  variations  and  peculiarities  which  the  masonry 
of  this  period  shows  and  by  means  of  which  it  is  possible  to  date 
manj-^  edifices.  One  point,  however,  is  so  important,  and  has  been 
so  frequently  misunderstood,  that  it  will  be  necessary  to  speak 
of  it  at  some  length. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  Lombard  bricks  were  not 
made  in  a  mould,  but  were  cut  out  of  the  wet  clay  while  it  was 
still  soft.  In  order  to  afford  a  key  by  which  the  mortar  might 
grip  the  bricks  more  firmly,  or  to  which  the  gesso  almost  inva- 
riably applied  to  the  finished  wall  surface  might  adhere,  it  was 
customary  to  roughen  the  surface  of  the  bricks.  This  roughening 
was  done  by  means  of  zigzag  lines  scratched  on  the  surface  before 
the  clay  dried  (Plate  118,  Fig.  7),  and  is  known  as  cross- 
•hatching.  Except  in  unusual  instances,  it  was  applied  to  only 
one  face  of  the  brick,  perhaps  because  it  was  difficult  to  turn 
the  bricks  when  they  were  still  soft.  In  some  cases  it  happened 
that  cross-hatched  bricks  were  used  where  there  was  no  need  of 
the  hatching,  or  even  that  the  hatched  surface  Avas  placed  inward. 
In  some  cases — as  at  S.  Lorenzo  of  JNIilan,  or  the  facade  of  Lodi 
Vecchio — the  cross-hatching  was  added  after  the  bricks  had  been 
made,  and  probably  even  after  thej^  had  been  placed  in  position." 
It  was  naturally  much  more  difficult  to  cross-hatch  the  bricks 
after  they  had  hardened  than  when  tliey  were  soft,  and  it  is  easy 
to  distinguish  the  two  processes  in  the  finished  product.'"  When 
the  cross-hatching  was  performed  upon  hardened  bricks  there 
were  cut  a  few  deep  lines  instead  of  many  shallow  ones." 

The  custom  of  cross-hatching  bricks  came  into  use  in  the 
XI  century.    I  have  foimd  no  instance  of  it  earlier  than  the  year 

»  Sometimes  stone  blocks  were  similarly  cross-hatched.  Instances  may  be  found 
at  Cemmo,  Vaprio  d'Adda,  Cavana,  S.  Michele  di  Castelvetro,  Montiglio  and  Albugnano. 

1"  Examples  of  bricks  incised  thus  after  they  had  dried  may  be  found  at  S. 
RufBllo  di  Bologna— 1178— (Plate  204,  Fig.  2),  Cirie  (c.  1100),  etc. 

11  Many  Lombard  bricks  were  made  with  dents,  or  finger-holes,  in  order  to 
facilitate  handling. 

38 


MASONRY 

1000.''  During  the  first  half  of  the  XI  century,  cross- 
hatched  bricks  appear  occasionally,  as,  for  example,  at  Lomello — 
c.  1025— (Plate  111,  Fig.  3)  and  Stradella  (c.  1035),  though 
in  the  great  majority  of  instances,  such  as  Oleggio  (c.  1030), 
Calvenzano — c.  1040— (Plate  41,  Fig.  1,  2),  S.  Satiro  at  Milan 
(1043),  Sannazzaro  Sesia — 1040— (Plate  201,  Fig.  5,  6)  and 
Lodi  Vecchio  (c.  1050),  they  continue  to  be  without  cross- 
hatching.  During  the  second  half  of  the  XI  century,  on  the 
other  hand,  cross-hatched  bricks  were  almost  exclusively  used. 
In  fact  I  know  of  no  masonry  erected  between  the  years  1050 
and  1100  in  which  the  bricks  are  not  cross-hatched. 

During  the  XII  century  the  bricks  were  sometimes  cross- 
hatched  and  sometimes  not.  In  the  cathedral  of  Cremona,  the 
bricks  laid  between  1107  and  "1117  are  cross-hatched,  while  those 
laid  between  1129  and  1141  are  not  cross-hatched.  As  a  general 
rule,  the  cross-hatching  of  bricks  appears  to  have  become  more 
and  more  rare  as  the  XII  century  progressed,  but  instances  of 
it  may  be  found  until  the  XIII  century." 

The  XII  century  brought  great  improvement  in  the  quality 
of  masonry,  especially  in  ashlar.  If  we  compare  the  stonework 
at  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (Plate  58,  Fig.  2)  with  the  splendid 
ashlar  of  the  cathedral  of  Modena  (Plate  140,  Fig.  1,  3),  a 
building  begun  in  1099,  the  difference  between  the  two  appears 
to  be  so  startling  that  it  might  well  make  us  doubt  whether  one 
or  both  the  edifices  be  not  incorrectly  dated.  The  apparent 
inconsistency  is  to  be  explained  partly  by  the  divergence  of  the 

12  For  example,  the  bricks  of  S.  Satiro  at  Milan,  which  dates  from  876,  and  those 
of  SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria,  Verona,  which  dates  from  c.  875,  are  both  uncross-hatched. 

13  Cross-hatched  bricks  are  found,  for  example,  in  the  cupola  of  S.  Nazaro, 
Milan— 1112— (Plate  128,  Fig.  1),  at  S.  Babila  of  the  same  city  (c.  1120),  at  S.  Maria 
del  Popolo  of  Pavia  (c.  1130),  at  Cerreto  (c.  1140),  at  ChiaravaUe  della  Colomba 
(c.  1145),  at  S.  Simpliciano  of  Milan  (c.  1150),  at  S.  Michele  di  Castelvetro  (c.  1150), 
in  the  narthex  of  Casale  (c.  1150),  at  Marentino — c.  1150— (Plate  113,  Fig.  1),  at 
CasteU'Alfero  (c.  1155),  at  Viboldone  (1176),  at  Rivalta  Scrivia  (1180),  at  Castelnuovo 
Scrivia  (1183),  at  Carpi  (1184),  at  Ganaceto  (c.  1200),  etc.  On  the  other  hand,  bricks 
without  cross-hatching  may  be  found  at  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  (c.  1106),  at  S.  Lorenzo 
of  Mantova  (c.  1115),  at  Nonantola  (1121),  at  Pieve  di  Novi  Ligure  (c.  1130),  at 
Cascina  S.  Trinity  (c.  1130),  at  Morlmondo  (1186),  at  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato  of 
Vicenza  (1179),  at  Viboldone  (c.  1195).  At  Ferrara  (1177)  the  bricks  are  roughened, 
but  not  cross-hatched. 

39 


LOMBARD  AUCIIITEC  TURE 

local  schools  and  the  building  material  available,  partly  by  the 
genius  of  the  master-builder,  Lanfranco.  In  S.  Fedele  of  Como 
(Plate  6-t,  Fig.  4),  we  have  masonry  of  c.  111.5,  which  is  only 
slightly  better  than  that  of  S.  Abondio  of  Como.  Stonework 
almost  as  rough  is  found  in  the  Abbazia  di  Albino  (Plate  1, 
Fig.  2),  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1134-1136.  Rough 
ashlar  masonry  is  found  in  the  campanile  of  S.  Orso  at  Aosta  as 
late  as  1151.  In  all  these  and  many  other  instances  of  the  first 
half  of  the  XII  century  that  might  be  cited,"  only  the  rough 
stone  of  the  mountains  was  available,  hard  and  difficult  to  work 
to  a  polished  surface.  At  ^lodena,  on  the  otlier  hand,  there  were 
available  numerous  marble  blocks  from  ancient  Roman  buildings, 
easily  cut  and  polished  and  many,  no  doubt,  already'  finely 
wrought  to  a  form  which  could  be  used  without  change.  This 
combination  of  circumstances,  and  the  peculiar  abilities  of 
Lanfranco  explain  the  superior  quality  of  the  masonry  of 
Modena.  The  exceptional  excellence  of  Lanfranco's  ashlar  is 
proved  by  the  fact  that  during  the  entire  XII  century-  masons 
at  ]Modena  were  unable  to  improve  upon  the  standard  set  in  1099. 
The  masonry  of  this  entire  cathedral,  which  was  in  construction 
for  nearly  a  century,  is  homogeneous  throughout.  The  stone- 
work at  jNIodena  was  imitated  wideh^  throughout  Lombardy,  and 
eventually  caused  a  notable  renaissance  in  the  technique  of  ashlar 
construction.  The  new  standard,  however,  at  first  made  but  slow 
progress.  In  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia,  a  church  con- 
structed c.  110.5  (Plate  31,  Fig.  7,  8),  we  find  masonry  little 
better  than  that  of  the  XI  century.  The  courses  are  often  not 
horizontal,  the  blocks  are  small  and  of  different  sizes.  The 
church  of  Vaprio  d'Adda — c.  1115 — (Plate  212,  Fig.  4,  5)  is 
built  of  larger  blocks  laid  quite  as  carelessly.  Large  and  small 
blocks  are  mixed  at  Garbagnate  ]Monastero — c.  1120 — (Plate  99, 
Fig.  5)  and  Maderno — c.  1120— (Plate  112,  Fig.  1).  At  Isola 
S.  Giulio  (c.  1120),  mixed  with  rubble,  ashlar  quoins  and  brick 
herring-bone  work,  there  are  bits  of  ashlar  masonry  formed  of 

"Compare  Pieve  Trclibio,  a  dated  edifice  of  1108  (Plate  187,  Fig.  3),  Castelletto 
Monastero  (c.  1110),  Cemnio — c.  1110— (Plate  52,  Fig.  4),  etc. 

40 


MASONRY 

large,  roughl}'^  squared  blocks,  laid  in  courses  fairly  horizontal. 
At  S.  Vittore  of  Arsago,  which  dates  from  about  the  same  time, 
the  masonry  is  formed  of  small  unsquared,  brick-shaped  stones 
(Plate  16,  Fig.  1).  Much  finer  is  the  ashlar  of  S.  Zaccaria — 
c.  1120— (Plate  205,  Fig.  3).  At  Castell'Arquato  (1117-1122) 
the  ashlar  is  of  good,  but  not  superlative  quality.  The  courses 
are  not  always  true,  the  joints  are  frequently  wide.  At  S. 
Gioi-gio  of  Almenno  S.  Salvatore  (Plate  11,  Fig.  5,  7)  the 
construction  consists  of  a  mixture  of  ashlar  and  rubble.  It  is 
only  in  the  fine  ashlar  of  the  more  conspicuous  parts  of  the 
cathedral  of  Piacenza,  an  edifice  begvm  in  1122,  that  the  influence 
of  the  Modena  masonry  is  indubitably  shown.  At  Agrate 
Conturbia,  on  the  other  hand  (Plate  10,  Fig.  3),  we  have 
masonry  which,  while  much  superior  to  that  of  the  XI  century, 
is  still  far  from  showing  the  perfection  of  that  of  the  Emilian 
cathedrals.  The  baptistery  of  Arsago  (Plate  15,  Fig.  5),  built 
c.  1125,  is  slightly  better.  Similar  is  the  contemporary  masonry 
at  Fontanella  (Plate  93,  Fig.  3).  At  S.  INIaria  del  Solario  of 
Brescia  (Plate  32,  Fig.  2) ,  an  edifice  of  this  same  time,  the  joints 
are  fine,  although  the  blocks  are  of  various  sizes.  The  stonework 
at  Monastero  di  Provaglio — c.  1130 — (Plate  147,  Fig.  1)  and 
Mergozzo— c.  1130— (Plate  113,  Fig.  8)  is  similar.  In  the 
facade  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma,  an  edifice  begun  about  1130 
(Plate  166,  Fig,  3),  the  masonry  is  of  superlative  quality.  That 
of  Rubbiano  (c.  1130)  is  so  fine  that  the  blocks  almost  seem  to 
be  laid  without  mortar.  In  the  cathedral  of  Ferrara,  the  ashlar, 
which  dates  from  1135,  is  laid  in  bands  alternately  wide  and 
narrow.  In  1138,  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona,  we  find  ashlar  masonry 
which  is  not  only  finer  than  that  of  JModena  (Plate  224,  Fig.  1), 
but  is,  perhaps,  the  equal  of  any  erected  in  Lombardy  during  the 
Romanesque  period.  That  of  the  cathedral  of  Verona,  begun 
in  1139  (Plate  217,  Fig.  5)  is  of  the  same  excellence,  as  is  also 
that  of  the  country  church  of  Rocca  S.  ISIaria  (c.  1140).  The 
masonry  of  Villanova  (1148-1167)— Plate  241,  Fig.  3— differs 
only  in  that  the  blocks  are  somewhat  larger.  Except  where 
considerations  of  economy  or  lack  of  suitable  building  material 

41 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

prevented,"*  the  ashlar  masonrj'  of  the  last  sixty  years  of  the  XII 
century  continued  on  this  same  high  level  of  excellence.  See,  for 
examples,  S.  ]Marziano  of  Viarigi— c.  1180— (Plate  239,  Fig.  5)  ; 
Varese  (Plate  214,  Fig.  1,  4),  an  authentically  dated  monument 
of  1187;  the  baptistery  of  Parma  (Plate  163,  Fig.  1),  begun  in 
1196,  or  those  portions  of  the  cathedral  of  Verona  which  were 
erected  between  c.  1185  and  1193. 

During  the  XII  centurj',  masonry  in  brick  showed  the  same 
remarkable  improvement  as  masonrj'  in  stone.  Herring-bone 
courses  which  were  constantly  used  in  the  XI  century,  especially 
in  the  non-structural  portions  of  the  walls,  came  to  be  employed 
less  frequently,  and  finally  disappeared.'" 

As  in  so  much  else,  the  cathedral  of  INIodena  appears  to 
have  opened  a  new  era  in  brick  masonry.  The  even  courses  of 
Lanfranco  were  imitated  at  Quarantoli  in  1114,"  and  at 
Nonantola  in  1121,  although  in  both  cases  the  imitation  was 
inferior  to  the  original.  The  jModena  brickwork  was  also  copied 
in  the  cathedral  of  Cremona  between  1129  and  1141.  All  these 
neat  bricks  of  regular  shape,  carefully  laid  in  horizontal  courses, 
form  a  striking  contrast  to  the  slap-dash  work  of  the  XI  century. 
Even  at  Pavia,  a  centre  slow  to  accept  the  ideas  of  JModena,  the 
brickrvvork  of  S.  Maria  del  Popolo,  erected  c.  1130  (Plate  171, 
Fig.  4),  and  that  of  S.  Teodoro— c.  1135— (Plate  180,  Fig.  7) 
show  careful  workmanship.  In  the  nearly  contemporary  portions 
of  the  cathedral  of  Parma,  the  mortar-beds  are  really  narrow, 
the  earliest  instance  I  know  where  such  is  the  case.  The  brick 
masonry  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  at  Pavia  (Plate  177,  Fig.  3), 
an  edifice  consecrated  in  1132,  is  technically  perfect.  In  the 
Cistercian  abbej'-  churches  of  Chiaravalle  Milanese  (1135-1221), 

15  As,  for  example,  at  the  church  of  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo,  the  main  body  of 
which  (Plate  11,  Fig.  1)  dates  from  c.  1140,  and  the  choir  (Plate  10,  Fig.  6)  from 
c.  1180;  or  at  Gallarate — c.  114k5 — (Plate  94,  Fig.  3,  4),  at  Panico — c.  1145— (Plate  1G2, 
Fig.  4),  or  at  Mont'Orfano  (c.  1145). 

i«  Herring-bone  brickwork  occurs  in  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia  (c.  1105), 
at  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  (c.  1106),  and  at  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (HOT).  The  latest 
example  of  it  that  I  know  is  at  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna  (c.  1160). 

17  The  brickwork  of  the  transepts  of  S.  Sepolcro,  Milan— 1100 — (Plate  133,  Fig.  3) 
shows  an  advance  over  that  of  the  atrium  of  S.  Ambrogio— c.  1090 — (Plate  120,  Fig.  1), 
but  could  not  have  been  influenced  by  Modena. 

42 


MASONRY 

Cerreto  (c.  1140)  and  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba  (c.  1145), 
the  bricks  are  of  regular  size  and  laid  in  horizontal  courses,  but 
the  mortar-beds  are  wide  (Plate  53,  Fig.  2;  Plate  52,  Fig.  1). 
Similar  is  the  brickwork  of  Tronzano — c.  1140 — (Plate  212, 
Fig.  6)  and  of  S.  Simpliciano  of  Milan  (c.  1150),  but  in  the 
narthex  of  Casale,  which  is  of  about  the  same  date,  the  horizontal 
courses  are  interrupted.  The  masonry  of  S.  Pietro  of  Asti 
(c.  1160)  is  quite  as  rough,  but  at  S.  Lazaro  of  Pavia — 1157 — 
(Plate  169,  Fig.  3,  4;  Plate  170,  Fig.  2),  the  brickwork  is  perfect. 
That  of  the  baptistery  of  Cremona— 1167— (Plate  83,  Fig.  6)  is 
also  excellent.  At  S.  Vittore  of  S.  Ruffillo  di  Bologna — 1178 — 
(Plate  204,  Fig.  2),  long,  narrow  bricks  are  laid  in  continuous 
horizontal  courses.  The  uncross-hatched  bricks  of  the  upper  part 
of  the  apse  of  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunate,  Vicenza,  are  laid  in  hori- 
zontal courses  separated  by  narrow  mortar-beds,  neatly  inter- 
spersed with  bits  of  fine  ashlar  (Plate  239,  Fig.  4).  This 
masonry  dates  from  1179.  At  Castelnuovo  Scrivia  we  find  in 
1183  very  large  bricks  laid  in  perfectly  horizontal  courses.  The 
masonry  of  Carpi  (1184)  is  quite  similar  (Plate  42,  Fig.  6.  The 
absodiole  is  modern).  The  bricks  are  unusually  long  in  propor- 
tion'' in  the  Chiesa  Rossa  of  Voghera — c.  1184 — (Plate  242, 
Fig.  1).  In  the  Cistercian  abbey  of  Morimondo  (1186)  the 
joints  are  again  notably  wide  (Plate  154,  Fig.  4).  Typical 
examples  of  the  brick^vork  of  the  end  of  the  XII  century  may 
be  found  at  S.  Lorenzo  of  Cremona — c.  1195 — (Plate  86,  Fig.  1), 
and  in  the  cloister  of  ^Nlontechiarugolo — c.  1200 — (Plate  148, 
Fig.  1). 

Characteristic  of  the  masonry  of  the  XII  centurj^  was  the 
use  of  polychromatic  effects  produced  by  lajdng  bands  of  brick 
or  stone  of  different  colours.  In  buildings  of  the  XI  century 
such  as  Sannazzaro  Sesia — 1040 — (Plate  201,  Fig.  5),  or  in  the 
piers  of  S.  Severo  of  Bardolino,  an  edifice  which  dates  from 
c.  1050,  we  find  some  tendency  towards  a  poh'chromatic  use  of 
materials  of  contrasted  colour.  At  S.  Abondio  of  Como,  in  1095, 
there  is  a  distinct  fondness  for  alternating  stones  of  lighter  and 
darker  colours  in  the  shafts  and  archivolts.     At  S.  Michele  of 

18  They  measure  6-14  x  31-44  x  7-9  centimetres. 

43 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Pavia,  which  dates  from  c.  1100,  stone  and  brick  are  mixed 
irregularly  (Plate  176,  Fig.  5).  The  earliest  really  poly- 
chromatic masonry  which  I  know,  however,  is  that  of  Casale, 
dating  from  1107.  At  S.  I^orenzo  of  Verona  there  is  poly- 
chromatic masonry  of  brick,  pebbles  and  ashlar  dating  from 
c.  1110  (Plate  220,  Fig.  2,  3,  4;  Plate  219,  Fig.  1,  2,  3).  Similar 
masonry  is  found  at  S.  Pietro  di  Legnano  (1117)  and  Isola  della 
Scala— 1120— (Plate  101,  Fig.  1).  In  the  fa9ade  and  cupola 
of  S.  Stefano  of  Verona  and  at  Portocomaro  (Plate  189,  Fig.  3) 
there  is  fully  developed  polychromatic  masonry  dating  from 
c.  1120.  In  such  cases  it  is  evident  that  the  surface  of  the  wall 
was  not  covered  with  gesso  and  frescos,  as  was  the  case  univer- 
sally in  the  XI  century,  even  in  exterior  walls  and  when  the 
ashlar  was  of  the  highest  quality.  At  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of 
Verona,  in  1123,  polj-chromatic  masonry  is  used  with  fine 
decorative  effect.  At  Brusasco  (Plate  37,  Fig.  3,  4) ,  the  banding 
is  irregular,  but  effective."  In  the  fa(,'ade  of  S.  Ambrogio 
(c.  1090)  and  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150),  there  are 
inlaid  patterns  and  checker-board  work;  masonry  of  the  same 
character  is  found  at  JNIontechiaro  d'Asti — 1140 — (Plate  148, 
Fig.  3),  Montafia— c.  1150— (Plate  147,  Fig.  3),  Cortazzone 
d'Asti— c.  1150— (Plate  82,  Fig.  4),  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna 
(c.  1160)  and  the  cathedral  of  Lodi  (c.  1190).  Polychromatic 
masonry  was  especially  popular  in  the  schools  of  INIonferrato  and 
Verona,  but  it  found  its  way  into  Emilia — as,  for  example,  in 
the  apse  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza  (c,  1150-1165).  In  the 
second  half  of  the  XII  century  it  came  to  be  used  with  ever 
increasing  refinement.  There  are  notable  examples  of  this  period 
in  various  portions  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  224,  Fig.  1; 
Plate  225,  Fig.  1;  Plate  226,  Fig.  3;  Plate  234,  Fig.  2),  at  S. 
Pietro  of  Asti— c.  1160— (Plate  16,  Fig.  4),  at  Albugnano 
(c.  1185),  and  at  Vezzolano  (Plate  235,  Fig.  1),  an  edifice 
finished  in  1189. 

i»  Other  examples  of  polychromatic  masonry  are:  Cascina  S.  Trinitil — 1130 — 
(Plate  SO,  Fig.  2);  Cavapnolo— c.  1130— (Plate  51,  Fig.  4);  Gravedona,  S.  Maria  del 
Tigllo— c.  1135— (Plate  100,  Fig.  1,  2);  Montemagno— c.  1145— (Plate  152,  Fig.  6,  T); 
S.  Carpoforo  of  Como  (c.  1145);  S.  Michele  di  Castelvetro  (c.  1150). 

44 


MASONRY 

It  would  be  easily  possible  to  carry  the  study  of  Lombard 
masonry  to  much  greater  detail,  and  indeed,  something  of  the 
sort  has  been  attempted  in  the  list  of  monuments.  I  believe, 
however,  that  enough  has  been  said  to  convince  the  reader  that 
the  character  of  the  masonry  in  any  given  building  affords  a 
check  which  makes  it  impossible  to  misdate  the  edifice  by  any 
very  considerable  period  of  time. 


45 


ft 


PART  I.     STRUCTURE 


Book  I.    The  Carlovingian  Style 

CHAPTER  1.     CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  600-774 

During  the  VI  century  a  wave  of  Bj^zantine  influence 
swejDt  over  almost  the  whole  of  what  had  been  the  Latin  world 
of  architecture.  The  Greek  stjde  found  its  waj^  not  only  to 
Ravenna  and  to  those  portions  of  Italy  which  were  actually 
conquered  by  Byzantine  arms,  but  into  the  most  remote  corners 
of  the  peninsula  as  well,  and  even  to  outlying  provinces.  Indeed, 
except  only  at  Rome,  the  architecture  of  the  West  during  the 
VI  century  appears  to  have  been  almost  as  thoroughly  Byzantine 
as  that  of  the  East. 

That  this  fact  has  not  been  recognized  is  doubtless  because 
there  are  extant  not  many  monuments  of  this  epoch  outside  of 
Ravenna  and  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic;  while  those  which  still 
stand  are  for  the  most  part  inconspicuous  and  easily  overlooked. 
The  evidence  on  the  subject  is,  however,  overwhelming. 

Even  in  the  V  century  Greek  influence  was  strong  in  the 
Occident.  INIost  of  the  bishops  of  Como  at  this  epoch  were 
Greeks.'  Ennodio,  in  his  tenth  epigram,"  describes  an  edifice 
erected  at  Milan  evidently  completely  Byzantine  in  style.  The 
eastern  manner  penetrated  even  as  far  west  as  Spain,  since 
Isidore  of  Seville,  who  wrote  in  the  early  part  of  the  VII 
century,  speaks  of  architecture  in  terms  which  imply  that  he  was 
familiar  with  edifices  that  must  have  been  essentially  Byzantine. 
In  great  part  his  work,  it  is  true,  is  merely  a  compilation  of 
classical  Roman  authors;  but  when  he  speaks  of  columnar 
buildings  with  wooden  roofs  highly  decorated,  mosaics,  marble 
incrustations  and  mosaic  pavements,  he  is  doubtless  describing 
edifices  which  he  saw  about  him. 

1  Cantu,  I,  116.  2  Oltrocchi,  I,  233. 

49 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

The  baptistery  of  S.  Giovanni  adjoining  the  cathedral  of 
Naples  shows  that  the  Byzantine  style  penetrated  into  southern 
Italy.  A  thorough  examination  would  doubtless  reveal  many 
other  proofs  of  its  presence  south  of  the  Apennines.  In 
northern  Italy  there  are  numerous  monuments  which  still  betray 
indubitable  traces  of  this  influence. 

Of  these,  one  of  the  most  interesting  has  hitherto  entirely 
escaped  attention.  It  at  present  serves  as  sacristy  to  the  church 
of  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato  at  Vicenza,  but  in  reality  is  a  fragment 
of  the  church  rebuilt  by  Narses  in  554.  The  apse,  still  excellently 
preserved,  is  poh'gonal  externally,  semicircular  internally^ — a 
disposition,  as  is  well  known,  characteristic  of  the  Byzantine 
churches  of  Ravenna.  From  old  descriptions  it  is  evident  that 
the  plan  of  the  church  was  cruciform,  that  there  was  a  central 
dome,  and  that  the  walls  were  adorned  with  mosaics.  The 
building  was,  therefore,  in  every  way  a  characteristic  example 
of  the  Byzantine  style. 

The  chapel  of  S.  Satiro  now  connected  with  S.  Ambrogio 
at  ISIilan,  was  undoubtedly  originally  a  Byzantine  church  of  very 
similar  type.  The  cupola  was  constructed  of  pottery  jars 
precisely  like  the  domes  of  the  churches  at  Ravenna.  Thoroughly 
Bj'zantine  in  type,  too,  is  the  church  of  S.  Lorenzo  at  Milan, 
with  the  adjoining  chapel  of  S.  Aquilino. 

The  fragments  of  Group  A  of  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona  at 
Milan,  now  assembled  in  the  ^luseo  Archeologico,  evidently 
come  from  a  Byzantine  edifice  erected  c.  500.  They  show  the 
fully  developed  Byzantine  style,  somewhat  modified  by  decadent 
Roman  traditiozi  (Plate  114,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  115,  Fig.  1). 
Certain  capitals  of  S.  Salvatore  at  Brescia,  evidently  pilfered 
from  an  earlier  church,  are  thoroughly  Byzantine  in  type 
(Plate  36,  Fig.  2).'  In  the  chapel  known  as  S.  Benedetto  at 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  there  is  a  Byzantine  capital  of  the  VI  century 
(Plate  227,  Fig.  1).  This  capital  is  possibly  taken  from  the 
same  building  as  certain  capitals  now  preserved  in  S.  Giovanni 
in  Fonte  of  the  same  cit3%  Byzantine  capitals  from  another 
building  are  preserved  at  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona   (Plate  221, 

3  Compare  the  capital  of  S.  Vitale,  Ravenna  (Plate  36,  Fig.  3). 

50 


CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  600-774 

Fig.  1,  3).  There  is  a  somewhat  similar  capital  at  S.  Satiro  of 
Milan  (Plate  132,  Fig.  6).  The  capitals  of  the  crypt  of  S. 
Vincenzo  at  Milan  (Plate  137,  Fig.  1,  3)  are  clearly  contem- 
porary with  the  capitals  of  S.  Apollinare  Nuovo  at  Ravenna 
(Plate  137,  Fig.  6).  Other  Byzantine  capitals  are  extant  in  the 
crypts  of  S.  Giovanni  at  Asti  and  of  S.  Stefano  at  Lenno,  and 
another  has  recently  been  found  by  Ugo  Monneret  de  Villard 
at  S.  Eufemia  of  Isola  Comacina. 

It  is  therefore  not  open  to  doubt  that  in  the  VI  century  the 
architecture  of  Lombardy  had  become  thoroughly  Byzantine. 
When  the  Lombards  swept  into  the  valley  of  the  Po  they  found 
everywhere  an  architecture  which  had  abandoned  the  Latin  or 
Roman  types  of  building  in  favour  of  the  Oriental  or  Byzantine. 

Of  the  immediate  effects  of  the  Lombard  invasion  upon  art 
it  is  impossible  to  speak  with  certaintj^  since  docimients  are 
lacking.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  first  result  was  to 
paralyze  the  building  trade.  Architecture,  or  at  least  monu- 
mental architecture,  had  already  become  predominantly,  if  not 
exclusively,  ecclesiastical.  The  early  Lombard  kings  were  not 
only  hostile  invaders  who  devastated  and  pillaged  conquered 
territories,  but  they  were  pagans  who  perhaps  considered  it 
almost  a  religious  duty  to  offer  every  possible  insult  to  the 
religion  of  a  conquered  nation.  Paolo  Diacono  distinctly  states 
that  in  these  early  times  churches  were  spoiled  and  priests  killed.* 
The  famous  monastery  of  INIonte  Casino  was  destroyed  by  the 
Lombards.^  For  nearly  fifty  years,  therefore,  it  is  probable  that 
but  little  monumental  building  was  undertaken  in  northern  Italy. 

At  length,  however,  the  Lombard  sovereigns  were  converted 
to  Christianity.    The  queen  Teodolinda  is  recorded  by  authentic 

•»  Per  hos  Longobardorum  duces  septimo  anno  ab  adventu  Albuuin,  &  totius 
gentis,  spoliatis  Ecclesiis,  Sacerdotibus  interfectis,  civitatibus  subrutis,  populisque,  qui 
more  segetum  excreverant,  extinctis,  exeeptis  his  regionibus,  quas  Albuuin  ceperat, 
Italia  ex  maxima  parte  capta,  &  a  Longobardis  subjugata  est.  (Paoli  Diaconi,  De 
Gest.  Long.,  Lib.  II,  Cap.  XXXII,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  I,  pt.  I,  436).  Per  banc  quoque 
reginam  [Theudelindam]  multum  utilitatis  Dei  ecclesia  consecuta  est.  Nam  pene 
omnes  ecclesiarum  substantias  Longobardi,  cum  adhuc  gentilitatis  errore  tenerentur, 
invaserunt.  Sed  huius  salubri  supplicatione  rex  permotus,  et  catholicam  fideni  tenuit, 
et  multas  possessiones  ecclesiae  Christi  largitus  est  atque  episcopos,  qui  in  depressione 
et  abiectione  erant,  ad  dignitatis  solitae  honorem  reduxit.     (Ibid.,  IV,  6,  ed.  Waitz,  146). 

s  Pauli  Diaconi,  Hist.  Long.,  IV,  17,  ed.  Waitz,  152. 

61 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

documents  as  the  foundress  of  the  famous  church  of  S.  Giovanni 
at  Monza,  and  tradition  accredits  this  gentle  figure,  which  even 
to-day  still  stirs  the  imagination  of  the  peasants  of  Brianza,  with 
the  foundation  of  innumerable  chapels  and  churches  throughout 
the  length  and  breadth  of  I^ombardy.  The  example  set  by  the 
famous  queen  was  followed  by  the  later  kings,  among  whom 
Luitprando  and  Desidcrio  were  especially  conspicuous  for  their 
benefactions  to  monasteries. 

The  question  naturally  arises:  when  the  Lombards  turned 
to  building  churches,  what  type  of  architecture  did  they  adopt? 
Since  they  possessed  no  architectural  art  of  their  own,  it  is 
certain  that  they  could  only  have  attempted  to  revive  the 
Byzantine  style,  which  had  been  in  use  by  the  north  Italians  when 
^Vlboin  (jverran  the  country  in  508.  However,  it  may  well  be 
supposed  that  during  the  long  j'ears  in  which  building  activity 
had  been  almost  totally  suspended,  the  masons  had  lost  much  of 
their  skill. 

There  are  extant  no  certain  monuments  of  this  period.  The 
baptistery  of  S.  Giovanni  at  Brescia  has  imfortunately  been 
destroj^ed.  In  the  church  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Barzano,  I  believe, 
however,  we  have  a  monument  erected  about  this  time. 

I  am  led  to  assign  the  little  church  of  Barzano  to  this,  it  may 
seem,  presumptuously  early  date  principally  by  a  rcductio  ad 
ahsurdam.  The  vague  tradition  which  names  Teodolinda  as 
foundress  merits  no  greater  faith  in  this  instance  than  in 
numerous  others  where  the  churches  are  manifestly  many  cen- 
turies later  in  date.  But  S.  Salvatore  of  Barzano  refuses  to  fit 
in  with  what  we  know  of  the  architectural  characteristics  of  any 
later  period,  and  as  the  development  of  architecture  in  Lombardy 
from  the  VIII  century  onward  is  very  clearly  and  definitely 
established,  I  am  forced  to  conclude  that  this  monument  was 
erected  before  the  VIII  century.  In  point  of  fact,  it  shows 
preciselj'  the  characteristics  which  it  would  be  reasonable  to 
expect  in  a  church  erected  in  the  time  of  Teodolinda. 

The  type  is  essentially  Byzantine  (Plate  19,  Fig.  2; 
Plate  20,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  21,  Fig.  1,  2).  The  central  dome,  the 
screen-walls,  the  centralized  plan  find  complete  analogj-  in  such 

52 


CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  600-774) 

edifices  as  the  chapel  of  S.  Satiro  adjoining  the  church  of  S. 
Ambrogio  at  Milan,  or  in  the  church  of  554,  fragments  of  which 
are  extant  in  the  sacristy  of  SS.  Fortunato  e  Felice  at  Vicenza. 
It  is  true  there  is  no  apse,  but  the  church  at  Barzano  formed  part 
of  the  castle,  and  for  this  reason  the  architecture  was  made  to 
conform  to  the  necessities  of  the  fortifications.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  masonry  is  much  cruder  than  in  edifices  erected  in 
northern  Italy  before  the  Lombard  invasion.  The  church 
therefore  shows  the  persistence  of  the  Byzantine  type,  together 
with  a  marked  deterioration  in  the  technique  of  building. 

S.  Salvatore  of  Barzano  at  present  serves  as  a  baptistery, 
but  it  was  probably  originally  built  as  a  circular  church.  Before 
the  Lombard  invasion  the  centralized  type  of  edifice  had  been 
used  in  northern  Italy,  both  for  baptisteries,  as  in  S.  Giovanni 
in  Fonte  of  Ravenna,  and  in  churches,  as  in  S.  Vitale  of  the  same 
city.  In  the  VIII  century  the  circular  church  seems  to  have 
passed  out  of  use  in  Lombardy. 


53 


CHAPTER  II.     BASILICAN  CHURCHES, 

c.   GOO-774 

Although  the  list  of  basilican  churches  erected  in  the  time 
of  the  Lombard  kings  is  almost  as  meagre  as  that  of  the  circular 
churches  which  we  have  just  examined,  we  can  nevertheless  form 
a  clear  conception  of  the  characteristics  of  the  style  from  the 
VIII  century  onward.'  Of  the  ancient  columnar  basilica  of 
S.  Stefano  at  Pavia,  which  dated  perhaps  from  the  end  of  the 
VII  century,  we  know  that  it  possessed  five  aisles,  and  that  the 
columns  and  capitals  were  pilfered  from  some  Roman  building. 
Numerous  fragments,  decorative  rather  than  structural  in 
character,  clearly  indicate  a  remarkable  architectural  renaissance 
during  the  reign  of  Luitprando.  The  extant  capitals  of  the 
church  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  at  Pavia,  erected  by  this 
sovereign  (Plate  177,  Fig.  2),  prove  that  the  Lombard  builders 
of  the  first  half  of  the  VIII  century  were  capable  of  executing, 
when  suitable  ancient  material  was  lacking,  fine  original  capitals 
to  crown  the  columns  of  their  basilicas. 

In  the  church  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (Plate  197),  the 
western  half  of  which  dates  from  c.  730,  piers  were  substituted  for 
columns.  The  church  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia,  erected  c.  760 
by  Desiderio,  last  of  the  Lombard  Idngs,  and  his  family, 
is  justly  famous.  In  structural  forms  the  building  (Plate  34, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4;  Plate  3.5,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4;  Plate  36,  Fig.  1,  2,  5; 
Plate  37,  Fig.  1)  shows  little  advance  over  the  Byzantine 
buildings  erected  at  Ravenna  in  the  VI  century.  The  nave  is 
extraordinarily  wide  (Plate  33),  like  that  of  S.  Apollinare 
Xuovo.  The  apse  internally  has  the  form  of  a  horse-shoe; 
externally  it  was  probably  polygonal."  The  church  is  a  columnar 
basilica,  two  rows  of  shafts — for  the  most  part  pilfered — sup- 

1  The  fragments  of  the  earlier  church  at  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia  are  too  meagre 
to  merit  mention. 

2  Like  the  apse  of  S.  Piero  in  Dom  of  Brescia  (Arcioni,  626). 

64 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  600-774 

porting  ranges  of  simple  ax'ches.  The  capitals  are  in  part 
pilfered,  in  part  made  for  their  position.  The  brick  masonry  is 
thoroughh^  Roman  or  Byzantine  in  character  (Plate  35,  Fig.  1). 
A  notable  feature  of  this  church  is  the  crypt,  which  was  originally 
situated  below  the  apse  only,  although  in  the  XII  centurj^  it  was 
extended  to  the  westward  (Plate  33).  The  apse  is  not  raised, 
but  its  floor  was  on  a  level,  or  nearly  so,  with  that  of  the  church. 
The  crypt,  therefore,  partook  of  the  character  of  a  confessio,  and 
is  distinctly  different  from  the  crj'^pts  of  later  Lombard  edifices 
which  are  placed  only  partly  below  the  level  of  the  ground,  the 
choir  being  raised. 

APPENDIX  I.     DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  APSE 

Raised  choirs  were  already  known  to  the  north  Italian 
builders  at  the  time  S.  Salvatore  was  erected.  The  earliest 
example  which  I  know  of  this  feature  is  to  be  found  in  the  church 
of  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe  of  Ravenna.  A  raised  choir  is  found 
also  at  S.  Salvatore  of  Barzano  (Plate  19,  Fig.  2;  Plate  20, 
Fig.  1;  Plate  21,  Fig.  2),  a  monument  which  we  have  seen 
probably  dates  from  the  early  time  of  the  Lombard  domination, 
but  it  is  not  certain  in  this  case  that  the  crypt  is  part  of  the 
original  construction.  In  later  times  the  raised  choir  became 
one  of  the  most  characteristic  features  of  the  Lombard  basilica. 
At  S.  Vincenzo  of  Milan  (Plate  134),  an  edifice  erected  c.  830, 
there  is  a  raised  choir  and  a  large  crypt  which  is  not,  as  has  been 
believed,  a  subsequent  addition  to  the  original  construction,  but 
is  contemporary  with  the  basilica  itself.  At  Agliate  (c.  875) 
there  is  a  crypt  verj^  similar,  though  not  so  extensive, 
beneath  the  choir  and  central  apse  (Plate  8).  There  was 
undoubtedly  a  crypt  and  a  raised  choir  at  S.  Quintino  of  Spigno, 
an  authentically  dated  monument  of  991. 

A  raised  choir  and  an  extensive  crypt  may  be  found  in  the 
cathedral  of  Ivrea,  which  dates  from  c.  1000;  and  there  is  a 
similar  crypt  beneath  the  choir  and  ambulatory  of  S.  Stefano 
of  Verona,  a  monument  of  c.  990  (Plate  222,  Fig.  2) .  The  now 
buried  church  of  S.  Salvatore  at  Turin,  erected  in  1006,  had  a 

55 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

crypt  and  a  raised  choir;  and  those  of  S.  Vincenzo  at  GalHano, 
built  in  tlie  followin<:f  year,  arc  still  extant  (Plate  97;  Plate  98). 
Part  of  the  crypt  of  S.  Pietro  of  Acqui  (c.  1015-1023)  may  still 
be  seen  in  the  cellars  of  the  shops  which  have  been  constructed 
in  the  eastern  part  of  that  edifice.  During  the  XI  and  XII 
centuries  the  raised  choir  was  so  frequently  used  by  the  Lomliard 
builders  that  it  would  be  merely  tedious  to  enumerate  examples.' 
It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  motive  of  a  raised  clioir  was 
known  as  early  as  the  VI  century,  and  continued  in  use  by  the 
north  Italian  builders  throughout  the  Romanesque  period. 

The  depressed  crypt  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia  can  not, 
therefore,  be  considered  as  a  step  in  the  evolution  of  the  raised 
choir.  It  may  be  an  echo  of  an  earlier  type  of  construction,  or 
more  probably  it  may  have  been  merely  the  result  of  the  fancy 
of  the  builders  of  this  particular  church.  The  choir  of  S.  Savino 
of  Piacenza  (Plate  185),  an  authentically  dated  monument  of 
1107,  is  similarly  not  raised,  although  there  is  an  extensive  crypt. 
At  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  in  the  moinitains  near  Lecco,  an  edifice 
built  c.  1040,  we  find  a  crypt  similarly  placed  entirely  below  the 
level  of  the  chin*ch.  At  S.  Pietro  di  Civate,  it  is  true,  there  is 
an  evident  reason  for  such  a  construction,  since  the  church  is 
built  upon  the  slope  of  a  mountain,  so  that  one  end  had  to  be 
raised  upon  substructures.  Advantage  was  taken  of  this  fact 
to  place  the  crypt  beneath  the  lower  end  of  the  church. 

Although  Lombard  basilicas  were  regularly  provided  with 
a  crypt  and  raised  choir,  occasionally  edifices  were  erected 
without  crypts  at  all.  The  apse  of  S.  Eustorgio  at  INIilan,  built 
c.  1000,  originally  possessed  no  crypt.  The  crji-pt  of  the  cathe- 
dral of  Piacenza,  and  probably  also  those  of  the  cathedral  of 
Cremona  and  of  S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan  were  added  subsequently 
to  the  completion  of  these  churches. 

In  early  times  the  crypt  Avas  usually  very  small,  extending 
only  under  the  central  apse.     The  crypt  of  S.  Apollinare  in 

3  Among  the  many  that  might  be  mentioned  I  shall  cite  only  Olepgio  (c.  1030)  — 
Plate  160,  Fig.  2,  S.  Vincenzo  of  Gravedona  (1072),  S.  Giacomo  of  Bellagio  (c.  1095), 
S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  I'avia  (c.  1120),  S.  Maria  del  Popolo  at  Pavia  (c.  1130), 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  226,  Fig.  3),  the  cathedral  of  Modena  (Plate  139),  and 
S.  Giovanni  in  Valle  of  Verona  (1164)— Plate  218,  Fig.  4. 

56 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  600-774 

Classe  was  of  this  type,  as  was  also  that  of  S.  Salvatore  of 
Brescia  (Plate  33)  until  the  latter  was  altered  in  the  XII 
century.  As  time  went  on,  however,  crypts  came  to  be  enlarged 
so  as  to  extend  under  the  choir  or  the  eastern  bays  of  the  nave. 
At  S.  Vincenzo  of  Milan,  a  monument  which  dates  from  c.  830 
(Plate  134),  and  at  Agliate,  an  edifice  of  c.  875  (Plate  8; 
Plate  9 ) ,  may  be  found  crypts  of  tliis  stage  of  development. 
I  know  of  no  instance  earlier  than  the  year  1000  in  which  the 
crypt  is  made  to  extend  beneath  the  side  aisles  of  the  choir  or 
the  absidioles.  Even  at  Galliano — 1007— (Plate  97;  Plate  98) 
there  is  a  crypt  of  archaic  form.  Soon,  however,  the  crypt  came 
to  be  extended  beneath  the  absidioles,  the  side  aisles  of  the  choir, 
and  even  the  transepts.  An  early  example  of  a  fully  developed 
crj'pt  may  be  found  in  the  cathedral  of  Acqui,  which  was  begun 
c.  1015  and  consecrated  in  1067.  In  later  times  such  crypts  are 
frequent.  Suffice  it  to  mention  the  cathedrals  of  JNIodena 
(Plate  139)  and  of  Parma  (1117),  and  the  abbey  of  Nonantola 
(1121). 

In  Lombard  basilicas  the  choir  was  not  frequentlj^  deflected, 
as  was  so  often  the  case  in  northern  churches.  There  are,  how- 
ever, examples  of  this  feature,  such  as  the  choirs  of  the  cathedral 
of  Piacenza,  of  the  abbey  of  Ranverso  and  of  the  country 
churches  of  Casolino  (c.  1040)  and  Pieve  Trebbio  (1108),  all 
of  which  are  bent  notably  to  the  north. 

The  horse-shoe  form  given  in  plan  to  the  apse  of  S.  Salvatore 
at  Brescia  (Plate  33)  is  without  analogj%  to  the  extent  of  my 
knowledge,  in  later  Lombard  edifices.  Many  variations  were 
introduced  in  the  apses,  nevertheless,  and  some  almost  as  striking 
and  capricious  as  the  horse-shoe  plan  found  in  the  Brescian 
building.  Thus,  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como,  a  building  which  dates 
from  c.  1115,  niches  very  classical  in  character  are  introduced  in 
the  interior  of  the  apse  (Plate  62;  Plate  63,  Fig.  3).  In  the 
apse  of  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan,  which  preceded  the  existing  one, 
erected  c.  1000,  there  was,  if  the  plan  of  the  restorers  may  be 
trusted,  an  apse  with  a  semicircular  eastern  absidiole.  Such  a 
construction  may  well  have  been  the  first  step  which,  developed 
at  S.  Sofia  of  Padova,  resulted  in  the  formation  of  a  regular 

57 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

ambulator5\  At  Sagra  S.  Michele  (c.  1175-c.  1200)  the  apse 
is  trefoiled.  A  similar  construction  was  erected  c.  1080  at  Lenno, 
as  maj"^  be  seen  in  the  crypt,  which  is  still  extant.  An  analogous 
apse  exists  also  at  S.  INIaria  del  Tiglio  of  Gravedona.  The  apse 
of  SS.  Faustino  e  Giovita  (c.  1140)  on  the  Isola  Comacina  is 
subdivided  into  two  equal  absidioles.  The  parish  church  of  SS. 
Vito  e  Modesto,  at  Badia  di  Calavena  (Verona),  is  also  divided 
into  two  parts.*  This  apse  is  masked  externally,  as  are  also  the 
absidioles  of  S.  Giacomo  (c.  1105)  and  of  S.  Abondio  (1095)  of 
Como.'  Apses  square  internalh^  as  well  as  externally  were  used 
principally  in  Cistercian  edifices  such  as,  for  example,  Chiara- 
valle  della  Colomba  (c.  1145),  or  in  churches  erected  under 
Cistercian  influence,  like  ]Montechiarugolo  (c.  1145)  or  Viboldone 
(1176) .  Before  the  coming  of  the  Cistercians,  however,  a  square 
apse,  still  extant,  had  been  erected  at  Settimo  Vittone  ( 889 ) . 
The  square  apse  said  to  have  been  found  amid  the  remains  of 
an  earlier  church  discovered  beneath  the  pavement  of  Garbagnate 
INIonastero  must  also  have  been  built  independently  of  any 
Cistercian  influence,  since  the  existing  edifice,  evidently  much 
later,  dates  from  c.  1120.  At  Isola  della  Scala  a  rectangular 
apse  still  extant  was  built  in  1120. 

It  is  almost  certain  that  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia  had  only 
a  single  apse  (Plate  33).  Throughout  the  Romanesque  period 
single  apses  continued  to  be  erected  occasionally,  as,  for  example, 
S.  Eustorgio  of  INIilan— c.  1000— (Plate  127,  Fig.  6),  the  older 
church  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella — c.  730 — (Plate  197), 
S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia  (c.  1120).  More  frequently, 
however,  there  were  three  apses,  as  at  Agliate — c.  885 — 
(Plate  8),  the  later  church  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella — 
c.     1000— (Plate     197),     S.     Vincenzo     of     Galliano— 1007— 

*  Behind  the  modern  church  are  remains  of  the  ancient  construction,  evidently 
dating  from  the  XII  century.  The  buildinp  is  of  a  single  aisle,  and  without  decoration 
save  for  the  arched  corbel-tables  of  the  campanile  and  the  capitals.  The  apse  is 
divided  into  two  equal  aisles  by  a  column  placed  in  the  middle.  Each  aisle  is  barrel- 
vaulted.  To  the  south  is  a  rectangular,  barrel-vaulted  compartment.  Compare  with 
these  constructions  the  two  apses  of  Palazzolo  (c.  1030). 

5  At  S.  Giacomo  of  Corneto  (c.  1095)  the  absidioles  are  replaced  by  elliptical 
niches,  not  expressed  externally.  The  stones  of  the  dome  are  cut  in  false  perspective 
to  make  the  niches  appear  semicircular  (Plate  68;  Plate  70,  Fig.  1). 

68 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  600-774 

(Plate  97),  Sezze  (1030)  and  Castell'Arquato  (1117-1122). 
At  Montecchia  di  Crosara— c.  1000— (Plate  147,  Fig.  2),  at 
S.  Pietro  in  Valle  (c.  1005),  and  in  the  older  church  of  Fonta- 
nella,  there  were  three  apses,  although  the  naves  were  of  a  single 
aisle.  The  absidioles  opened  to  the  east  of  the  projecting 
transepts.  In  the  cathedral  of  Aosta,  which  dates  from  c.  1010, 
there  were  five  apses,  two  being  placed  on  the  campanili  which 
flanked  the  choir.  In  the  cathedral  of  Acqui  (c.  1015-1067) 
there  were  five  apses,  although  the  basilica  had  only  three  aisles. 
There  was  a  similar  arrangement  at  S.  Fermo  JNIaggiore  of 
Verona  (1065-1137).  In  Cistercian  churches  there  were  some- 
times as  many  as  seven  apses,  as,  for  example,  at  Chiaravalle 
della  Colomba  (c.  1145).  At  S.  Nazaro  of  Milan,  an  edifice 
built  1075-c.  1093,  but  the  plan  of  which  is  probably  much  older, 
at  S.  Sepolcro  of  Milan— 1100— (Plate  133,  Fig.  3),  and  in  the 
cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150)  there  are  apses  at  the  ends 
of  the  transepts.  The  transept-ends  of  S.  Fidele  of  Como 
(c.  1115)  are  polygonal  and  covered  with  a  cloistered  vault.  The 
side  aisles  and  the  galleries  are  carried  around  like  an  ambulatory 
(Plate  62).  The  transepts  of  S.  Giacomo,  in  the  same  city, 
covered  with  a  cloistered  vault  carried  on  squinches,  doubtless 
prepared  the  way  for  this  construction.  The  apse  of  S.  Fidele 
is  also  polygonal.  The  apse  of  Pieve  Trebbio  (1108)  and  the 
absidioles  of  S.  Pietro  at  Acqui  (c.  1015-1023)  are  similarly 
polygonal  ( Plate  5,  Fig.  1 ) .  These  outside  the  apses  of  Brescia 
already  studied  are  the  only  examples  of  polygonal  apses  erected 
during  the  Romanesque  period  in  northern  Italy  that  I  know. 

Double  apses — that  is  to  say,  two  apses  placed  opposite  each 
other,  one  at  either  end  of  the  church — occur  at  S.  Pietro  di 
Civate — c.  1040 — (Plate  56,  Fig.  1,  2),  and  at  S.  Giorgio  di 
Valpolicella— c.  760  and  c.  1000— (Plate  197),  but  in  the  latter 
case  this  disposition  is  the  result  of  alterations  and  the  reversal 
of  orientation. 

APPENDIX  II.     PILFERED  MATERIALS 

It  has  been  remarked  that  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia  is  con- 
structed verj^  largely  of  pilfered  columns  and  capitals.     It  is  a 

59 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

well  known  fact  that,  as  early  as  the  time  of  Constantine,  archi- 
tects had  been  accustomed  to  take  biiildiii<>-  material  from  ancient 
edifices  whenever  available.  Not  only  was  this  more  economical 
than  sculpturing  new  shafts  and  capitals,  but  the  ancient  Roman 
fragments  were  executed  with  a  fineness  of  technique  which  the 
artists  of  decadent  times  were  unable  to  cciual.  It  was  therefore 
doubtless  felt  that  ancient  columns  and  capitals  were  not  only 
more  economical  but  more  beautiful  than  any  which  could  be 
executed.  It  hence  became  the  general  custom  to  construct 
buildings  of  fragments  of  old  material.  New  seems  to  have  been 
procured  only  in  cases  where  nothing  old  was  available. 

AVithout  doubt  Roman  buildings  formed  the  favourite  and 
most  prized  quarries  from  which  to  extract  columns,  capitals, 
bits  of  decorative  carving,  and  even  stone  blocks.  Pilfered 
Roman  columns  were  used  in  the  basilica  of  S.  Stefano  at  Pavia, 
erected  ])erhaps  c.  G80.  Pilfered  Roman  materials  are  also  used 
exclusively  for  the  supports  of  the  basilica  of  Agliate — c.  875 — 
(Plate  8).  The  columns  of  the  baptistery  of  Novara,  erected 
c.  900,  are  Roman.  In  the  eastern  half  of  S.  Giorgio  di 
Valpolicella,  a  monument  built  c.  1000  (Plate  197),  the  pilfered 
Roman  columns,  which  were  evidently  not  enough  in  number  to 
go  around,  were  pieced  out  with  rectangular  piers.  Pilfered 
Roman  columns  are  used  in  the  crj'^pt  of  Montecchia  di  Crosara, 
which  dates  from  about  the  same  time,  and  in  the  crypt  of  the 
cathedral  of  Aosta — 1010 — (Plate  12,  Fig.  2).  Later  examples 
of  the  use  of  pilfered  Roman  fragments  may  be  found  in  the 
cathedral  of  Aversa  (c.  1078),  at  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna  (c.  1095), 
at  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona  (c.  1110),  in  the  crypt  of  Cemmo 
(c.  1110),  in  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (1117),  in  the  cathedral 
of  Novara  (c.  1125),  at  S.  Vittore  of  Arsago  (c.  1130),  at 
S.  Zeno  di  Castelletto  (c.  1135),  and  in  numerous  other  instances 
which  might  be  cited.  Towards  the  end  of  the  XII  century,  the 
practice  became  increasingly  rare,  probably  partly  because  the 
supply  of  Roman  materials  was  exhausted  and  partly  because 
the  builders  were  able  to  execute  new  material,  in  their  judgment 
equal,  if  not  superior,  to  that  of  the  ancients. 

The  Lombard  builders  pilfered  not  only  Roman  materials. 

60 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  600-774 

Edifices  of  the  Byzantine  period  were  frequently  plundered  as 
well.  The  Chiesa  d'Aurona  of  Milan,  erected  c.  735,  appears 
to  have  been  built  entirely  of  pilfered  Byzantine  fragments.  At 
S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia  certain  capitals  (Plate  36,  Fig.  2; 
Plate  35,  Fig.  2)  are  taken  from  a  Byzantine  edifice.  Pilfered 
Byzantine  material  may  also  be  found  in  the  cr3-pt  of  the  Duomo 
Vecchio  of  Brescia — c.  780 — (Plate  31,  Fig.  1,  3),  at  S.  Vincenzo 
of  Milan— c.  830— (Plate  137,  Fig.  1,  3),  at  S.  Satiro  of  :Milan— 
876— (Plate  132,  Fig.  6),  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Giovanni  of  Asti 
(885),  at  S.  Sofia  of  Padova,  and  at  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of 
Verona  (1123). 

The  Lombard  builders  did  not  hesitate  to  use  over  again 
even  fragments  of  the  Carlovingian  epoch,  no  matter  how  crudely 
executed,  if  such  happened  to  be  available.  An  early  example 
of  such  a  practice  is  afforded  by  the  ambulatory  of  S.  Stefano 
at  Verona— c.  990— (Plate  222,  Fig,  2).  In  the  XII  century 
church  of  Isola  S.  Giulio,  Carlovingian  capitals  are  used  to  form 
the  responds  of  the"  side  aisles  (Plate  100,  Fig.  10).  Such 
constructions  are  frequently  very  puzzling  to  date,  as  it  is  natural 
to  assume  that  the  cajjitals  are  contemporary  with  the  edifice. 
A  careful  study,  however,  is  sufficient  to  solve  the  enigma,  even 
when,  as  at  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna  or  S.  Tommaso  of  Almenno 
S.  Bartolomeo,  the  pilfered  capitals  were  executed  only  a  few 
years  before  the  construction  of  the  edifice  in  which  they  were 
used  second-hand. 


APPENDIX  III.     WINDOWS 

Unfortunately  there  are  no  data  to  determine  how  the  clear- 
story of  S.  Salvatore  was  arranged,  since  this  part  of  the  edifice 
has  been  completely  modernized.  From  what  we  know  of  the 
treatment  of  the  clearstory  and  of  windows  in  various  other 
churches  of  earlier  and  later  date,  however,  it  is  possible  to  surmise 
how  the  windows  were  treated.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in 
Early  Christian  times  the  clearstory'  windows  had  been  filled  with 
stone  tracery,  the  openings  of  which  were  in  all  probabilitj'  filled 
with  little  pieces  of  glass.    Now,  this  tradition  persisted  through- 

61 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

out  the  Lombard  period,  and  although  the  tracery  has  almost 
invariably  been  broken,  there  is  no  doubt  it  existed  in  several 
Lombard  churches.  The  best  examples  are  the  crypt  windows  of 
Lenno,  dating  from  c.  1080.  One  of  the  apse  windows  of  Albu- 
gnano  (Plate  10,  Fig.  2)  also  still  preserves  its  tracery  in  part. 
Of  what  beautiful  development  this  motive  was  capable  we  realize 
from  the  windows  of  S.  Gregorio  of  Bari  (Plate  10,  Fig.  1),  or 
of  the  cathedral  of  Ruvo  (Plate  10,  Fig.  4),  churches  of  Apulia 
erected  under  strong  Lombard  influence.  At  Brusasco  an  oculus 
has  tracer}'  in  the  form  of  a  Greek  cross  (c.  1130).  It  is  there- 
fore entirely  possible  that  the  windows  of  S.  Salvatore  may  have 
been  filled  Avith  stone  tracery. 

During  the  Romanesque  period,  however,  not  all  windows 
had  stone  tracery.  There  were,  in  fact,  two  other  ways  in  which 
glass  maj'^  have  been  set  in.  In  Byzantine  times  large  windows 
had  been  glazed  by  means  of  wooden  frames,  dividing  the  surface 
into  rectangular  fields  sufficiently  small  to  hold  each  a  single  pane 
of  glass  of  the  size  which  could  then  be  manufactured.  Presum- 
ably this  glass  was  not  coloured.  That  windows  of  this  type 
continued  to  be  used  in  the  Carlovingian  period,  and  even  in  the 
XI  and  XII  centuries  in  northern  Italy,  is  entirely  probable, 
although  there  is  nothing  to  prove  it.  The  perishable  character 
of  wood,  and  the  manj-  reconstructions  to  which  Lombard  edifices 
have  been  subject  sufficiently  explain  why  no  windows  of  this 
type  have  come  down  to  us.  In  other  instances  it  is  probable 
that  the  windows  were  filled  with  small,  circular  pieces  of  glass, 
red  or  blue  in  colour,  fastened  together  by  leading.  Traces  of 
glazing  of  this  type  were  discovered  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como,  and 
are  knoAvn  to  have  existed  in  several  edifices  of  the  XIII  century. 
There  is  no  evidence  to  show  when  such  windows  came  to  be  used. 
The  fact  that  traces  of  it  were  found  at  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano, 
however,  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  this  method  of  glazing 
was  practised  at  least  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  XI  century. 
Coloured  glass  was  certainly  known  in  the  VII  centurj-.*  I  do 
not  believe  that  figured  glass  was  introduced  into  northern  Italy 

6  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarum,  XVI,  16,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII, 
582;  Merzario,  I,  88. 

62 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  600-774 

before  the  XIII  century.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that 
the  stained  glass  which  once  filled  the  windows  of  the  cathedral 
of  Modena  was  of  the  XII  century. 

However  the  glazing  was  accomplished,  windows  which 
were  intended  to  be  protected  against  the  Aveather  bj^  some 
vitreous  substance  are  found  in  monuments  of  northern  Italy 
of  all  epochs,  and  are  clearly  to  be  distinguished  from  windows 
which  were  not  glazed  by  their  larger  size,  and  often  by  the 
absence  of  splaying.^  Windows  of  this  type  may  be  found  at 
S.  Vincenzo  of  Milan — c.  830 — (Plate  135,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4),  at 
Agliate  (c.  875),  at  S.  Fedelino,  Lago  di  Mezzola — c.  1000 — 
(Plate  102,  Fig.  1),  at  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano— 1007— 
(Plate  99,  Fig.  1),  at  the  baptistery  of  Galliano — c.  1015 — 
(Plate  96,  Fig.  1),'  at  S.  Pietro  of  Acqui  (c.  1015-1023),  at 
Lodi  Vecchio  (c.  1050),  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia — c.  1100— 
(Plate  173,  Fig.  5) ,  at  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia — c.  1105 — 
(Plate  31,  Fig.  7),  at  S.  Giacomo  of  Como  (c.  1105),  at  S. 
Fedele  of  Como — c.  1115 — (Plate  64<,  Fig.  4),  at  the  cathedral 
of  Cremona  (1129-1141),  at  Cerreto— c.  1140— (Plate  52, 
Fig.  3),  at  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (1162),  at  Vezzolano — 
1189 — (Plate  235,  Fig.  2),  and  in  many  other  instances  that 
might  be  named.  In  fact,  glazed  windows  seem  always  to  have 
been  preferred  and  to  have  been  used  whenever  the  luxury  could 
be  afforded. 

Windows  which  served  without  glass  were  given  an  entirely 
different  form,  which  can  be  quickly  recognized.  In  order  not 
to  allow  the  rain  and  wind  to  enter  the  building,  the  size  of  the 
aperture  was  greatly  contracted,  so  as  to  be  frequently  only  two 
or  three  inches  wide.  These  slit-like  openings  often  look  more 
like  the  embrasure  of  a  fortification  than  a  window.  In  order  that 
the  greatest  possible  quantity  of  light  might  be  admitted  through 
an  opening  of  the  minimum  size,  the  walls  were  Avidely  splayed. 
When  windows  of  this  type  first  came  to  be  used  it  would  be 
difficult  to  say.    The  earliest  example  which  I  can  name  is  in  the 

7  Widely  splayed  windows  intended  to  be  glazed  are  found  at  S.  Carpoforo  of 
Como— c.  1028-1040— (Plate  60,  Fig.  4,  5). 

8  Some  of  the  windows  of  this  building  were  unglazed. 

63 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

churtli  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella,  which  dates  from  c.  730. 
In  later  times  many  instances  are  found,  such  as,  for  example, 
S.  Giovanni  of  Vigolo  JNIarchese  (1008),  Cavriana  (c.  1025), 
S.  Sepolcro  of  Milan— 1030— (Plate  133,  Fig.  2),  S.  Benedetto 
of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (c.  10J..j),  Sasso— c.  10.50— (Plate  205, 
Fig.  2),  S.  Severo  of  Bardolino  (c.  1050),  S.  Vincenzo  of 
Gravedona—10T2—( Plate  100,  Fig.  5),  Cosio  (1078),  the 
baptistery  of  Lenno— 1085— (Plate  102,  Fig.  2),  S.  Giacomo 
of  Bellagio  (c.  1095),  certain  windows  of  S.  Maria  di  Castello, 
Corncto— 1121— (Plate  75),  Agrate  Conturbia— c.  1125— 
(Plate  10,  Fig.  3),  S.  Maria  del  Solario  of  Brescia  (c.  1130), 
Cascina  S.  Trinita— c.  1130— (Plate  50,  Fig.  2),  Cortazzone 
d'Asti— c.  1150— (Plate  82,  Fig,  4)  and  Castell'Alfero  (c.  1155). 
When  unglazed  windows  were  used  it  was  desirable  to  place 
these  windows  so  that  as  much  light  as  possible  and  as  little 
wind  and  rain  would  enter  the  edifice.  Accordingly,  the 
windows  were  often  placed  all  on  the  south  side  of  the  edifice, 
as  at  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  (c.  1106-1123).  Other  utilitarian 
considerations  often  governed  the  spacing  of  the  windows.  In 
the  cathedral  of  Acqui,  the  clearstory  windows  were  introduced 
into  only  every  other  bay,  doubtless  in  order  that  the  window 
surface  might  be  reduced.  At  Fontanella — c.  1130 — (Plate  92) 
the  clearstory  was  omitted  altogether,  probably  to  make  the 
church  warmer.  At  S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan  the  clearstory  was 
also  omitted.  Irregularity  of  spacing  occurs  constantly  in  the 
windows  of  I^ombard  edifices,  and  is  to  be  explained  by  a  variety 
of  considerations,  partly  utilitarian — such  as  the  desire  to  avoid 
direct  cross-draughts — partly  {esthetic — such  as  the  wish  to  avoid 
the  monotony  of  formal  symmetry." 

Small  windows  were  frequently  surmounted  by  arcuated 
lintels  as,  for  example,  at  Bedero  Valtravaglia,  Fontanella, 
IMonastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte  (Plate  146,  Fig.  2),  Cemmo  and 
Cortazzone  d'Asti  (Plate  82,  Fig.  4).  Arcuated  lintels  with  a 
stone  joint  at  the  summit  of  the  arch  are  found  at  Monastero 
di  Provaglio  and  Careno. 

0  Notable  example  at  Panico. 

64 


BASELICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  600-774 


APPENDIX  IV.     SEPARATION  OF  SEXES 

It  is  certain  that  from  early  times  the  sexes  were  separated 
in  the  church.  The  constitutions  of  S.  Clemente  exphcitly  state 
that  the  women  shall  sit  by  themselves  in  silence."  What  por- 
tions of  the  basilica  were  assigned  to  the  women  and  what  to  the 
men  has  been  much  discussed.  Many  archasologists  believe  that 
the  women  were  relegated  to  the  galleries  which,  indeed,  have 
been  given  the  name  viatroneum  in  accordance  with  this  theory. 
There  is  no  proof,  however,  that  such  was  the  case,"  and  the  fact 
that  a  great  many  churches  were  built  without  galleries  would 
seem  to  indicate  that  the  supposition  is  erroneous.  A  text  of 
the  Anonimo  Ticinese  makes  it  evident  that  in  the  XIV  century 
the  north  side  of  the  church  was  considered  as  belonging  to  the 
men,  the  south  side  to  the  women.'"  It  is  probable  that  at  this 
epoch  there  was  erected  a  screen  running  the  length  of  the  nave 
and  dividing  it  into  two  parts.  To  the  north  of  this  screen  were 
placed  the  men,  to  the  south,  the  women."  This  ancient  practice 
still  survives  occasionally  in  Lombardy,  and  I  have  several  times 
seen  congregations  in  which  the  men  and  women  were  divided  in 
this  manner.  It  is  probably  a  survival  of  the  old  tradition,  and 
I  conjecture  that  from  very  early  times  the  sexes  were  separated, 
not  by  relegating  the  women  to  the  gallery,  but  by  placing  them 
on  the  south  side  of  the  church. 

^^  Kai  irpwTov  ^v  6  oJkos  iffTU)  ^tju^^cijs,  /car  afaroXas  Terpafifiii/o^,  i^  iKariptitv  tGiv  ii€pC>v 
Ta  iraaTocpdpia  irpbs  AvaToK^v,  5s  Tts  ^oiKe  vtji,  Keiffdoj  5i  fi^ffos  otou  iirt<rK6Trov  dpdvos.  Trap  cKdrepa 
5^  avTou  Kad€^4<r$w  t6  Trpetr^vT^ptov,  Kal  ol  diaKovoi  TraptffT&ffSuffav  ei5ffTaXe?s  T^y  TrXciovos  iadriTOS' 
folKafft  yap  vavrais  Kal  TOixdpxoLS  ....  Kai  al  yvvatKes  KexttJptafi^vui  Kai  airrai  Kad^^induaav,  iTitjnrrjV 
ixvvaai.     (S.  Clementis  I,  Rom.  Pont..  Constituliones  ApostoHap,  Lib.  II,  Cap.  LVII). 

11  The  description  of  S.  Sepolcro  of  Milan  in  the  XI  century  contained  in  the 
life  of  S.  Arialdo  (this  passage  is  quoted  below,  Vol.  II,  p.  646)  makes  it  erident  that 
the  men  and  women  were  separated,  and  that  the  women  were  not  in  the  galleries,  since 
otherwise  they  would  have  been  able  to  look  over  the  choir-screen. 

12  Et  est  sciendum,  quod  visitantes  Altaria,  &  areas  Sanctorum  Corporum, 
praesertim  BB.  Confessorum  Syri,  &  Augustini,  qui  sunt  in  Cryptis  Ecclesiarum,  semper 
stant  ab  Aquilone  viri,  &  a  Meridie  mulieres  proter  honestatem  (Anonymi  Ticinensis, 
De  Laudibus  Papiae,  XVII,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  XI,  36).  See  also  text  cited  below, 
under  S.  Maria  del  Popolo  of  Pavia,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  191. 

13  A  screen  of  this  type  is  said  to  have  until  recently  existed  at  Sommacampagna. 


65 


CHAPTER  III.    CIRCULAR  CHURCHES 

774-c.  900 

In  the  year  774  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards  came  to  an 
end.  Desiderio,  the  last  king,  was  conquered  and  driven  into 
exile  by  the  victorious  Charlemagne  and  his  Franks.  From  this 
moment  Lombardy  ceased  to  be  an  independent  kingdom,  and 
became  merely  an  outlying  province  loosely  united  with  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire. 

The  Carlovingian  conquest  produced  no  such  cataclysm  in 
the  domain  of  architecture  as  the  Lombard  invasion  had  brought 
about.  Charlemagne,  the  staunch  ally  of  the  pope,  favoured  and 
protected  the  churches  and  monasteries  as  devoutly  as  had  done 
the  later  I^ombard  sovereigns.  If  occasionally,  as  in  the  instance 
of  S.  Salvatore  at  Brescia,  we  find  him  inclined  to  punish 
religious  establishments  too  closeh^  connected  with  the  interests 
of  the  deposed  dynasty,  on  the  other  hand,  his  anger  was  of  short 
duration,  and  the  possessions  taken  away  from  the  Brescian 
abbey  were  subsequently  restored.  Among  the  earliest  laAvs 
promulgated  bj'  the  Franks — indeed,  it  was  issued  before  the 
year  800 — ^was  one  which  specified  that  churches  and  monasteries 
should  be  repaired. 

The  effects  of  the  Carlovingian  conquest  upon  architecture 
were,  therefore,  positive  and  creative,  not  negative  and 
destructive  like  those  of  the  I^ombard  invasion.  It  is  well  known 
that  Charlemagne  was  so  impressed  by  the  monuments  of  archi- 
tecture which  he  saw  in  Italy  that  he  determined  to  erect  in  his 
own  capital  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  a  church  which  should  rival  in 
its  magnificence  the  sumptuous  edifices  he  had  seen  in  the  South. 
The  result  was  his  famous  chapel  at  Aachen,  which  still  stands  to 
bear  witness  to  the  skill  of  the  emperor's  builders.  This  structure 
is  obviously  a  slighth^  modified  copy  of  S.  Vitale  at  Ravenna. 

66 


CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  774-c.  900 

Few  edifices  ever  erected  have  so  profoundly  impressed  the 
world,  or  left  so  indelible  a  mark  upon  the  historj'  of  archi- 
tecture as  the  chapel  at  Aix.  Contemporary  historians  speak 
of  it  repeatedl}^  and  at  length,  and  long  centuries  afterwards  the 
fame  of  the  edifice  echoes  through  the  Chanson  de  Roland, 
embellished  by  the  same  poetry  and  the  same  legendary  imagi- 
nation that  have  so  beautified  the  figure  of  the  emperor  himself.' 
A  building  which  created  such  lively  interest  could  not  fail  to 
be  widely  imitated;  and  in  fact  we  find  traces  of  the  influence  of 
the  chapel  at  Aix  throughout  Europe.  Some  buildings,  like 
Nymwegen,  were  copied  so  exactly  from  the  temple  of  Charle- 
magne that  their  genealogy  is  at  once  evident.  In  others,  like 
Mettlach  or  Hereford,  we  might  be  inclined  to  doubt  the  influence 
of  Aix-la-Chapelle  were  it  not  explicitly  vouched  for  by  con- 
temporary historians.  The  one  feature  common  to  nearly  all 
the  edifices  derived  from  Charlemagne's  chapel  is  the  centralized 
plan.  Until  the  XI  century  circular  churches  continued  in  prime 
favour  north  as  well  as  south  of  the  Alps,  a  fact  in  which  we  may 
trace  the  continued  influence  of  Aix. 

In  the  church  of  Germigny-les-Pres  (Plate  131,  Fig.  3), 
erected  between  801  and  806,  and  in  imitation — as  we  know  from 
documentary  sources — of  the  chapel  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  we  find 
a  new  type  of  building  that  was  to  become  common  during  the 
IX  century.  The  elaborate  disjiositions  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  have 
been  much  simplified.  The  church  is  square  instead  of  octagonal 
in  plan.  The  nave  is  separated  from  the  side  aisles  by  four, 
instead  of  by  eight,  piers.  The  galleries  have  been  omitted,  but 
the  high  clearstory  over  the  central  area  has  been  retained.  The 
vaults  of  the  nave  and  of  the  central  bays  of  the  side  aisles  are 
higher  than  those  of  the  end  bays  of  the  side  aisles. 

This  tj^pe  of  building,  derived  from  Aix-la-Chapelle,  spread 
rapidly  to   Spain"   and   Italy.^     In  fact,   such  edifices   became 

^Chanson  de  Roland,  IV,  51-77,  ed.  Geddes,  p.  5;  ed.  Gautier,  p.  9.  Ibid., 
LVIII,  725;  CCXI,  2917. 

2  S.  Miguel  de  Lino.  See  Alfred  Deraiani,  Oviedo,  die  Hauptstadt  der  Kiinige 
von  Asturien,  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  bildende  Kunst,  46.  Jahrgang,  Neue  Folge,  Band  XXII, 
April,  1911,  Heft  7,  156. 

3  As  early  as  the  middle  of  the  VII  century  the  influence  of  northern  architecture 

67 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

exceedingly  characteristic  of  the  Carlovingian  architecture  of 
northern  Italy.  With  the  single  exception  of  Settimo  Vittone, 
all  the  circular  buildings  of  the  IX  century  in  that  region  which 
have  come  down  to  us  are  of  this  peculiar  type,  that  is  to  say, 
S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino,*  SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria  at  Verona 
(Plate  223,  Fig.  1,  2,  3)  and  S.  Satiro  of  Milan  (Plate  129; 
Plate  130;  Plate  131,  Fig.  2).  In  the  cloister  of  the  ancient 
convent  of  S.  ]Maria  Teodota,  or  della  Pustola,  at  Pavia,  there 
is  extant  a  chapel  of  this  type.  The  actual  building,  it  is  true, 
has  been  completely  modernized,  but  it  is  altogether  probable 
that  the  plan  dates  from  the  IX  century.  In  southern  Italy 
edifices  of  this  same  type,  and  dating  from  the  IX  century,  may 
be  found  in  S.  Costanzo  on  the  island  of  Capri  (Plate  131, 
Fig.  1)  and  La  Cuba  at  Moia,  Sicily.° 

The  influence  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  continued  to  be  exerted 
even  until  the  XII  century.  De  Dartein  has  already  remarked 
that  the  transept-ends  of  S.  Fedele  at  Como  are  clearly  copied 
from  the  famous  edifice  of  Charlemagne,  even  to  the  details  of 
the  vaulting. 

The  north  Italian  builders  introduced  into  the  type  of 
edifice  derived  from  the  North  certain  characteristics  traditional 
in  their  own  style.    At  S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino  we  find  blind  arches 

had  begun  to  permeate  into  Italy,  to  judge  from  the  following  text:  Videns  Stephanus 
papa  ex  omni  parte  victor  esset,  et  gloria  dignitatis  presule  hac  gentis  Romane 
triumphans,  cepit  hedificare  domum  ecclesiam,  in  onore  Sancti  Dionisii,  Rustici  et 
Helcuthcrii,  in  hurbe  Roma,  iuxta  via  Flamminea,  et  ereio  non  longe  ab  Agusto,  iuxta 
formas  species  decorata,  sicut  in  Francia  viderat  (Benedicti,  Chronicon,  ed.  Troya, 
VI,  11). 

*  At  S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino  the  columns  stand  against  the  wall,  and  the  plan 
becomes  cruciform. 

5  La  Cuba  stands  in  the  fields  about  a  kilometre  to  the  north-east  of  the  town 
of  Moia  (Messina),  several  hundred  metres  from  the  mule-path  that  leads  to  Malvagna. 
Since  this  important  monument  has  never  been  published  and  is  in  danger  of 
destruction,  I  shall  give  a  brief  description  of  it.  The  plan  is  very  similar  to  that  of 
Germigny-les-Pr^s,  that  is  to  say,  there  is  a  square  central  area,  from  three  sides  of 
which  open  semicircular  niches.  The  fourth,  or  north  side,  perhaps  originally  had  also 
an  apse,  but  has  been  rebuilt.  Arched  .squinches  are  employed  to  work  the  square 
of  the  central  area  to  an  octagon,  and  this  in  turn  is  brought  to  the  shape  of  a  circular 
dome,  wooden  beams  being  in  part  employed  to  smooth  the  transition.  The  exceedingly 
small  dimensions  of  the  monument  make  this  construction  possible.  The  dome  was 
masked  externally  by  the  continuation  of  the  walls  of  the  cube.  The  masonry  consists 
of  coarse  rubble  laid  in  thick  mortar.    The  dome  internally  still  bears  traces  of  intonaco. 

68 


CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  774-c.  900 

and  screen-walls  of  the  Byzantine  type  precisely  as  at  Barzano. 
Semicircular  niches  are  introduced  into  the  cupola  of  SS.  Tosca 
e  Teuteria,  a  mannerism  evidently  derived  from  Roman  build- 
ings, and  which  we  shall  find  persisting  even  until  the  XII 
century. 


69 


CHAPTER  IV.    BASII.ICAN  CHURCHES 

774-c.  900 

It  is  b}^  no  means  as  easy  to  trace  the  influence  of  the  Carlo- 
vinf^ian  conquest  in  buildings  of  basihcan  type  as  in  circuhir 
edifices.  If  I  am  right  in  supposing  that  the  now  destroyed 
church  of  S.  Apolhnare  at  Baggio,  near  Milan,  was  built  in  the 
last  quarter  of  the  VIII  century,  it  would  appear  that  the 
basilicas  erected  immediately  after  the  year  774  were  of  the  type 
already  familiar  to  us  in  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia.'  The  earliest 
extant  basilica  built  after  the  Carlovingian  conquest  is  S. 
Vincenzo  in  Prato  of  Milan,  erected  c.  830  (Plate  134).  This 
is  a  columnar  edifice  quite  like  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia,  except 
that  the  masonry  is  of  different  quality,  the  crypt  more  extended, 
and  there  were  three  apses  semicircular  in  plan  (Plate  135, 
Fig.  4). 

S.  Pietro  at  Agliate,  built  c.  875,  shows  a  notable  advance 
(Plate  8).  The  apse  is  preceded  by  a  barrel-vaulted  bay,  or 
choir.  The  corresponding  bays  of  the  side  aisle  are  covered  by 
domed  groin  vaults  (Plate  5,  Fig.  2).  These  vaults  have  been 
restored,  but  in  all  probability  correctly. 

A  quarter  of  a  centurj-  later  were  built  the  nave  and  transept 
of  S.  Stefano  at  Verona  (Plate  223,  Fig.  5).  In  this  edifice 
piers  were  substituted  for  columns,  as  had  alreadj^  been  done  in 

1  The  church  at  Baggio  has  been  studied  by  Mongeri,  Seletti,  Clericetti  (VII) 
and  Giulini  (II,  369).  The  history  of  the  edifice  is  a  puzzling  mass  of  contradictions 
from  which  no  certain  conclusion  can  be  drawn.  There  is  a  tradition  that  the  church 
was  founded  by  Alexander  II  in  1041,  but  the  style  of  the  architecture  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  the  building  destroyed  in  1873  was  much  older.  Neither  is  it  possible  to 
identify  this  church  with  the  basilica  referred  to  in  a  letter  published  by  Giulini 
(VII,  07)  as  constructed  in  1004.  In  the  Mu.seo  Archeologico  of  Milan  are  still  pre- 
served two  columns,  two  Corinthian  capitals  and  one  base  coming  from  this  church 
and  bearing  the  numbers  2344-2346.  The  drawings  made  of  the  church  before  its 
destruction  have  disappeared.  The  building  had  suffered  much  from  liaroccoization 
in  the  XVII  century,  when  the  ancient  clearstory  had  been  walled  up  and  the  church 
covered  with  a  roof  of  continuous  slope.  It  was  a  three-aisled  basilica,  with  three 
rectangular  apses,  of  which  the  two  at  the  sides  had  niches.  The  structure  was 
exceedingly  unsymmetrical  and  the  columns  all  pilfered. 

70 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  774-c.  900 

the  western  bays  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (Plate  197).  All 
told,  we  may  conclude  that  the  Carlovingian  conquest  affected 
basilican  churches  less  vitally  than  it  did  either  circular  churches 
or  carved  ornament.  None  the  less  the  IX  century  witnessed 
an  important  advance  in  the  introduction  of  vaults  and  side  aisles 
in  the  choir  of  Agliate. 

Another  important  feature,  of  which  the  earliest  extant 
example  dates  from  this  period,  although  it  is  far  from  being 
certain  that  it  was  a  novelty,  is  the  campanile.  The  southern 
tower  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan,  known  as  the  Campanile  dei 
Monaci,  was  built  c.  800  (Plate  120,  Fig.  7).  The  upper  part 
has  been  denatured,  since  the  existing  top  story  is  modern. 
There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  tower  originally  terminated 
in  a  belfry  with  bifora  on  each  face,  that  is  to  say,  although  very 
low,  it  possessed  all  the  essential  features  of  the  developed 
Lombard  campanile. 


APPENDIX.     CAMPANILI 

In  connection  with  the  campanile  of  S.  Ambrogio  it  should 
be  remembered  that  it  is  quite  uncertain  at  what  epoch  the 
custom  of  building  a  tower  for  bells  first  came  into  use.  Accord- 
ing to  a  picturesque  legend  bells  were  introduced  by  St.  Paul 
himself."  At  any  event,  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  they 
were  employed  as  early  as  the  IV  century,  although  there  are 
no  documents,  to  the  extent  of  my  knowledge,  to  prove  that  bell- 
towers  were  erected  before  the  VIII  century.^  It  is  generally 
conceded  that  the  earliest  campanili  extant  are  the  circular 
towers  of  Ravenna,  but  it  is  unfortunatelj^  by  no  means  easy 
to  establish  at  what  date  these  structures  were  erected.  The 
masonry  is  of  totally  different  character  from  that  of  the  churches 
to  which  they  belong,*  and  is  without  analogy  among  the  extant 

2  Chronicon  Imaginis  Mundi,  ed.  Hist.  Pat.  Mon.,  V,  1363. 

3  See  the  authorities  cited  in  my  Medkfval  Architecture,  I,  81-82,  note;  also 
Castiglione,  43;  Annates  Bertiniani,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  II,  534. 

*  This  can  not  be  explained  by  supposing  that  masonry  of  different  character 
was  employed  contemporaneously  in  a  lofty  construction  like  the  campanile,  and  in 
the  church  where  static  conditions  were  different.     The  masonry  of  the  stair-towers  of 

71 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

monuments  of  the  VI  century  in  Ravenna.  It  is  generally 
believed  that  the  campanile  of  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe  is  the 
earliest  of  all  the  bell-towers,  because  the  bricks  are  thick,  that  is 
to  say,  of  the  Lombard,  and  not  of  the  Byzantine,  type.  This 
masonry  is  very  crude,  and  a  band  of  opus  reticulatum  is 
introduced. 

Now,  the  fact  that  tliis  masonry  is  less  classical  than  that 
of  the  campanili  of  S.  Apollinare  Nuovo  and  of  the  cathedral, 
leads  nie  to  suppose  not  that  it  is  earlier,  but  that  it  is  later,  than 
the  latter.  We  have  seen  at  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia  that  masonrj"^ 
of  the  Byzantine  type  persisted  as  late  as  the  third  quarter  of 
the  VIII  century,  whereas  in  the  Campanile  dei  Monaci  of  S. 
Ambrogio  we  have  masonry  with  thick  bricks,  erected  c.  800 
(Plate  118,  Fig.  4).  Xow,  the  campanile  of  S.  Apollinare  in 
Classe  seems  to  fall  between  these  two,  or  c.  775.  The  campanile 
of  the  cathedral,  which  is  more  regular,  and  quite  Byzantine  in 
style,  is  certainly  earlier,  and  that  of  S.  Apollinare  Nuovo  is  the 
earliest  of  all.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  assign  a  date  to  these 
two  edifices,  because  so  little  is  known  of  the  development  of 
masonry  at  Ravenna  during  the  VI  and  A"II  centuries.  I  do 
not  believe  that  the  campanile  of  S.  Apollinare  Nuovo  can  be 
earlier  than  c.  650.  The  remaining  campanili  of  Ravenna  are 
of  minor  interest.  That  of  S.  Francesco  at  first  sight  seems  to 
have  Byzantine  masonn*,  but  a  careful  inspection  suffices  to 
show  that  it  was  rebuilt  in  the  XI  centurj^  with  pilfered  materials. 
The  same  remark  applies  to  the  campanile  of  S.  Giovanni 
Evangelista.  Circular  campanili  were  evidently  a  peculiar 
feature  of  the  local  style  of  Ravenna,  and  continued  to  be  erected 
there  after  the  square  type  had  come  into  use  elsewhere.  Proofs 
of  this  fact  are  supplied  by  the  cylindrical  campanili  of  S.  Maria 
JSIaggiore,  S.  Giovanni  Battista  and  S.  Agata,  all  much  later 
than  the  monuments  we  have  been  studying,  and  the  latter, 

S.  Vitale  is  entirely  similar  to  that  of  the  church.  Moreover,  if  the  campanile  and 
churches  were  contemporarj-,  the  walls  of  the  campanile  would  be  better  than  those 
of  the  church,  since  they  had  to  support  a  greater  weight.  Now,  in  point  of  fact,  the 
reverse  is  the  case.  The  campanili  of  S.  Apollinare  N'uovo  and  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe 
are  built  of  masonry  rougher  than  that  of  the  churches,  and  the  campanile  of  the 
cathedral  is  more  crudely  constructed  than  is  the  baptistery. 

72 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  774-c.  900 

indeed,  of  the  Renaissance.  The  campanili  of  S.  Giovanni  di 
Paolo  and  S.  Vittore  have  a  square  base,  but  are  cylindrical  in 
the  upper  part/  In  the  citadel  of  Brescia  there  is  extant  a 
circular  tower  which  looks  very  much  like  the  Ravenna  campanili, 
but  it  does  not  appear  to  be  earlier  than  the  VIII  century." 

Towers  which  served  for  other  purposes  than  bells  had  been 
added  to  churches  as  early  as  the  Byzantine  period.  The  facade 
of  S.  Vitale  of  Ravenna  was  flanked  by  two  such  towers  con- 
taining the  stairs  leading  to  the  galleries,  and  the  church  of 
S.  Lorenzo  at  jSIilan  probably  possessed  similar  towers  from  a 
very  early  epoch. 

The  Campanile  dei  Monaci  of  S.  Ambrogio  is  the  only 
extant  example  of  a  campanile  of  the  IX  century  in  Lombardy. 
S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  retains  notable  portions  of  its  campanile, 
dating  from  903,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  a  campanile  rose  in 
the  south-east  angle  of  the  nave  at  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano 
(1007).  There  are  extant  innumerable  examples  of  campanili 
of  the  XI  and  XII  centuries. 

In  certain  instances  the  campanile  was  made  polj^gonal 
instead  of  cylindrical  or  square.  A  notable  example  is  S.  Pietro 
of  Acqui  (Plate  5,  Fig.  1),  a  monument  which  dates  from 
c.  1015-1023.  The  central  towers  of  S.  Antonino  of  Piacenza, 
built  in  1179  (Plate  182,  Fig.  5),  of  INIorimondo  (Plate  154, 
Fig.  4),  and  of  Monastero  di  Provaglio  (Plate  146,  Fig.  2),  are 
all  octagonal.     The  tower  of  S.  Caterina  at  Asti  is  polygonal. 

Probably  from  very  early  times  campanili  had  occasionally 
been  joined  to  the  churches  to  which  they  belonged.  It  is 
probable  that  the  tower  of  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza,  built  in  1005, 
was  attached  to  the  old  basilica  precisely  as  it  is  to  the  existing 
structure,  that  is  to  sa)%  it  rose  over  the  eastern  bay  of  the 
southern  side  aisle.  It  was  an  easy  step  to  erect  a  second  tower, 
balancing  the  first,  and  placed  in  a  symmetrical  position  in  the 
other  side  aisle.  The  result  would  be  two  campanili  flanking  the 
apse,  and  this  in  fact  we  find  is  a  characteristic  arrangement  in 
the  larger  churches  of  Savoie,  French  as  well  as  Italian.     The 

5  The  campanile  of  S.  Vittore  was  rebuilt  in  1907. 

8  A  cylindrical  campanile  was  erected  at  late  as  c.  1155  at  Castell'Alfero. 

73 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

campanili  of  the  cathedral  of  Ivrea  (Plate  101,  Fig.  2,  5)  were 
laid  out  in  this  manner  as  early  as  c.  1000.  Those  of  the  cathedral 
of  Aosta  (Plate  12,  Fig.  4)  were  begun  about  ten  j-^ears  later. 
In  Emilia  this  disposition  continued  to  be  copied  as  late  as  1207 
at  Borgo  S.  Donnino.  The  twin  campanili  Hanking  the  choir  of 
S.  xVbondio  of  Como,  an  edifice  consecrated  in  1095,  foreshadow 
so  strongly  the  two  similar  towers  of  the  later  abbey  of  Morienval 
in  the  Soissonnais,  that  it  is  tempting  to  trace  a  direct  connection 
between  the  two.  (Compare  Plate  58,  Fig.  2,  with  Plate  58, 
Fig.  1). 

It  is  uncertain  when  twin  towers  flanking  the  western  facade 
first  came  into  use.  Circular  western  towers  Avith  stairways 
leading  to  the  galleries  were  built  at  S.  Lorenzo,  Verona,  as 
early  as  c.  1110  (Plate  219,  Fig.  1),  and  at  Isola  S.  Giulio  some 
ten  years  later.  This  construction  merely  repeated  a  plan  tried 
much  earlier  by  the  Byzantine  builders  at  S.  Vitale  of  Ravenna. 
During  the  XII  century  twin  campanili  flanking  the  facade 
were  either  planned  or  erected  at  S.  Giacomo  of  Como  (c.  1105) 
and  in  the  cathedrals  of  Xovara,  Piacenza  and  Parma.  It  is 
almost  certain,  however,  that  this  disposition  was  derived  from 
the  North.  Even  in  the  first  half  of  the  XII  century,  twin 
towers  flanking  the  facade  had  been  planned  in  the  abbey  of 
Jumieges  in  Normandy.  The  motive  was  soon  widely  adopted 
and  repeated  in  Norman  edifices  such  as  the  two  great  ablieys 
of  Caen.  In  France,  the  construction  was  doubtless  evolved 
■  in  order  to  solve  a  problem  of  practical  design,  that  was  to  avoid 
the  somewhat  awkward  lines  which  result  if  the  section  of  the 
basilica  is  preserved  in  the  facade.  The  towers  erected  over  the 
side  aisles  remove  this  awkwardness.  In  the  Italian  examples 
this  reason  for  the  introduction  of  campanili  flanking  the  fa9ade 
did  not  exist.  The  Lombards  had  already  solved,  in  a  manner 
which  seems  to  us  much  less  satisfactory,  but  which  doubtless 
pleased  them  better,  the  problem  of  a  facade.  A  blank  masking 
wall  was  erected  by  means  of  which  the  fa9ade  was  given  the 
appearance  of  belonging  to  a  church  of  a  single  aisle.  Now,  when 
the  Lombards  adopted  the  campanili  flanking  the  facade,  they 
retained  this  old  false  gable,  and  placed  the  towers,  not  over  the 

74 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  774>-c.  900 

side  aisles,  but  outside  of  the  facade.  The  result  was,  therefore, 
still  further  to  falsify  the  structural  lines  of  the  building,  and 
to  obtain  an  effect  of  imposing  width  at  the  expense  of  the  Lamp 
of  Truth  (Plate  157;  Plate  158;  Plate  166,  Fig.  3;  Plate  120, 
Fig.  6,  7).  Very  rarely,  as  in  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza 
(Plate  182,  Fig.  3),  the  campanili  would  have  risen  inside  of 
the  lines  of  the  side  aisles;  but  even  in  these  instances,  the  false 
gable  of  the  facade  was  retained.  The  one  edifice  which  forms 
an  exception  to  all  these  remarks  and  which  constitutes  the  sole 
claim  of  the  Lombard  builders  to  have  originated  the  motive  of 
towers  flanking  the  facade,  is  the  church  of  S.  Sepolcro  at  INIilan 
(Plate  133,  Fig.  5),  the  twin  towers  of  which  were  planned  in 
the  fourth  decade  of  the  XI  century.  Owing  to  modernizations, 
however,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  exactly  what  were  the 
original  dispositions  of  this  church,  and  in  just  what  relation  to 
the  original  structure  the  campanili  stood. 

In  the  cathedral  of  JSIodena  there  are  turrets  flanking  the 
facade  and  the  choir  (Plate  140,  Fig.  1,  3),  and  at  Casale  also 
the  facade  of  the  narthex  is  flanked  by  two  stair  towers.  In  the 
cathedral  of  Borgo  S.  Donnino  two  towers  flanking  the  fa9ade 
were  begun  in  1207. 

Campanili  were  occasionally  attached  to  other  parts  of  the 
building.  A  central  tower  over  the  crossing  is  characteristic  of 
Cistercian  and  Cluniac  edifices.'  Towers  were,  however,  erected 
over  the  cupolas  at  Casale  in  1107  (Plate  45,  Fig.  1),  and  S. 
Fermo  di  Sojjra,  c.  1125,  while  a  similar  disposition  appears  to 
have  existed  at  S.  Antonino  of  Piacenza  (Plate  182,  Fig.  5).  A 
bizarre  arrangement  is  the  campanile  surmounting  the  baptistery 
at  S.  Ponzo  Canavese  (Plate  203,  Fig.  4).  The  campanile  is 
placed  over  the  eastern  bay  of  the  southern  side  aisle  at 
Crescenzago — c.  1190 — (Plate  87,  Fig.  2),  and  at  Viboldone 
(Plate  239,  Fig.  1)  it  rises  over  the  choir. 

A  development  of  the  motive  of  campanili  is  probably  to 
be  found  in  the  turrets,  circular,  diamond-shaped  or  polygonal, 

7  See,  for  example,  Fontanella  al  Monte — c.  1130— (Plate  93,  Fig.  3),  Chiaravalle 
Milanese  (Plate  54,  Fig.  1)  and  Cerreto  (Plate  53,  Fig.  1).  The  central  tower  of 
S.  Pietro  in  Valle — c.  1005 — (Plate  203,  Fig.  2)  proves,  however,  that  this  motive  was 
native  in  Lombardy. 

75 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

which  form  a  characteristic  feature  of  the  design  of  the  cathedral 
of  Cremona  (Plate  84,  Fig.  1)  and  to  a  lesser  extent  of  that  of 
Modena  (Plate  140,  Fig.  3). 

About  the  middle  of  the  XI  century  a  peculiar  type  of 
campanile  appears  in  Lombardy.  The  tower  is  made  extremely 
broad,  and  height  is  frequently  sacrificed  to  the  effect  of  Avidth 
and  massiveness.  The  campanili  of  the  cathedral  of  Novara 
(c.  1040)  and  of  Sannazzaro  Sesia— 1040— (Plate  201, 
Fig.  1,  2)  are  of  this  type,  as  are  also  the  campanili  of  S. 
Stefano  of  Ivrea  (1041)  and  of  the  cathedral  of  Susa  (c.  1035). 
The  towers  of  S.  Benigno^  (c.  1050)  and  of  the  abbey  of  Pom- 
posa — the  latter  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1063 — 
are  similar.  At  Cosio  there  was  erected  in  1078  a  low,  broad 
campanile  with  a  groined  vault  in  the  lower  story.  The  tower 
is  surmounted  by  a  hollow  stone  pyramid.  In  this  design  we 
are  perhaps  justified  in  finding  a  combination  of  influences 
derived  partly  from  towers  of  the  type  we  have  just  described, 
parth^  from  northern  sources. 

A  few  campanili  deserve  mention  for  individual  peculiari- 
ties of  design.  The  bell-tower  of  Castell'Alfero  is  supj^orted 
on  squinches  corbelled  out  at  the  south-east  angle  of  the  church 
(c.  1155).  The  campanile  of  Muceno  is  oblong  in  plan,  two 
faces  being  broad  and  two  narrow.  The  campanile  erected  at 
Montechiaro  d'Asti  (c.  1140)  has  sloping  walls  (Plate  148, 
Fig,  3).  At  Loppia  di  Bellagio  is  a  very  charming  tower,  a 
model  of  lightness  and  grace.  The  finest  campanile  in  all 
northern  Italy,  however,  is  perhaps  that  of  S.  Bartolomeo  of 
Villa  d'Ossola,  built  c.  1110  (Plate  240,  Fig.  4). 

8  Of  the  famous  abbey  of  S.  Maria  di  Fruttuaria  only  this  campanile  remains. 
For  historical  notices,  see  Chronicon  Abbatiw  Fructuarieruiis,  ed.  Callijjiiris;  Arnulphi, 
Hist.  Med.,  I,  16,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  IV,  13;  Hist.  Pat.  Mon.,  I,  36!3,  414,  428,  434, 
438;  Tomassetti,  I,  487;  Boggio,  30  f.,  etc. 


76 


CHAPTER  V.    CIRCULAR  CHURCHES 

c.  900-c.  1000 

In  the  X  century  the  art  of  architecture  sank  in  Lombardy 
to  the  lowest  depths  which  it  was  destined  to  reach  throughout 
the  Middle  Ages.  It  is  true  we  know  little  of  the  buildings,  if 
any,  erected  immediately  after  the  Lombard  invasion.  But  what 
we  know  of  the  architecture  of  the  VIII  century  fully  justifies 
the  inference  that  never,  even  in  the  hour  of  the  barbarian 
invasions,  was  the  art  of  construction  so  slovenly,  the  technique 
of  carving  so  debased,  the  sense  of  design  so  lost,  as  it  was  during 
the  X  century.  Many  monuments  which  date  from  this  period 
have  been  habitually  and  persistently  assigned  by  archeeologists 
to  earlier  times,  usually  the  VIII  century,  simply  because  they 
were  believed  to  be  too  uncouth  to  have  been  executed  in  any  other 
time;  that  is  to  say,  the  Lombard  invasion  is  considered  to  have 
marked  the  lowest  point  in  the  decline  of  art,  and  it  has  been 
believed  that  from  the  VIII  to  the  XI  century  there  was  a  steadj' 
and  continued  improvement.  The  fallacy  of  this  hypothesis  is 
easily  demonstrated.  Numerous  authentically  dated  monuments 
of  the  age  of  Luitprando — which  will  be  discussed  in  their  proper 
place  under  the  section  of  ornament — clearly  demonstrate  that 
the  VIII  century,  instead  of  being  a  time  of  exceptional  decline, 
was,  in  point  of  fact,  a  time  of  exceptional  technical  excellence 
as  regards  architectural  production.  The  high  standard  of 
technique  of  the  middle  of  the  VIII  century  is  surpassed  by 
nothing  that  has  come  down  to  us  executed  after  the  Lombard 
invasion  and  before  the  year  1000.  Indeed,  it  is  evident  that 
the  entire  IX  century,  instead  of  being  an  age  of  improvement, 
was  an  age  of  decline,  at  first  gradual,  then  precipitate.  This 
decline  reached  its  point  of  greatest  intensity  in  the  first  half  of 
the  X  century. 

Reasons  for  this  decline  are  not  difficult  to  find.    The  belief 

77 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

that  the  world  would  come  to  an  end  in  the  year  1000  may  have 
played  some  part,  although  not  so  important  a  one  as  has  been 
believed.'  More  important  were  the  political  disorders  conse- 
quent upon  the  disintegration  of  the  Carlovingian  empire. 
Northern  Italy  was  distracted  by  civil  war,  and  sacked  by 
barbarians.  The  Saracens  penetrated  into  Piemonte  and  Kmilia. 
The  Hungarians  overran  Lombardy  and  Emilia,  plundering  and 
devastating,  destroying  especially  monasteries  and  ecclesiastical 
establislimcnts." 

The  circular  edifices  of  this  period  are  of  a  type  which 
departs  widely  from  the  Carlovingian  centralized  structure  so 
popular  in  the  IX  century.  Among  the  earliest  and  also  the 
most  tj'pical  are  the  baptisteries  of  Settimo  Vittone — 889 — 
(Plate  206,  Fig.  2)  and  Agliate  (Plate  5,  Fig.  5,  6;  Plate  6; 
Plate  7),  the  latter  a  nine-sided  structure  of  a  single  aisle,  with 
apse  and  cloistered  vault.  This  is  as  crude  and  uncouth  a 
building  as  can  be  found  in  northern  Italy,  and  demonstrates 
admirably  the  decadence  of  technique  at  this  period.  The 
baptistery  of  Novara,  which  is  about  contemporary,  appears  to 
be  somewhat  better  (Plate  156,  Fig.  3),  but  this  is  onlj'^  because 
the  building  has  been  much  restored  and  patched  over  in  later 
times.  The  plan  (Plate  156,  Fig.  2)  seems  to  have  been  copied 
from  some  Roman  monument.  The  structure  is  octagonal 
externally,  but  internally  there  are  niches  alternately  rectangular 
and  semicircular  and  separated  by  free-standing  columns.  Plans 
of  this  type  were  frequently  repeated  in  later  architecture.  The 
baptistery  of  Agrate  Conturbia  (Plate  10,  Fig.  3,  5),  which  was 
originally  erected  c.  930,  but  was  rebuilt  c.  1125,  has  similarly 
niches  rectangular  or  elliptical.  Ilectangidar  and  semicircular 
niches  appear  also  in  the  baptisteries  of  S.   Ponzo   Canavese 

1  See  The  History  of  Joseph  the  Carpenter,  XXVI,  tr.  Cowper,  120. 

2DCCCXCIX.  Ungari  Italiain  inpressi.  .  .  .  Bellum  in  Ungaros,  &  Christianos 
in  Italia  ad  Parentuiii,  &  Castelli  capti  sunt.  DCCCC  Zuentibulcu.s  rex  filiu.s  Arnolfi 
occisus,  &  Hludowicu.s  Alius  Posonis  in  Italiam.  Adalhart,  &  Heimrieh  frater  ejus, 
&  Eberhardus  bello  oecisi.  DCCCCI.  Iterum  Hungari  in  Italiam.  .  .  .  DCCCCII  .  .  . 
Et  Bellum  in  Mara(=c)ha  cum  Ungaris,  &  patria  vincta.  DCCCCIII.  Bellum  Baugua- 
riorum  cum  Ungaris.  Adalbertus  Choradum  bello  occidit.  DCCCCIV  Ungari  in  dolo 
ad  convivium  a  Bauguariis  vocati.  Cussal  dux  eorum,  suique  sequaces  occasi  sunt 
(Chronicon  Veronense,  ed.  Zaccaria,  Iter.  Litt.,  II,  IV,  225). 

78 


CIRCULAR  CHURCHES,  c.  900-c.  1000 

(Plate  203,  Fig.  4),  which  was  built  c.  1005,  and  Vigolo  Mar- 
chese  (c.  1010).  The  motive  persisted  even  in  the  XII  century, 
as  in  the  apse  of  S.  Fedele  at  Como  (Plate  63,  Fig.  3).  Rect- 
angular niches  are  found  as  early  as  889  in  the  baptistery  of 
Settimo  Vittone. 

It  is  tempting  to  assign  the  atrium  and  baptistery  which 
formerly  existed  at  S.  Fedele  of  Como  to  the  X  century  because 
they  seem  to  have  been  analogous  to  the  edifices  we  have  just 
described.  There  is,  however,  hardly  enough  data  to  warrant 
such  an  attribution. 


79 


CHAPTER  VI.   BASILICAN  CHURCHES 

c.  900-c.  1000 

Of  the  first  half  of  the  X  century  there  is  extant  in  northern 
Italy  only  one  basilica  in  even  tolerable  preservation,  and  that  is 
S.  Orso  at  Aosta  (Plate  13,  Fig.  2).  Amid  later  alterations 
and  reconstructions  it  is  easy  to  recognize  that  this  church 
originally  consisted  of  three  aisles  separated  by  heavj^  rectangular 
piers  and  roofed  in  timber.  As  has  already  been  observed, 
rectangular  piers  were  regularly  resorted  to  when  no  ancient 
columns  could  be  procured.  In  structural  forms,  therefore,  this 
edifice  shows  no  advance  over  others  alreadj^  studied,  while  the 
crudeness  of  the  construction  reinforces  the  inference  we  have 
already  drawn  as  to  the  poor  technique  of  the  X  century.  The 
single-aisled  basilica  of  Spigno  (Plate  207,  Fig.  2,  4)  similarly 
shows  no  structural  innovations  of  note.  This  authentically 
dated  monument  of  991  demonstrates  that  even  at  the  end  of 
the  X  century  the  art  of  architecture  continued  at  low  ebb. 

The  apses  of  three  churches  at  IMilan,  S.  Ambrogio 
(Plate  117,  Fig.  5),  S.  Calimero  (Plate  12.5,  Fig.  2)  and  S. 
Eustorgio  (Plate  127,  Fig.  6),  all  date  from  the  X  century. 
That  of  S.  Ambrogio  is  still  preceded  by  a  barrel-vaulted  choir 
(Plate  119,  Fig.  3),  a  disposition  which  recalls  S.  Pietro  of 
Agliate  (Plate  8).  A  short,  rectangular  choir  also  precedes  the 
])rincij)al  apse  in  that  portion  of  the  church  of  S.  Giorgio  di 
Valpolicella  which  was  erected  c.  1000  (Plate  197).  Of  the 
destroyed  co-cathedral  of  S.  Pietro  in  Dom  at  Brescia,  erected 
at  the  end  of  the  X  century,  but  little  is  known  except  that  the 
aisles  were  separated  by  columns.  On  the  basis  of  the  evidence 
afforded  bj^  these  monuments  we  may  conclude  that  during  the 
first  three  quarters  of  the  X  century  no  progress  was  made  in 
the  structural  evolution  of  the  basilica. 

80 


BASILICAX  CHURCHES,  c.  900-c.  1000 

About  the  year  990,  however,  was  built  an  exceedingly 
remarkable  monument,  the  choir  of  S.  Stefano  of  Verona.  In 
this  edifice  we  seem  to  feel  the  first  breath  of  that  great  archi- 
tectural revival  that  in  the  XI  century  was  to  SAveep  over  not 
only  Lombardy,  but  all  Europe. 

The  choir  of  S.  Stefano  is  notable  because  it  is  supplied  with 
an  ambulatory  (Plate  222,  Fig.  1),  albeit  an  ambulatory 
radically  different  from  the  well  known  French  type.  (Compare 
the  ambulatory  of  Senlis,  Plate  222,  Fig.  7 ) .  The  choir  is  raised 
above  the  crypt  (Plate  223,  Fig.  5)  and  this  crypt  is  extended 
also  under  the  ambulatory  (Plate  222,  Fig.  2)  in  the  form  of  an 
annular  gallery.  The  arcades  opening  from  the  choir  to  the 
ambulatory  rise  in  height  and  widen  as  they  approach  the  back 
or  centre.  The  ambulatory  was  raised  above  the  choir.  The 
latter,  in  plan,  forms  a  sort  of  rounded  square.  It  is  probable 
that  there  was  free  circulation  around  the  ambulatory. 

Some  ten  years  later  a  verj-  similar  ambulatory  was  built 
in  the  cathedral  of  Ivrea  (Plate  101,  Fig.  3).  Here,  too,  the 
choir  is  raised  over  a  crypt  which  is  extended  under  the  ambu- 
latory, but  at  Ivrea  the  plan  of  the  choir  is  not  a  rounded  square, 
but  half  a  diamond,  there  being  a  column  on  axis  and  two  other 
columns  on  either  side  placed  in  lines  almost  straight. 


APPENDIX  I.     AMBULATORIES 

The  peculiar  dispositions  of  the  choirs  of  S.  Stefano  of 
Verona  and  of  the  cathedral  of  Ivrea  raise  the  much  discussed 
question  of  the  origin  of  the  ambulatory.  The  church  of  S. 
Giorgio  INIaggiore  at  Naples,  as  has  been  pointed  out  by 
Rivoira,^  preserves  an  ambulatory  which  seems  to  date  from 
the  IV  century.  This  and  other  monuments  give  reason  to 
believe  that  from  the  earliest  times  the  apse  was  occasionally 
supplied  with  a  side  aisle.  The  church  of  the  Annunziata  at 
Prata  (Plate  222,  Fig.  8)  also  possesses  what  seems  very  much 
like  an  ambulatory.     This  monument  is  peculiar,  however,  in 

18. 

81 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

that,  being  hollowed  out  of  the  rock,  it  partakes  more  of  the 
nature  of  a  catacomb  than  of  a  building.  Moreover,  there  is  no 
circulation  through  the  side  aisle,  which  is  choked  by  the  great 
niche  at  the  east  end  of  the  apse. 

A  somewhat  similar  construction  existed,  and  is  still  par- 
tially preserved,  in  the  church  of  S.  Sofia  at  Padova.  The 
ambulatory,  erected  c.  550,  had  columns  engaged  against  the 
piers  which  were  worked  to  a  ])olygonal  plan  externally.  There 
was  an  eastern  chapel  very  much  as  at  Prata.  This  VI  centurj'^ 
ambulatory  was  retained  in  the  reconstructions  of  c.  1010  and 
c.  1106,  although  the  circulation  was  choked  at  the  latter  epoch. 

I  know  of  no  authentic  instance  of  an  ambulatory  erected 
either  north  or  south  of  the  Alps  during  the  Carlovingian  period. 
It  was  formerly  believed  that  one  existed  at  St.-JNIartin  of  Tours, 
but  the  many  rebuildings  of  that  church  give  reason  to  fear  that 
the  excavators  may  have  confused  the  numerous  epochs  of 
construction.  At  the  abbey  of  S.  Gallo,  built  in  the  IX  century, 
there  seems  to  have  been  not  an  ambulatory,  but  a  sort  of  exterior 
passage-waj'  or  gallery  surrounding  the  apse  and  opening,  not 
into  the  church,  but  outside.  This  disposition  was  reproduced 
in  the  eastern  apse  of  S.  Pietro  of  Civate,  erected  c.  1040,  and 
still  in  part  preserved  (Plate  50,  Fig.  1,  2)  and  probably  also 
at  S.  Giovanni  in  Laterano  at  Rome. 

The  ambulatories  of  S.  Stefano  of  Verona  and  of  the 
cathedral  of  Ivrea  were  therefore  in  all  probability  inspired  by 
some  such  edifice  as  S.  Sofia  of  Padova.  That  they  in  turn  were 
the  jirototypes  of  French  ambulatories  has  been  frequently 
asserted,  but  is  not  easily  proved.  The  two  examples  of  an 
ambulatory  that  have  come  down  to  us  in  northern  Italy,  even 
if  we  add  to  them  the  doubtful  instance  of  the  cathedral  of 
Aosta,  are  not  so  conspicuous  as  to  make  it  seem  probable  that 
they  should  have  been  copied  as  far  away  as  Auvergne.  More- 
over, the  French  tj^pe  of  ambulatory,  with  its  lofty  arcades  and 
radiating  chapels  (Plate  222,  Fig.  7),  is,  as  has  already  been 
remarked,  very  different  from  the  Italian  type,  and  no  inter- 
mediate steps  are  found,  to  the  extent  of  my  knowledge,  to  help 
bridge  the  chasm. 

82 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  900-c.  1000 

The  XII  century  ambulatories  of  southern  Italy,  on  the 
other  hand,  seem  to  have  been  derived,  not  from  the  Lombard 
ambulatories,  but  from  France.  They  were  probably  imported, 
not  by  the  Cistercians,  but  by  the  Normans.  In  the  cathedral 
of  Avei'sa  there  is  extant  an  ambulatory  built  between  1134  and 
1160,  of  French  type  but  covered  with  Lombard  rib  vaults 
(Plate  17,  Fig.  1,  2).  We  have  here  undoubtedly  the  combi- 
nation of  two  extraneous  influences." 


APPENDIX  II.     TRANSEPTS 

The  church  of  S.  Quintino  of  Spigno,  erected  991,  is  worthy 
of  remark  because,  although  the  nave  was  of  a  single  aisle,  there 
are  transepts.  The  Lombard  builders  were  very  fond  of  omitting 
transepts,  and  in  all  periods  this  feature  was  as  frequently  left 
out  as  included.  Even  vast  edifices  like  S.  Ambrogio  of  INIilan 
(Plate  116)  or  the  cathedral  of  Cremona  were  planned  without 
a  transept.^  On  the  other  hand,  transepts,  and  even  widely 
projecting  transepts,  were  sometimes  used,  as  at  S.  Michele  of 
Pavia  (Plate  172),  Isola  S.  Giuho  (c.  1120)  or  Sezze— 1030— 
(Plate  206,  Fig.  3).  At  times  the  architects  seem  to  have  tried 
to  obtain  the  extra  floor  space  afforded  by  transepts,  while  still 
retaining  a  nave  which  should  seem  to  be  unbroken  by  any  trans- 
verse member.  Thus,  at  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona  the  transepts 
are  in  two  aisles  and  two  stories  so  as  to  be  practically  concealed 
(Plate  220,  Fig.  2).  At  Casale  the  transepts  were  hardly  wider 
than  a  bay  of  the  nave,  from  which  they  were  separated  by  a 
screen-wall  with  an  arch  but  little  higher  than  the  main  arcade. 
There  was  probably  some  similar  arrangement  at  S.  Simpliciano 
of  Milan,  although  the  bad  preservation  of  this  edifice  makes  it 

-  There  are  in  central  and  southern  Italy  several  other  ambulatories  of  similar 
type.  The  ambulatory  of  S.  Antimo  is  believed  to  be  earlier  than  1118  (Enlart,  300; 
Venturi,  III,  820,  822).  The  abbey  of  Venosa  has  been  discussed  below  (Vol.  II,  p.  81). 
The  ambulatory  of  S.  Maria  a  Fife  di  Chienti  is  said  to  date  from  1125.  Acerenza,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  believed  to  have  been  built  in  1286.  I  have  not  had  the  opportunity 
to  examine  any  of  these  monuments  on  the  spot. 

3  The  existing  transepts  of  the  cathedral  of  Cremona  are,  of  course,  an  after- 
thought. 

88 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

impossible  to  be  certain  how  the  building  was  originally  disposed. 
Analogous  designs  are  still  extant  in  excellent  preservation  at 
Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte— c.  1090— (Plate  146,  Fig.  1)  and 
Cavagnolo — c.  ll-tO— (Plate  51,  Fig.  5).  At  S.  Maria  del 
Popolo  of  Pavia  the  side  aisles  were  of  varying  height  in  alter- 
nate bays,  so  the  effect  must  have  been  that  of  a  series  of 
transepts.    At  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  there  is  a  western  transept. 


APPENDIX  III.     NAVES 

Xaves  of  a  single  aisle  were  probably  erected  at  all  periods. 
The  church  of  Spigno,  although  a  monastery  of  considerable 
importance,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  built  with  a  single  aisle  in  991. 
The  monasteries  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  and  Piona  were  erected 
c.  1040  with  single-aisled  churches  (Plate  57,  Fig.  3;  Plate  188, 
Fig.  4).  The  XII  century  cliurches  of  S.  Ilai'io  di  Baganza, 
Loppia  di  Bellagio,  Dongo,  Casorso  and  S.  Pietro  of  Gallarate 
(Plate  94,  Fig.  3)  are  as  simple.  A  singular  disposition  is  found 
in  the  abbey  of  Vezzolano,  which  dates  from  1189,  in  that  there 
is  a  single  side  aisle.  At  S.  Zeno  di  Castelletto  there  are  two 
parallel  naves. 

Important  churches  were  at  all  epochs  frequently  erected 
with  five  aisles.  The  cathedral  of  ]Modena,  built  c.  1035,  had  five 
aisles,  as  did  also  the  destroyed  cathedrals  of  S.  Stefano  at  Pavia, 
of  Xovara  and  of  Ferrara.  The  five  aisles  are  combined  with  a 
pyramidal  section  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (Plate  58,  Fig.  2), 
Casale,  and  S.  Simpliciano  of  ]Milan.* 

Galleries  frequently  occur  in  the  more  important  churches. 
They  are  found  at  S.  Sepolcro  of  ]Milan  (1030),  Sannazzaro 
Sesia— 1040— (Plate  202,  Fig.  1,  3),  S.  Ambrogio  of  iMilan 
(Plate  118,  Fig.  3),  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  170,  Fig.  5), 
in  the  destroyed  church  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia,  at 
S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona  (Plate  220,  Fig.  2),  at  S.  Fedele  of 
Como    (Plate    61;    Plate    62),    in   the    destroyed    cathedral    of 

4  At  S.  Bernardo  of  Vercelli  (1164)  the  side  aisles  are  of  the  same  height  as 
the  nave  (Plate  215,  Fig.  2). 

84 


BASILICAN  CHURCHES,  c.  900-c.  1000 

Novara  (Plate  158),  in  the  destroyed  church  of  S.  Maria 
JNIaggiore  of  Vercelli  (1148),  at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Bergamo 
(Plate  23,  Fig.  1),  in  the  cathedrals  of  Parma  (Plate  166, 
Fig.  1),  Piacenza  (Plate  181,  Fig.  5),  Borgo  (Plate  30,  Fig.  4) 
and  in  many  other  instances  that  might  be  cited.  True  triforia, 
however,  are  comparatively  rare.  There  is  an  early  example 
at  Lodi  Vecchio  (Plate  104,  Fig.  4;  Plate  105,  Fig.  5),  dating 
from  c.  1050,  but  much  rebuilt  in  the  XIV  century.  Others  once 
existed  at  Morimondo — 1186 — (Plate  154,  Fig.  3),  and  in  the 
cathedral  of  Lodi  (c.  1190). 

Certain  exceptional  peculiarities  in  the  planning  of  basilicas 
remain  to  be  noted.  At  Agliate  (Plate  8),  before  the  recent 
restoration,  the  eastern  baj^  of  the  nave  was  much  wider  than 
the  others.  This  mannerism  is  repeated  at  Cortazzone  d'Asti 
and  S.  INIaria  Canale  of  Cortona.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
it  is  characteristic  of  the  Romanesque  churches  of  Umbria  and 
southern  Italy.  At  S.  Nazaro  of  IMilan  the  plan  forms  a  perfect 
Latin  cross  with  a  nave  of  a  single  aisle  and  projecting  transepts. 
This  probably  preserves  the  form  of  the  primitive  church  built 
by  S.  Ambrogio.  The  plan  of  the  church  of  ISIont'Orfano  is 
similar.  The  pavement  of  the  side  aisles  is  raised  above  that  of 
the  nave  in  the  church  of  S.  Eufemia,  Isola  Comacina.  At  S. 
Alberto  di  Pizzo  Corno  the  plan  is  entirely  irregular. 


APPENDIX  IV.     DUAL  CATHEDRALS 

It  was  the  custom  in  Lombardy  to  erect  two  distinct 
basilicas  in  the  more  important  episcopal  towns,  one  to  serve  as 
the  cathedral  in  summer,  the  other  in  winter.  These  basilicas 
were  generally  placed  alongside  of  each  other,  and  in  at  least 
some  instances,  adjoined.  Such  dual  cathedrals  existed  at  ]Milan, 
Pavia,  Como^  and  Brescia. 

sGiovio,  211-312. 


86 


CHAPTER  VII.     COMPOUND  PIERS 

As  precisely  as  the  extant  monuments  make  it  possible  to 
determine,  it  was  at  the  end  of  the  X  centurj'  when  there  was 
begun  in  Lombardy  that  series  of  experiments  with  the  form  of 
the  supports  of  the  basihcas,  destined  to  lead  to  the  evolution 
of  the  compound  pier.  It  will  be  remembered  that  ever  since 
the  first  half  of  the  VIII  century  rectangidar  piers  had  been 
used  at  times  to  replace  columns  in  the  arcades  of  the  basiHca, 
when  scarcity  of  pilfered  material  made  such  a  construction 
desirable.^  Now,  rectangular  piers  as  well  as  columns  continued 
to  be  used  occasionally  in  basilicas  throughout  the  Romanesque 
period  in  northern  Italy.^  From  the  end  of  the  X  century, 
however,  the  builders  began  to  give  new  and  more  complex 
sections  to  their  piers. 

One  of  the  earliest  of  the  modifications  introduced  is  found 
in  the  ambulatory  of  S.  Stefano  of  Verona,  which  there  is  reason 
to  believe  was  erected  c.  990.  Here  the  piers  are  not  rectangular, 
but    of   irregiUar   section,    as    was    required    by    the    structural 

1  Rectangular  piers  were  occasionally  used  in  centralized  edifices  such  as,  for 
example,  SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria  of  Verona— c.  875— (Plate  223,  Fig.  1,  3).  In  addition 
to  the  examples  of  rectangular  piers  already  mentioned,  those  of  the  crypt  of  S. 
Eusebio  of  Pavia,  dating  c.  900,  should  be  cited. 

-  The  church  of  S.  Salvatore  at  Turin,  now  buried,  was  built  in  1006,  with  rec- 
tangular piers.  There  were  rectangular  piers  also  in  the  preceding  edifice,  which  was 
in  ruins  at  the  time  this  reconstruction  took  place.  Rectangular  piers  were  used  in 
the  cathedral  of  Aosta  (c.  1010),  at  Piobesi— c.  1020— (Plate  188,  Fig.  3),  at  S. 
Benedetto  di  Lenno — 1083 — (Plate  102,  Fig.  G),  in  the  western  bay  of  Cemmo  (c.  1110), 
at  S.  Pietro  di  Legnano  (1117),  and  at  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno — c.  1120— (Plate  11, 
Fig.  8).  When  used  in  the  XII  century,  however,  the  piers  generally  were  placed  in 
alternation  with  columns.  At  Casalino  (c.  1040)  rectangular  piers  alternate  with  piers 
of  elongated  oval  section.  In  the  clioir  of  Maderno  (c.  1120),  at  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte 
of  Verona— 1123— (Plate  218,  Fig.  2),  at  Fontanella  al  Monte— c.  1130— (Plate  90; 
Plate  92),  and  at  S.  Giovanni  in  Valle  of  Verona — 1164 — (Plate  218,  Fig.  4),  piers  and 
columns  are  used  together.  Many  other  examples  might  be  cited.  Pillars  are  used  at 
S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano — 1007 — (Plate  97).  Monolithic  columns  were  employed  in  the 
minor  arcades  of  S.  Abondio  of  Como — 1095 — (Plate  59,  Fig.  1),  and  at  S.  Lorenzo  of 
Cremona   (c.  1195). 

86 


COMPOUND  PIERS 

exigencies  of  the  annular  passage-waj^  (Plate  222,  Fig.  1). 
This  construction  proves  that  the  builders  of  the  last  decade  of 
the  X  century  possessed  the  initiative  to  introduce  modifications 
in  types  established  bj^  tradition  when  the  need  arose,  and  that 
they  were  ready  to  grapple  with  practical  problems  in  that 
logical  and  persistent  spirit  which  was  destined  to  lead  within 
less  than  a  century  to  the  formation  of  a  new  and  vital  type  of 
architecture. 

Not  long  afterwards  another  modification,  this  time  purely 
decorative,  was  made  in  the  section  of  piers.  Instead  of  being 
rectangular  or  square  they  were  made  octangular.  The  earliest 
examples  of  such  a  construction  that  I  know  are  to  be  found  in 
the  crypt  of  the  cathedral  of  Aosta  (c.  1010)  and  at  S.  Pietro 
of  Acqui  (c.  1015-1023).' 

Far  more  important,  and  lUtivcii  it  m^}'  almost  be  said  the 
starting  point  for  the  development  of  all  Romanesque  and 
Gothic  architecture  of  western  Europe,  is  the  T-shaped  section 
given  to  the  piers  of  certain  basilicas  erected  about  the  year  1000. 
The  best  known  example  is  the  church  of  S.  Eustorgio  at  INIilan, 
which  has  become  famous,  thanks  to  the  labours  of  Cattaneo, 
although  the  ancient  piers  have  now  disappeared.  This  monu- 
ment, however,  is  far  from  standing  alone,  as  has  hitherto  been 
believed.  Piers  of  similar  section  are  found  in  the  Coro  Vecchio 
of  Sagra  S.  Michele,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1002, 
at  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  (c.  1010),  and  in  two  other  edifices  which 
undoubtedly  date  from  the  first  years  of  the  XI  century, 
though  the  fact  has  not  hitherto  been  recognized,  that  is  to  say, 
in  the  well  known  basilicas  of  S.  Vittore  of  Ravenna  and  S. 
Pietro  in  Sylvis  of  Bagnacavallo*  (Plate  18,  Fig.  2,  4,  5).  It 
has  been  supposed  by  Cattaneo  that  the  spur  on  the  side  of  the 
aisles  was  added  to  the  piers  of  S.  Eustorgio  in  order  to  support 

3  The  construction  occasionally  persisted  in  later  times,  as  at  Oleggio  (c.  1030), 
S.  Eufemia  of  Isola  Comacina  (c.  1095),  and  Renno — c.  1100— (Plate  191,  Fig.  4). 

*  This  church  still  continues  to  be  ascribed  absurdly  to  the  VI  century  in  spite 
of  the  architectural  forms  which  are  clearly  those  of  the  epoch  to  which  we  refer  it, 
and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  town  of  Bagnacavallo  probably  did  not  come  into 
existence  much  before  the  IX  century.  (See  Frizzi,  I,  167).  The  remains  of  the 
ciborio  will  be  discussed  later. 

87 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

transverse  arches  thrown  across  the  side  aisles.  In  such  a  con- 
jecture there  is  nothing  intrinsically  improbable.  It  should  be 
observed,  however,  that  at  S.  Vittore  of  Ravenna  and  at 
Bagnacavallo  (Plate  18,  Fig.  4),  it  is  evident  that  there  were 
never  transverse  arches.  The  thought  naturally  arises  that  the 
spur  may  have  been  added  to  the  piers  merely  as  a  buttress  to 
strengthen  or  stiffen  them.  The  fact  that  a  century  later 
precisely  similar  piers  were  erected  in  the  Soissonnais  at  Rethisy- 
St.-jMartin  (Plate  18,  Fig.  3),  gives  some  reason  to  believe  that 
this  may  have  been  the  case,  but  if  we  adopt  such  an  hyj^othesis 
we  must  grant  that  the  Lombard  builders  in  the  j^ear  1000 
possessed  a  knowledge  of  buttressing  which  we  shall  find  they 
scarcely  attained  at  a  much  later  period.  Neither  one  explanation 
nor  the  other,  therefore,  seems  entirely  tenable,  and  I  confess  that 
I  remain  in  considerable  doubt  as  to  the  real  reason  for  this 
innovation." 

The  next  step  in  the  evolution  of  the  compound  pier  was 
of  course  to  add  a  spur  on  the  side  of  the  nave  as  well  as  on  that 
of  the  side  aisle,  giving  the  pier  the  section  of  a  Greek  cross. 
Cattaneo  found  piers  of  this  type  in  the  church  of  SS.  Felice  e 
Fortunato  at  Vicenza.  These  piers,  like  those  of  S.  Eustorgio, 
have  to-day  disappeared,  but  the  decorative  characteristics  of 
other  ])ortions  of  the  same  basilica  still  extant  leave  no  doubt 
that  the  great  archteologist  somewhat  under-dated  these  impor- 
tant fragments,  and  that  the  piers  in  question  were  erected  not 
much  before  1030.  Although  the  Vicenza  monument  has  been 
destroyed,  other  piers  of  the  same  section  and  about  contem- 
porary are  still  extant.  The  cruciform  piers  of  Mazzone 
(Plate  187,  Fig.  2)  date  from  about  this  same  time  (1030).    At 

5  According  to  Monneret  de  Villard  (31)  the  church  of  S.  Maria  at  Solona, 
founded  in  976,  had  square  piers  and  side-aisle  responds.  There  were  therefore 
prolialily  either  vaulted  side  aisles  or  transverse  arches  in  the  side  aisles.  This  fact 
seems  to  strengthen  the  thesis  of  Cattaneo.  As  Rivoira  (86)  has  pointed  out,  com- 
pound piers  of  a  kind  existed  in  the  Basilica  Giulia  at  Rome,  but  there  is  absolutely  no 
evidence  that  knowledge  of  this  or  similar  ruins  exerted  the  slightest  influence  in  the 
evolution  of  the  compound  pier  in  Lombardy.  The  contention  of  Venturi  (III,  26) 
that  the  compound  pier  was  invented  at  St.-Remi  of  Reims  in  1005  is  obviously  unten- 
able, since  the  piers  in  question  are  of  much  later  date.  (See  my  Medieval  Archi- 
lecture,  II,  206).     T-shaped  piers  persisted  as  late  as  1135  at  Tiglieto. 

88 


COMPOUND  PIERS 

S.  Carpoforo  of  Como,  an  authentically  dated  edifice  of  c.  1028- 
1040,  are  introduced  certain  piers  of  cruciform  section  (Plate  60, 
Fig.  1,2)/ 

Rectangular  piers  with  semi-columns  on  each  end  are  foimd 
at  Lomello — c.  1025— (Plate  106;  Plate  109,  Fig.  4),  Viguzzolo 
(c.  1050),  and  S.  Eufemia  of  Isola  Comacina  (c.  1095).  The 
piers  of  the  cathedral  of  Acqui,  a  building  begun  c.  1015  and 
consecrated  in  1067,  are  of  somewhat  similar  section,  except  that 
a  third  semi-column  is  introduced  on  the  side  facing  the  side 
aisles.  The  step  from  such  a  type  as  this  to  the  fully  developed 
quatrefoiled  pier  was  easilj^  taken.  Indeed,  such  piers  were 
actually  erected  in  the  cathedral  of  ISIodena  which  preceded  the 
existing  one  (c.  1035),  in  the  contemporary  church  at  Stradella 
(Plate  208),  and  at  Lodi  Vecchio — c.  1050— (Plate  103).' 

When  once  the  jirinciple  of  the  compound  pier  had  been 
thus  discovered,  the  motive  could  easily  be  develojied  almost 
indefinitely,  and  it  was  but  a  very  short  step  from  the  quatrefoiled 
piers  of  Stradella  to  the  most  complex  forms  of  support.  Nor 
are  evidences  wanting  that  the  builders  almost  immediately 
realized  the  flexibility  and  possible  ajDplication  of  the  new  system 
they  had  invented.  Thus,  at  Pombia  (c.  1030),  the  piers  are 
rectangular  on  three  sides,  but  on  the  side  of  the  aisles,  where 
there  are  groin  vaults,  there  is  engaged  a  rectangular  pilaster 
in  three  orders,  supplying  a  logical  support  for  the  vaulting 
members.*  A  similar  arrangement  is  found  in  the  contemporary 
church  at  Oleggio.  Compound  piers  of  fully  developed  tj'pe 
appear  in  the  year  1040  in  the  dated  abbey  of  Sannazzaro  Sesia 

6  Piers  of  cruciform  section  persisted  at  Badia  di  Vertemate — 1083-1095 — 
(Plate  18,  Fig.  1),  at  Cemmo— c.  1110— (Plate  52,  Fig.  4),  and  at  Pieve  di  Novi 
Ligure — c.  1130— (Plate  159,  Fig.  1). 

'  This  type  of  pier  persisted  in  later  times  at  S.  Anibrogio  of  Milan  (Plate  116), 
S.  Pietro  di  Bologna  (Plate  25,  Fig.  6),  at  the  Chiesa  d'.Vurona  of  Milan — 1095 — 
(Plate  lU,  Fig.  2),  S.  Benedetto  of  Portesana  (1099),  S.  Fedele  of  Como — c.  1115— 
(Plate  62),  Maderno— c.  1120— (Plate  113,  Fig.  3),  Nonantola  (1121),  and  in  the  Atrio 
di  Pilato  of  Bologna — c.  1142 — (Plate  25,  Fig.  7).  They  persisted  even  as  late  as 
the  XIII  century  at  Vicofertile — c.  1200 — (Plate  240,  Fig.  2)  and  S.  Croce  of  Parma 
(1222). 

8  Entirely  analogous  piers  were  erected  a  century  later  at  Monastero  di  Provaglio. 
In  the  church  of  Pallanza — c.  1130 — (Plate  IGl,  Fig.  2,  5),  the  compound  piers  are 
composed  of  rectangular  members. 

89 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

(Plate  200) ,  and  at  Calvenzano  (Plate  38) .  They  will  continue 
in  use  with  various  amplifications  and  developments  throughout 
the  remainder  of  the  XI  and  the  XII  centuries." 

While  the  piers  had  been  undergoing  such  an  evolution  the 
responds  of  the  side  aisles  had  also  been  developing  in  an 
analogous  manner.  The  earliest  responds  which  I  know  are 
those  of  the  crypt  of  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano,  an  authentically 
dated  monument  of  1007  (Plate  98).  They  are  simply  rectan- 
gular pilasters.'"  Three  years  later,  in  the  campanile  of  the 
cathedral  of  Aosta,  we  find  rectangular  responds  provided  for 
groin  vaults.  At  Oleggio  (c.  1030)  rectangular  members, 
without  bases  or  capitals,  are  supplied  for  the  groins  and  the 
wall  and  transverse  ribs  in  the  side-aisle  responds  of  the  choir. 
Similar  responds  are  found  at  Pombia  (c.  1030),  and  at  S. 
Lorenzo  of  Mantova  (c.  1115).  In  the  cathedral  of  Modena, 
erected  c.  103.5,  semieii-cular  members  are  introduced  in  the 
responds,  which  therefore  are  of  fully  developed  type. 
Such  responds  are  found  also  at  Sannazzaro  Sesia — 1040 — 
(Plate  200),  S.  Severo  of  Bardolino  (c.  1050),  S.  Vincenzo  of 
Gravedona  (1072),  and  in  manj^  other  monuments  which  might 
be  named. 

Before  leaving  the  question  of  supports,  a  word  should  be 
said  of  C3'lindrical  piers.  Contrary  to  what  might  be  supposed, 
such  substitutes  for  columns  were  employed  from  a  very  early 
period  in  northern  Italy,  and  were  therefore  not  necessarily 
imported  from  the  North  by  the  Cistercians.  The  cylindrical 
piers  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Eusebio  at  Pavia  date  from  c.  900,  and 
there  are  numerous  other  examples  of  this  type  of  support,  which 
indubitablj'  antedate  the  coming  of  the  Cistercians."  Cylindrical 
piers  certainly  were  used  in  several  churches  either  belonging  to 

0  For  examples  see  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte — c.  1090 — (Plate  146,  Fig.  1), 
Isola  S.  Giulio— c.  1120— (Plate  100,  Fig.  8),  Cerreto — c.  lUO— (Plate  52,  Fig.  3), 
Rivalta  Scrivia— 1180— (Plate  192,  Fig.  2).  At  S.  Lorenzo  of  Montiglio — c.  1150— 
(Plate  153,  Fig.  1)  compound  piers  are  used  in  an  edifice  which  was  originally  without 
vault.  In  the  contemporary  church  of  Cortazzone  d'Asti  (Plate  82,  Fig.  2),  which 
was  also  roofed  in  wood,  certain  piers  are  given  a  fantastic  section. 

10  Similar  responds  are  found  as  late  as  1099  at  S.  Benedetto  di  Portesana. 

11  For  example,  in  the  baptistery  of  Vigolo  Marchese  (c.  1010),  at  Somma- 
campagna— c.   1040— (Plate  207,   Fig.  3),   at   Sasso— c.    1050— (Plate   205,   Fig.    1),   at 

90 


COMPOUND  PIERS 

the  Cistercians  themselves  or  built  under  their  influence/^  The 
piers  of  these  Cistercian  churches,  moreover,  seem  to  present 
strong  analogies  with  the  cylindrical  piers  of  northern  churches 
such  as,  for  example,  the  cathedral  of  Gloucester  (Plate  55, 
Fig.  3 ) .  In  view,  however,  of  the  fact  that  cylindrical  piers  had 
been  in  use  in  Lombardj^  from  a  very  early  period,  it  is  entirely 
improbable  that  the  Cistercians  brought  this  feature  from  the 
North.  If  connection  must  be  found,  it  is  more  probable  that 
the  influence  was  the  other  way  about,  and  that  the  northern 
builders  borrowed  the  construction  from  Lombardy." 

It  is  remarkable  that  one  of  the  cylindrical  piers  in  the 
cathedral  of  Piacenza  has  an  engaged  colonnette  (Plate  181, 
Fig.  5 ) .  This  construction  seems  to  anticipate  a  remarkable 
development  of  the  transitional  epoch  in  the  Ile-de-France,  for, 
it  will  be  remembered,  piers  of  similar  section  are  found  in  the 
cathedrals  of  Soissons,  Seez  and  Paris.  Since  the  cathedral  of 
Piacenza  was  begun  in  1122,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is 
earlier  than  the  French  examples. 

There  are  coupled  cylindrical  piers  of  brick  used  as  supports 
in  the  church  of  S.  Pancrazio,  built  c.  1135.  At  S.  Sepolcro  of 
Bologna  there  are  cylindrical  piers  and  coupled  columns. 
Coupled  columns  were  used  as  early  as  c.  1000  in  the  ambulatory 
of  the  cathedral  of  Ivrea.  C.  1035  such  supports  appear  in  the 
transepts  of  the  cathedral  of  Susa  in  a  form  that  recalls  the 
distant  church  of  Ste.-Croix  at  Quimperle  (Plate  50,  Fig.  3). 
It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  the  latter  the  coupled  semi- 
columns  of  Castelnuovo  Scrivia  (Plate  50,  Fig.  7). 

Badia  di  Vertemate— 1083-1095— (Plate  18,  Fig.  1),  at  S.  Severo  of  BardoUno— 
c.  1050— (Plate  19,  Fig.  4),  at  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte  (c.  1090),  at  S.  Abondio 
of  Como— 1095— (Plate  59,  Fig.  1),  at  Cirie  (c.  1100),  at  Monchio  (c.  1100),  at  S. 
Giacomo  of  Como — c.  1105— (Plate  64,  Fig.  8),  at  Cemmo  (c.  1110),  at  S.  Lorenzo  of 
Mantova  (c.  1115),  at  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan— c.  1120— (Plate  127,  Fig.  3),  and  in 
the  cathedral  of  Piacenza— 1122  f.— (Plate  181,  Fig.  5). 

12  For  example,  Chiaravalle  Milanese— 1135-1221— (Plate  55,  Fig.  1),  Rivalta 
Scrivia— 1180— (Plate  192,  Fig.  2),  Morimondo— 1186— (Plate  154,  Fig.  2),  Crescen- 
zago— c.   1190— (Plate  87,  Fig.  3). 

13  Cylindrical  piers  are  found  in  numerous  Lombard  churches  of  the  XII  cen- 
tury in  which  there  is  no  trace  of  a  Cistercian  influence;  e.g.,  Rubbiano  (c.  1130), 
Panico— c.  1145— (Plate  162,  Fig.  4),  Cortazzone  d'AsU— c.  1150— (Plate  82,  Fig.  2) 
and  Gazzo  Veronese  (c.  1190). 

91 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Coupled  colonnettes,  which  appear  in  the  cloister  of  Moissac 
as  early  as  1100,  are  first  found  in  Lomhardy  in  the  narthex  of 
S.  Trinita  of  Verona  in  the  year  1117  (Plate  223,  Fig.  4).  In 
1133  they  reappear  in  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  at  Aosta  (Plate  12, 
Fig.  G),  where,  however,  they  are  only  occasionally  introduced 
amid  single  colonnettes.  In  the  cloister  of  S.  Stefano  at 
Bologna — 1160 — (Plate  25,  Fig.  2)  they  are  used  except  at  the 
angles,  and  from  this  time  they  were  frequently  employed  in 
cloisters  and  little  arcades  of  all  sorts.'* 

i«  For  example,  in  the  cloister  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — e.  1175-1200 — (Plate  225, 
Fig.  1),  in  the  exterior  gallery  of  the  cathedral  of  Ferrara — 1177 — (Plate  89,  Fig.  3), 
in  the  cloisters  of  S.  Kuffillo  di  Bologna— c.  1180— (Plate  20.t,  Fig.  1),  and  in  the 
cloisters  of  Montechiarugolo^c.  1200 — (Plate  148,  Fig.  1). 


92 


Book  II.    The  XI  Century 


CHAPTER  I.     TRANSVERSE  ARCHES 

The  dawn  of  the  XI  century  witnessed  a  great  renaissance 
of  architecture  throughout  Europe.  In  no  other  region,  how- 
ever, was  this  renaissance  so  far-reaching,  so  swift,  and  so  fraught 
with  structural  innovations  as  in  Lombardy.  Here,  indeed, 
without  exaggeration,  the  country-side  may  be  said  to  have 
clothed  itself  with  a  white  garment  of  churches.'  It  was,  more- 
over, not  only  in  architecture  that  men  began  to  think  in  new 
and  different  ways.  A  notable  revival  of  learning  took  place.^ 
The  desire  for  new  forms  of  thought  is  witnessed  also  by  the 
heresy  which  broke  out  at  Monforte  in  1028.^ 

Of  the  structural  innovations  wrought  in  the  basilica  during 
the  XI  century,  one  of  the  most  significant  was  the  introduction 
of  transverse  arches  spanning  the  nave  or  the  side  aisles  at 
intervals,  and  serving  as  a  support  for  the  timbers  of  the  roof. 
Choisy^  believes  that  such  arches  were  introduced  for  the  purpose 
of  restraining  possible  fires.  It  is  more  probable,  however,  that 
the  real  purpose  was  to  economize  timber.  In  the  VIII  century 
timber  had  been  plentiful  and  inexpensive,  while  arches  were 
relatively  exceedingly  expensive  to  build.'*  In  the  XI  century 
these   conditions   were   reversed.      It   was   cheaper   to   build   a 

1  Ipitur  infra  supradictum  millesimum  tertio  iam  fere  imniinente  anno,  contigit 
in  vniuerso  penfe  terrarum  Orbe,  praecipue  tamen  in  Italia,  &  in  Galliis,  innouari 
Ecclesiarum  Basilicas,  licet  pleraeque  decenter  locatae  minimi  indiguissent.  ^Emulabatur 
taraen  quaeque  gens  Christicolarum  aduersus  alteram  decentiore  frui.  Erat  enim  instar 
ac  si  mundus  ipse  excutiendo  semet,  reiecta  vetustate,  passim  candidam  Ecclesiarum 
vestem  indueret.  Tunc  denique  Episcopalium  Sedium  Ecclesias  pen^  vniuersas,  ac 
cetera  quaeque  diuersorum  Sanctorum  Monasteria,  seu  minora  villarum  Oratoria,  in 
meliora  quique  permutauere  fideles.  (Glabri  Rodulphi,  Historiarum,  Lib.  Ill,  Cap.  IV, 
ed.  Duchesne,  IV,  27). 

=  Giulini,  II,  39.  s  Giulini,  II,  163-164..  *  Histoire,  II,  7. 

5  Orimoaldi  sive  Liutprandi  M emoratorium  de  Mercedibus  Commacinorum,  ed. 
Pertz,  M.  G.  H.,  Ler/es,  IV,  176  f. 

93 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

transverse  arch  than  to  obtain  the  enormous  beams  which  would 
otherwise  be  necessarj'  to  span  a  nave  of  considerable  size.  The 
change  came  about  partly  because  wood  became  more  scarce, 
partly  because  improved  technique  of  construction  resulted  in 
increasing  the  width  of  naves  and  decreasing  the  difficult}'  of 
erecting  arches." 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  transverse  arches  were  first 
emplo5'ed  in  the  side  aisles.  Possibly  they  existed  in  the  side 
aisles  of  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan,  erected  c.  1000.  Certainly  they 
existed  in  tlie  side  aisles  of  the  Coro  Vecchio  of  Sagra  S.  INIichele, 
an  authenticalh'  dated  monument  of  1002.  They  also  existed 
in  the  side  aisles  of  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  (c.  1010). 

The  earliest  instance  I  know  of  transverse  arches  spanning 
the  nave  is  at  Lomello,  an  edifice  erected  c.  1025  (Plate  lOG; 
Plate  107;  Plate  108).  It  is  true  that  the  transverse  arches  of 
S.  Prassede  at  Rome  have  commonly  been  ascribed  to  the  IX 
centur5^  Although  the  most  recent  writer  on  this  edifice'  is 
undoubtedly  in  error  in  believing  that  these  arches  are  the  result 
of  a  barocco  reconstruction  (the  frescos  still  extant  prove  that 
the  piers  are  at  least  as  early  as  the  XIII  century) ,  he  is  perfectly 
correct  in  discrediting  the  old  ascription  to  the  IX  century.  It 
is  probable  that  the  arches  in  question  were  erected  in  the  XII 
century,  as  may  be  deduced  from  their  analog}'  to  the  transverse 
arches  which  once  existed  in  the  not  far  distant  church  of  S. 
ISIaria  di  Falleri  (Plate  189,  Fig.  5).  The  latter  are  known  to 
have  been  erected  in  1186.°  All  these  transverse  arches  were 
undoubtedly  copied  from  Lombardy.  Similarh',  the  church  of 
S.  Miniato  al  Monte,  near  Florence,  the  transverse  arches  of 
which  are  generally  ascribed  to  1013,"  was  in  reality  reconstructed 
in  the  XII  century,  as  is  evident  from  the  stj'le  of  the  archi- 
tecture. Xor  is  there  any  reason  to  believe  that  the  transverse 
arches  of  S.  Angelo  at  Perugia   (Plate  111,  Fig.  4)   antedate 

•  See  my  Construction  of  Lombard  and  Gothic  Vaults,  passim. 

f  Arthur  L.  Frothingham,  Monuments  of  Christian  Rome,  New  York,  Macmillan, 
1908,  109,  410. 

sEnlart,  80. 

9  See,  for  example,  G.  Carocci,  S.  Miniato  al  Monte  presso  Firenze,  in  Arte  e 
Storia,  1908,  54. 

94 


TRANSVERSE  ARCHES 

those  of  Lomello.'"  All  these  examples,  and  many  others  that 
might  be  cited,  such  as,  for  instance,  the  church  of  Villemagne  in 
France  (Plate  111,  Fig.  1),  merely  prove  the  extraordinary 
popularity  of  this  Lombard  motive,  and  its  diffusion  throughout 
Europe. 

The  transverse  arches  of  Lomello,  therefore,  may  be 
accepted  as  the  earliest  known  erected  over  a  nave.  They  were 
crowned  with  a  pediment  wall  and  had  bifora  in  either  spandrel 
(Plate  107).  They  rose  from  every  alternate  bay,  but  one  was 
set  on  the  pair  of  piers  next  adjoining  the  facade  (Plate  106; 
Plate  108).  These  arches  of  S.  JNIaria  JNIaggiore  were  later 
imitated  in  the  smaller  church  of  S.  JMichele  in  the  same  town 
of  Lomello. 

At  S.  Carpoforo  of  Como,  an  authentically  dated  edifice, 
begun  c.  1028,  and  consecrated  in  1040,  there  were  transverse 
arches  springing  from  the  alternate  piers  and  spanning  the  nave 
and  side  aisles  (Plate  60,  Fig.  1,  2).  There  were  also  transverse 
arches  spanning  the  nave  of  Calvenzano — c.  1040 — (Plate  38), 
and  Lodi  Vecchio — c.  1050 — (Plate  103).  The  former  were 
on  an  alternate,  the  latter  on  a  uniform  sj^stem.  These  monu- 
ments leave  no  room  for  doubt  that  transverse  arches  originated 
in  Lombardy  in  the  first  half  of  the  XI  century. 

During  the  second  half  of  the  XI  century  the  builders 
appear  to  have  abandoned  transverse  arches  in  favour  of  rib  and 
groin  vaults,  which  at  that  time  came  into  great  popularity.  In 
the  year  1099,  however,  Lanfranco  revived  the  earlier  construc- 
tion in  the  cathedral  of  ]\Iodena.  This  architect  turned  in 
impatience  from  the  vaulted  constructions  which  he  found 
generally  in  use  in  his  time,  to  return  to  a  more  classic  and 
primitive  form  of  building  in  which  oblique  and  horizontal 
thrusts  should  be  as  much  as  possible  eliminated.  He  probably 
clung  to  transverse  arches  for  the  same  reason  that  they  had 
first  been  introduced,  that  is  to  say,  in  order  to  facilitate  the 
construction  of  a  timber  roof  over  a  nave  of  considerable  width 
(Plate  138).  The  transverse  arches  of  the  cathedral  of  JModena 
rise  from  the  alternate  supports  and  are  crowned  by  gables  which 

"See  BoUettino  d'Arte,  1911,  V,  28. 

95 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

at  iMcscnt  project  above  the  roof  of  the  cathedral  (Phite  140, 
Fig.  3). 

The  construction  revived  at  INIodena  was  soon  copied  in 
other  churches  of  the  XII  century.  There  is  a  transverse  arch 
in  the  single-aisled  cliapel  of  Vaprio  d'Adda,  erected  c.  111.5 
(Plate  213,  Fig.  2).  The  triforium  gallerj'  in  the  nave  of  the 
cathedral  of  Cremona,  built  between  1107  and  1117,  had  trans- 
verse arches.  There  were  trajisverse  arches  certainly  in  the  side 
aisles,  and  probably  in  the  nave  also,  in  the  church  of  Maderno, 
which  dates  from  c.  1120.  All  these  edifices  were  probably 
influenced  by  the  cathedral  of  JModena.  The  abbey  church  of 
Nonantola  was  certainly  in  large  part  copied  from  the  master- 
piece of  Lanfranco,  and  transverse  arches  were  here  introduced 
in  the  construction  begun  in  1121.  Also  copied  from  Modena 
were  the  transverse  arches  in  the  now  destroyed  cathedral  of 
Novara  (c.  112.5).  Those  of  the  cathedral  of  Cremona,  built 
1129-1143,  rose  from  every  pier,  and  were  crowned  by  a  gable 
with  windows  like  the  arches  of  liOmello.  The  transverse  arches 
of  S.  Fedele  of  Como  (c.  1115)  are  similar,  except  that  there  are 
no  windows  (Plate  61;  Plate  62).  At  Pieve  di  Novi  Ligure 
(Plate  159,  Fig.  1)  there  are  transverse  arches  in  both  nave  and 
side  aisles.  There  may  anciently  have  been  transverse  arches 
in  the  single-aisled  chapel  of  Gallarate,  constructed  c.  1145. 
Transverse  arches  are  used  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  in  those  portions 
of  the  edifice  which  were  erected  in  1138,  but  they  were  abandoned 
in  those  portions  built  c.  1150-1160  (Plate  226,  Fig.  1,  3).  The 
construction  persisted,  however,  as  late  as  1177  in  the  destroj'ed 
nave  of  Ferrara,  and  until  1184  at  Carpi. 

Analogous  in  structural  principle  to  the  transverse  arch  is 
the  transverse  wall  pierced  bj^  three  arches,  introduced  to  support 
the  wooden  roof  in  the  western  bay  of  S.  Pancrazio  at  Corneto 
(Plate  78;  Plate  79). 


96 


CHAPTER  II.     THE  ALTERNATE  SYSTEM 

A  second  innovation  introduced  about  contemporaneously 
with  transverse  arches  and  almost  equally  significant  for  the 
future  development  of  architecture  was  the  alternate  sj'stem. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  in  certain  basilicas  of 
early  date  the  failing  supply  of  ancient  colimins  was  eked  out 
with  rectangular  piers.  In  certain  buildings — the  northern 
arcade  of  the  eastern  half  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella 
(Plate  197)  offers  the  best  example — there  is.  a  tendency  to 
arrange  the  pilfered  columns  and  original  piers  in  regular  alter- 
nation. It  is  natural  to  see  in  such  combinations  of  new  and  old 
material  the  origin  of  the  alternate  system.  There  are,  in  fact, 
numerous  churches  of  the  XII  century  in  which  columns  and 
piers  alternate  in  precisely  this  way,  without  betraying  any 
deeper  structural  reason  for  such  an  arrangement.^  I  was  at 
one  time  inclined  to  believe  that  the  alternate  system  arose  from 
an  attempt  to  use  thus  rhythmically  unsymmetrical  materials. 
The  dearth  of  examples  of  such  a  construction  dating  from  the 
XI  century,  however,  it  now  seems  to  me,  indicates  that  the 
alternate  system  may  have  originated  from  a  far  more  vital 
structural  necessity,  that  is  to  say,  from  the  use  of  transverse 
arches. 

The  transverse  arches  had  frequently  been  thrown  only  from 
every  other  pier.  There  was  economy  in  such  a  construction, 
since  sufficient  supports  were  provided  for  the  roof  without 
building  an  excessive  number  of  arches  such  as  would  have 
resulted  had  arches  been  thrown  from  every  pair  of  supports. 
The  earliest  example  of  a  true  alternate  system  that  I  can  name 
was  built  in  connection  with  transverse  arches  of  this  type  in  the 

1  See,  for  example,  Renno  (c.  1100);  S.  Vittore  of  Arsapo — c.  1130— (Plate  15, 
Fig.  2);  Porcile— 1143— (Plate  189,  Fig.  4);  Panico— c.  1145— (Plate  162,  Fig.  4); 
Villanova— 1167- (Plate  24.1,  Fig.  4);  Carpi  (1184). 

97 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

church  of  S.  Sofia  at  Padova  (c.  1010).  Unfortunatelj^  the 
church  has  been  many  times  rebuilt  and  altered,  so  that  the 
original  design  remains  more  or  less  conjectural.  There  is 
evidence,  however,  that  the  piers  were  alternatelj^  T-shaped  and 
rectangular. 

The  alternate  system  reappears  in  the  highly  important 
church  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  at  Lomello  (Plate  106;  Plate  108) , 
undoubtedl}^  one  of  the  most  important  edifices  of  the  XI  century 
in  Europe.  Again  it  is  in  connection  with  transverse  arches,  and 
indeed  it  is  only  in  the  upper  parts  of  the  church  that  the  alter- 
nation is  visible,  since  the  piers  are  all  of  approximately  the  same 
section. 

The  alternate  system  reappears  in  more  emphatic  form  in 
the  church  of  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato  of  Vicenza,  which  was 
probably  erected  c.  1030.  This  monument  has  been  destroyed, 
but  the  authentically  dated  S.  Carpoforo  of  Como,  begun  soon 
after  1028,  and  consecrated  in  1040,  is  still  in  good  preservation. 
Here,  as  in  the  church  of  Vicenza,  the  alternate  system  was  again 
used  in  connection  with  transverse  arches.  A  similar  arrange- 
ment existed  also  at  Calvenzano — 1040 — (Plate  38)." 

It  is  probable  that  as  soon  as  piers  came  to  be  given  a  cruci- 
form section  the  pilaster  facing  the  nave  was  made  to  continue 
through  the  capitals,  if  any,  at  the  level  of  the  impost  of  the  main 
arcade,  and  along  the  clearstory'  walls,  so  as  to  support  the 
transverse  arch  spanning  the  nave.  There  is  extant  an  early 
example  of  such  a  construction  in  the  often  mentioned  church  of 
S.  JSIaria  Maggiore  at  Lomello  (Plate  108),  which  dates  from 
c.  102.5.'  In  this  case  the  system  consists  of  a  single  flat  pilaster 
strip. 

From  the  beginning  thus  made  it  was  an  easy  step  to  modify 

2  Later  examples  of  the  alternate  system  used  in  connection  with  transverse 
arches  may  be  found  at  S.  Fermo  Maggiore  of  Verona  (1065-1135),  S.  Lorenzo  of 
Verona— 1110— (Plate  220,  Fig.  3),  Maderno— c.  1120— (Plate  112,  Fig.  3),  the 
destroyed  cathedral  of  Novara — c.  1125 — (Plate  156,  Fig.  2),  the  destroyed  nave  of 
Ferrara  (1135),  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— 1138— (Plate  226,  Fig.  3)  and  Lodi  (c.  1190). 
In  the  latter  examples  there  is  an  odd  western  bay  as  at  Lomello.  Two  pairs  of 
columns  were  sometimes  grouped  between  the  heavier  piers. 

3  The  church  of  Lomello  is  also  notable  because  it  contains  the  earliest  known 
example  of  a  stairway  or  passage  in  the  %vall. 

98 


THE  ALTERNATE  SYSTEM 

the  section  of  the  system  or  add  other  members,  as  a  second  order 
of  the  transverse  arch  or  the  members  of  the  vaulting  might 
require.  This  step,  however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  imme- 
diately taken — at  least  at  ]Mazzone  (c.  1030)  the  sj^stem  is  still 
of  a  simple  rectangular  section,  although  there  are  groin  vaults 
(Plate  187,  Fig.  2).  At  Calvenzano  (c.  1040)  the  system 
appears  to  have  been  similar.  At  Stradella  (Plate  210),  how- 
ever, a  shaft  was  engaged  upon  the  pilaster  strip,  probably  with 
the  view  of  adapting  the  system  to  supporting  groin  vaults.  At 
Sannazzaro  Sesia  (Plate  202,  Fig.  1)  pilasters  normal  to  the 
diagonals  were  added.  A  system  of  somewhat  similar  section 
was  executed  at  S.  Benedetto  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  c.  1045. 
From  this  time  onward  the  section  of  the  system  was  freely 
varied  as  circumstances  dictated.* 

Wliile  the  system  arising  from  the  alternate  piers  was  thus 
undergoing  a  logical  evolution,  the  builders  found  themselves 
considerably  embarrassed  to  know  how  to  treat  the  intermediate 
piers  of  an  alternate  system.  In  the  church  of  Lomello,  which 
here  again  marks  a  new  epoch,  the  problem  became  acute.  The 
piers,  as  has  been  seen,  were  all  of  the  same  section  (Plate  106), 
but  the  transverse  arches  rose  only  from  every  other  pier 
(Plate  108).  The  question  was  how  to  treat  the  intermediate 
system.  The  problem  was  solved  by  continuing  the  pilaster 
strip  along  the  wall  to  the  roof.  In  order  to  give  it  an  apparent 
function,  wooden  brackets  were  added  at  the  top  to  support  the 
timbers  of  the  roof  (Plate  108).  These  brackets,  still  in  perfect 
preservation,  leave  no  doubt  in  regard  to  the  original  disposition 
of  the  edifice.  We  undoubtedly  have  here  beneath  our  eyes  the 
origin  of  the  unmeaning  system  copied  throughout  Europe  in 
the  second  half  of  the  XI  and  the  XII  centuries,  and  one  of  the 
most  puzzling  features  of  the  northern  Romanesque.     At   S. 

*  The  diagonal  ribs  are  carried  on  corbels  at  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno  (c.  1120) 
and  at  Viboldone — c.  1195 — (Plate  239,  Fig.  2).  At  S.  Eufemia  of  Isola  Comacina, 
S.  Maria  di  Castello  of  Corneto— 1121— (Plate  76,  Fig.  4)  and  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como 
(Plate  58,  Fig.  4)  a  system  was  provided  for  the  ribs  of  the  half  dome  of  the  apse. 
At  Monteveglio  (1185)  and  at  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna — c.  1095— (Plate  25,  Fig.  6)  the 
system  consists  of  a  flat  pilaster  strip,  but  the  latter  is  possibly  an  incorrect  restoration. 
In  the  choir  of  Vezzolano  (1189)  the  system  is  formed  of  coupled  free-standing 
colonnettes. 

99 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Carpoforo  of  Coniu,  begun  shortly  after  1028  and  consecrated 
in  1040,  there  is  a  simihir  intermediate,  inimeaning  system 
(Plate  60,  Fig.  1,  2),  which,  however,  was  apparently  not 
carried  up  to  the  level  of  the  roof,  but  abruptly  truncated  below 
the  clearstory.  A  similar  arrangement  was  adopted  at  Cemmo 
some  seventy  years  later  (Plate  .32,  Fig.  4). 

Whenever  the  I^ombard  builders  introduced  piers  as  the 
intermediate  members  in  churches  witli  alternate  system  they 
found  themselves  in  embarrassment  to  know  how  to  terminate 
the  member  fronting  the  nave.  At  S.  Anibrogio  the  intermediate 
system  is  made  to  support  arched  corbel-tables  (Plate  119, 
Fig.  3);  at  S.  JNIichele  of  Pavia,  flat  corbel-tables  (Plate  176, 
Fig.  5).  The  same  embarrassment  occasionally  arose  even  when 
there  was  no  alternate  system,  as  in  the  atrium  of  S.  Ambrogio 
at  :Milan  (Plate  120,  Fig.  7),  at  Vaprio  d'Adda  (Plate  213, 
Fig.  2),  in  the  Atrio  di  Pilato  at  Bologna,  or  in  S.  Sepolcro  of 
the  same  city  (Plate  24,  Fig.  5).  At  S.  ]Maria  di  Castello  of 
Corneto  the  intermediate  sj'stem  ends  in  an  unmeaning  capital 
(Plate  75).' 

Although  the  alternate  system  became  an  important  feature 
of  design  in  Lombard  churches  of  the  XI  and  XII  centuries, 
it  probably  was  never  universally  adopted  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  uniform  system."  It  should  be  remarked,  however,  that  there 
is  extant  no  church  of  importance  built  upon  a  uniform  system 
during  the  second  half  of  the  XI  century. 

This  is  to  be  explained  partly  by  the  fact  that  comparatively 
few  churches  of  that  period  have  come  down  to  us,  and  partly 
by  the  fact  that  the  builders  were  then  especially  absorbed  in 

s  The  reverse  of  such  designs  is  found  at  S.  Maria  Canale  of  Tortona,  where, 
although  there  are  vaults  (Plate  211,  Fip.  5),  the  memher  of  the  piers  facing  the  nave 
supports  only  the  second  order  of  the  archivolt. 

8  The  uniform  system  is  found,  for  example,  at  Stradella — c.  1035 — (Plate  210), 
in  the  old  cathedral  of  Modena  (c.  1035),  at  Sannazzaro  Sesia— 1040 — (Plate  200),  at 
Lodi  Vecchio— c.  1050— (Plate  103),  at  Isola  S.  Giulio  (c.  1120),  at  CasteirArquato— 
1117-1122— (Plate  48,  Fig.  2),  at  S.  Babila  of  Milan— c.  1120— (Plate  125,  Fig.  3),  at 
Nonantola  (1131),  at  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro— 1132— (Plate  178,  Fig.  4),  at  S.  Teodoro 
of  Pavia — c.  1135 — (Plate  180,  Fig.  1),  in  the  western  hays  of  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan 
(c.  1135),  at  Cavagnolo — c.  1140— (Plate  51,  Fig.  5),  at  S.  Francesco  of  Corneto— 
c.  1165— (Plate  67,  Fig.  4),  at  Morimondo— 1186— (Plate  154,  Fig.  3),  etc. 

100 


THE  ALTERNATE  SYSTEM 

developing  the  possibilities  of  the  new  rib  vault.  The  same 
desire  for  economy  which  led  to  the  introduction  of  diagonal 
ribs  caused  the  masons  to  prefer  to  erect  the  nave  vaults  on  an 
alternate  system,  since  six  constructional  arches  would  in  this 
case  do  the  work  which  would  require  eleven  if  the  system  were 
uniform/ 

The  alternate  system  was  occasionally  employed  in  connec- 
tion with  groin  vaults.*  In  the  cathedrals  of  Ci'cmona,  Piacenza 
and  Parma  it  was  probably  the  intention  to  use  it  to  support 
sexpartite  rib  vaults. 

A  development  of  the  alternate  system  was  the  introduction 
of  alternation  into  the  side-aisle  responds.  Since  such  responds 
materially  strengthen  the  walls  to  which  they  are  applied,  it  is 
logical  that  they  should  be  heavier  at  the  points  where  the  weight 
is  most  concentrated.  Apparently  alternation  existed  in  the 
side-aisle  resjjonds  at  Calvenzano  as  earh'  as  c.  1040  (Plate  38), 
but  the  reconstructions  that  edifice  has  undergone  make  it 
exceedingly  difficult  to  trace  the  original  forms.  In  the  nave 
of  S.  Ambrogio  at  INIilan  such  alternation  certainly  exists,  and 
from  this  time  onward  it  became  a  characteristic  feature  of 
Lombard  design."  It  will  be  remembered  that  a  somewhat 
similar  feature  was  introduced  in  the  cathedral  of  Paris  upwards 
of  a  centurj-  later. 

"  The  alternate  system  is  used  in  connection  with  rib  vaults  in  the  nave  of 
S.  Ambrogio  (Plate  116),  at  S.  Anastasio  of  Asti  (1091),  at  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna— 
c.  1095— (Plate  25,  Fig.  6),  at  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona  of  Milan— 1095— (Plate  114, 
Fig.  1,  -2;  Plate  115,  Fig.  1),  at  Rivolta  d'.Vdda— c.  1099— (Plate  193),  at  S.  Michele 
of  Pavia— c.  1100— (Plate  173),  at  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza— 1107— (Plate  183),  in  the 
eastern  bays  of  S.  Eustorgio  at  Milan — c.  1120 — (Plate  127,  Fig.  1),  at  S.  Giovanni 
in  Borgo  of  Pavia  (c.  1120),  at  S.  Maria  in  Castello  of  Corneto— 1121— (Plate  73),  at 
S.  Giorgio  in  Palazzo  of  Milan  (1129),  at  Chiaravalle  Milanese — -1135 — (Plate  55, 
Fig.  1),  at  Cerreto— c.  lUO— (Plate  52,  Fig.  3),  at  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba— c.  1145— 
(Plate  53,  Fig.  2),  at  Rivalta  Scrivia— 1180— (Plate  192,  Fig.  2),  at  Vezzolano— 1189— 
(Plate  236,  Fig.  3),  at  Lodi  (c.  1190)  and  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino— 1307— (Plate  30, 
Fig.  4). 

s  As  in  the  western  bay  of  S.  Savino  at  Piacenza — 1107 — (Plate  185),  in  the 
choir  of  S.  Maria  at  Bergamo  (1137)  or  at  Tronzano  (c.  1140). 

^See,  for  example,  Rivolta  d'.Vdda— c.  1099— (Plate  193),  S.  Savino  of 
Piacenza— 1107— (Plate  183),  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-c.  1150,  but  the  plan 
was  probably  conceived  in  1117),  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba  (c.  1145),  S.  Giovanni  In 
Borgo  at  Pavia  (1130),  Vezzolano  (1189). 

101 


CHAPTER  III.  BARREL  VAULTS 

It  is  a  well  known  and  generally  recognized  fact  that  the 
history  of  mediaeval  architecture  centres  in  the  problem  of 
vaulting  the  basilica.  Indeed,  the  entire  development  of  the  art 
of  building  during  the  Romanesque  and  Gothic  periods  naturally 
subdivides  itself  into  the  various  solutions  attempted  for  this  all- 
engrossing  problem.  A  stone  roof  was  felt  to  be  the  logical  and 
necessary  culmination  of  the  church,  not  only  because  it  was  less 
liable  to  destruction  by  fire,  but  also  because  it  was  felt  to  be  more 
monumental  and  dignified.^  For  this  reason  the  choir,  as  the 
most  sacred  part  of  a  church,  was  frequentlj^  vaulted,  even  when 
the  nave  was  roofed  in  wood. 

Of  the  various  types  of  vault  emploj^ed  in  northern  Italy 
during  the  Romanesque  period,  the  simplest  is  undoubtedly  the 
barrel  vault.  This  construction,  inherited  from  antiquity,  con- 
tinued to  be  used  at  all  epochs.  We  find  examples  of  it,  for 
instance,  at  S.  Salvatore  of  Barzano — c.  .590 — (Plate  20),  at  S. 
Zeno  of  Bardolino  (c.  875)  and  the  contemporary  churches  of 
SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria  of  Verona  (Plate  223,  Fig.  1)  and  S. 
Satiro  of  Milan  (Plate  130;  Plate  131,  Fig.  2).  In  the  XI  and 
XII  centuries  barrel  vaults  became  the  characteristic  roofing 
employed  in  the  choirs  of  Lombard  churches.'  There  is  therefore 
no  doubt  that  from  an  early  period  the  Lombard  builders  were 
able  to  erect  barrel  vaults  of  sufficient  dimensions  to  span  the 

1  Hae  autem  Ecclesioe  secundum  maximam  partem  habent  testudines  in  toto 
corpore  Ecclesiae;  nuUae  tamen,  vel  paucissimas  sunt  qua2  non  habeaiit  supra  Altaris 
tribunas  testudinem;  &  quasi  omnes  habent  Turres  excelsas  propter  Campanas  etc. 
(Anonymi  Ticinensis,  Be  Laudihus  Papiae,  XI,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  XI,  17). 

2  Examples  at  Agliate^889— (Plate  8),  S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan— 940— (Plate  119, 
Fig.  3),  Piobesi— c.  1020— (Plate  188,  Fig.  3),  LomeUo— c.  1025— (Plate  106;  Plate  108), 
Casalino— c.  1040— (Plate  48,  Fig.  S),  Cosio  (1078),  Rivolta  d'Adda— c.  1099— 
(Plate  195),  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia  (c.  1120),  Rubbiano  (c.  1130),  Nonantola 
(1121),  Cascina  S.  Trinitii  (1130),  Cortazzone  d'Asti— c.  1150— (Plate  82,  Fig.  2), 
Rivalta  Scrivia   (1180),  Vezzolano   (1189). 

102 


BARREL  VAULTS 

naves  even  of  the  largest  churches,  had  they  desired  so  to  do. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  there  is  extant  only  one  barrel- 
vaulted  nave — that  of  Cavagnolo — and  that  is  not  earlier  than 
the  second  quarter  of  the  XII  century  (Plate  51,  Fig.  5). 

Barrel  vaults  were  used  in  transepts  almost  as  character- 
istically as  in  choirs.  The  church  of  S.  Pietro  in  Valle,  which 
dates  from  c.  1005,  has  barrel  vaults  with  disappearing  ribs  in 
the  transepts  ( Plate  203,  Fig.  1 ) ,  but  it  is  not  certain  that  these 
vaults  are  original.  Those  in  the  transepts  of  the  cathedral  of 
Susa,  however,  undoubtedly  date  from  c.  1035.  There  are 
numerous  examples  of  the  construction  in  the  XII  century.^ 

Other  instances  of  the  use  of  barrel  vaults  may  be  found  in 
the  higher  transept-like  bays  of  the  side  aisles  at  S.  Maria  del 
Popolo  of  Pavia,  in  the  western  bay  of  the  northern  side  aisle 
at  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte,  and  in  the  first  and  second 
stories  of  the  campanile  and  the  north  and  south  galleries  of 
S.  Maria  del  Tiglio  at  Gravedona. 

Barrel  vaults  were  occasionally  supplied  with  transverse 
ribs,  as,  for  example,  at  Rivolta  d'Adda  (Plate  195),  Cavagnolo 
(Plate  51,  Fig.  5)  and  in  the  cellars  of  the  monastic  buildings 
at  Vezzolano.  They  appear,  however,  without  exception,  to 
have  been  erected  with  solid  centering,*  and  the  ribs  are  probably 
the  result  merelj'  of  the  decorative  necessity  of  continuing  the 
lines  of  the  system. 

3  At  S.  Michele  of  Pavia— c.  1100— (Plate  172),  at  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of 
Pavia  (1132),  at  S.  Lanfranco  of  Pavia  (c.  1136),  at  Castelnuovo  Scrivia  (1183),  and 
at  Brebbia  (c.  1190). 

*  There  is  clear  proof  that  the  barrel  vault  of  Cosio  was  so  erected. 


103 


CHAPTER  IV.     CLOISTERED  VAULTS 

The  cloistered  vault  was  probably  one  of  the  many  features 
which  Charlemagne  borrowed  from  the  Byzantine  buildings  of 
northern  Italj'  and  which  the  Lombard  builders  in  turn  borrowed 
in  the  IX  century  back  again  from  the  North.  At  least  there 
undoubtedly  was  a  cloistered  vault  in  the  building  of  Charle- 
magne, and  the  earliest  one  that  I  know  in  Lombardy  erected 
after  the  barbarian  invasions  is  found  at  S.  Satiro  of  Milan — 
876 — (Plate  130),  an  edifice  undoubtedly  copied  from  Aachen. 
From  this  time  onward  the  construction  becomes  common  in 
ba})tisteries  and  circular  edifices.'  Domes,  which  before  the 
Carlovingian  conquest  had  been  a  characteristic  construction  in 
northern  Italy,  appear  to  have  been  abandoned.^ 

In  the  XI  and  XII  centuries  it  came  to  be  the  custom  to 
erect  a  cloistered  dome  over  the  crossing  of  cruciform  basilicas. 
Even  in  churches  without  transepts  a  cloistered  vault  was  often 
built  over  the  eastern  bay.  Such  a  construction  imdoubtedly 
originated  in  the  feeling  that  architectural  emphasis  should  be 
given  to  the  most  sacred  part  of  the  church-building.  It  is  well 
known  that  in  the  Middle  Ages  the  altar  was  placed,  not  at  the 
east,  but  at  the  west  end  of  the  choir,  and  the  officiating  priest 
faced  the  congregation  instead  of  turning  his  back,  as  at  present. 
It  was  therefore  over  precisely  that  part  of  the  church  in  which 
the  altar  was  situated  that  the  cloistered  vaults,  or  cupolas,  were 
erected.  It  has  been  remarked  above  that  a  vault  was  always 
considered  more  monumental  than  a  wooden  roof,  and  that  for 

1  For  example,  Apliate — c.  900— (Plate  T),  Galliano  (c.  1015),  Novara  (1040), 
Aprate  Conturbia  (c.  1135),  S.  Maria  del  Solario  of  Brescia — c.  1130— (Plate  32,  Fig.  3). 
Rarely  the  corners  of  the  vault  are  rounded,  so  the  construction  assumes  more  the 
character  of  a  dome,  as  at  Settimo  Vittone  (889)  or  at  S.  Fermo  dl  Sopra — c.  1125 — 
(Plate  196 A,  Fig.  3). 

2  In  central  Italy,  as,  for  example,  at  S.  Maria  di  Castello  at  Corneto,  the  dome 
on  pendentives  continued  in  use. 

104 


CLOISTERED  VAULTS 

this  reason  especial  pains  were  taken  to  vault  the  choirs.  Of  all 
types  of  vaults  known  to  the  Lombards  the  cloistered  vault  was 
undoubtedly  the  most  monumental.  This  type  of  construction 
placed  over  the  altar  lent  peculiar  dignity  to  that  portion  of  the 
edifice,  whether  viewed  internally  or  externally. 

The  earliest  basilica  I  can  name  in  which  the  choir  was  sur- 
mounted by  a  cloistered  vault  and  cupola  is  the  cathedral  of 
Acqui,  begun  c.  1015,  and  consecrated  in  1067.  The  cupola  of 
S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan  has  evidently  been  rebuilt.  The  cupola 
of  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte— c.  1090— (Plate  146,  Fig.  1) 
is,  however,  still  the  original  one.  In  the  XII  century  the 
construction  became  frequent.^ 

These  cloistered  vaults  were  never  expressed  externally,  but 
were  always  masked  by  a  vertical  wall  and  a  sloping  tile  roof. 
(See,  for  example,  S.  Maria  del  Solario  of  Brescia,  Plate  32, 
Fig.  2 ) .  They  were  probably  erected  with  a  solid  centering. 
Traces  of  such  are  still  extant  at  S.  Ponzo  Canavese  (c.  1005). 

The  cloistered  vault,  usually  octagonal,  was  adjusted  to  the 
rectangular  substructure  bj^  means  of  squinches.  This  feature 
appears  already  rather  fullj^  developed  in  the  earliest  of  the 
cloistered  domes  extant  among  Lombard  edifices,  that  is,  S. 
Satiro  of  JNIilan  (Plate  130).  It  is  therefore  not  possible  to 
trace  verj^  much  real  evolution  in  the  development  of  the  squinch. 
At  S.  Ponzo  Canavese  (c.  1005)  the  lack  of  skill  on  the  part  of 
the  builders  is  witnessed  by  a  certain  amount  of  squeezing  in  the 
upper  part  of  the  vault,  but  the  squinch  itself  was  clearly 
enunciated.  In  the  contemporary^  church  of  S.  Pietro  in  Valle 
(Plate  203,  Fig.  1)  there  are  similar  fully  developed  squinches. 
Those  of  the  baptistery  of  Galliano,  dating  from  c.  1015,  are 
entirely  analogous.  At  Biella  (c.  1040),  however,  a  step  in 
advance  was  taken.  The  squinches  were  given  an  extra  order. 
From  this  time  on  such  a  construction  became  frequent,  and  is 
found — to  mention  one  among  many  examples — in  the  cupola 
of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100).    A  further  complication  was 

3  Examples  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  172),  Casale  (HOT),  S.  Nazaro  of 
MUan— c.  1112— (Plate  128,  Fig.  1),  S.  Fedele  of  Como— c.  1115— (Plate  62),  S.  Stefano 
of  Verona  (c.  1120),  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia  (c.  1120),  etc. 

105 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 


introduced  at  S.  Fermo  di  Sopra — c.  1125— (Plate  196 A, 
Fig.  3).  Here  there  are  two  sets  of  superimposed  squinches, 
separated  by  a  horizontal  cornice.  The  tendency,  it  is  clear,  was 
constantly  from  simpler  to  more  elaborated  forms. 


106 


1 


CHAPTER  V.  UNDOMED  GROIN  VAULTS 

The  undomed  groin  vault,  well  known  to  the  Romans, 
undoubtedly  remained  in  use  throughout  the  Romanesque  period 
in  Lombardy.  During  the  VIII  century,  however,  the  builders 
seem  to  have  endeavoured  to  avoid  this  construction,  perhaps 
because  it  was  disproportionately  expensive/  Among  the 
meagre  list  of  monuments  of  that  age  extant  there  is  no  instance 
of  the  use  of  groin  vaults;  in  fact,  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Salvatore 
of  Brescia  (Plate  37,  Fig.  1)  the  builders  seem  to  have  gone  far 
out  of  their  way  to  avoid  a  groin  vault,  erecting  a  cumbersome 
lintel  construction  instead.  In  the  IX  century  undomed  groin 
vaults  of  purely  Roman  type  appear  at  S.  Satiro  of  Milan,  a 
monument  built  in  the  year  876  (Plate  129).  In  the  XI  and 
XII  centuries  vaults  of  this  type  continued  occasionally  to  be 
erected,  especiallj'^  in  localities  where  there  was  an  abundance 
of  wood  to  supply  the  necessary  solid  centering.^ 

All  undomed  groin  vaults  without  ribs  required  a  solid 
centering.     Traces  of  such  a  centering  are  still  extant  at  Aosta. 

In  numerous  instances  transverse  ribs  are  introduced  in 
connection  with  undomed  groin  vaults.  When  the  dimensions 
were  small,  as  in  crypts,  it  was  probably  possible,  by  the  aid  of 
such  arches,  to  construct  undomed  groin  vaults  without  a  solid 
centering.  The  desire  to  avoid  unduly  raising  the  choir  may 
frequently  have  led  the  builders  to  construct  vaults  of  this  tj'pe, 
even    when    they    dispensed    with    solid    centering.      In    other 

1  It  has  already  been  observed  that  arches  were  prohibitively  costly  at  this 
period. 

-  Examples  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  crypt  of  the  cathedral  of  Ivrea  (c.  1000) ; 
at  S.  Benedetto  di  Lenno— 1083— (Plate  102,  Fig.  6,  7) ;  at  S.  Pietro  di  Civate,  narthex 
and  crypt  (c.  1095)  ;  at  S.  Giaconio  of  Como  in  eastern  bay  of  northern  side  aisle 
(c.  1105);  in  the  cathedral  of  Aosta  (vaults  c.  1010,  in  crypt  and  under  canipanili, 
similar  vaults  of  a  century  later  elsewhere),  in  the  side  aisles  of  Monastero  di  Capo  di 
Ponte  (c.  1090);  in  the  narthex  of  Cavana  (c.  1130). 

107 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

instances,  however,  transverse  arches  appear  to  liave  been 
introduced  from  a  different  motive.  By  their  help  the  space  to 
be  vaulted  was  divided  into  a  series  of  rectangular  compartments, 
in  each  one  of  which  an  undomed  groin  vault  might  be  erected 
on  a  solid  centering.  By  this  device  the  same  centering  may  have 
been  moved  about  and  made  to  serve  for  more  than  one  vault. 
At  all  events  it  was  not  necessary  to  erect  a  complete  centering 
under  the  entire  space  to  be  vaulted,  as  would  otherwise  have 
been  required.  It  is  evident  that  especially  in  crj^pts  where  there 
were  a  gi'cat  number  of  intermediate  supports  breaking  up  the 
total  area,  this  system  would  be  of  immense  utility.  Undomed 
groin  vaults  with  disappearing  transverse  arches  are  found  in 
the  crypt  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta,  an  authenticallj^  dated  monument 
of  923  (Plate  15,  Fig.  1).  I  am  fully  prepared  to  believe  that 
the  construction  is  much  older,  but  can  name  no  earlier  example 
in  northern  Italy.  During  the  XI  and  XII  centuries  it  was  used 
very  commonly,^  and  many  of  these  vaults  were  constructed  with 
a  solid  centering,  indubitable  traces  of  which  still  survive.  Since 
no  cerce  was  used,  the  webs  could  be  formed  of  a  mass  of  orderless 
rubble,  and  in  some  instances — as,  for  example,  S.  Vincenzo  of 
Gravedona — we  find  them  in  fact  so  composed. 

3  Examples  in  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano — 1007— (Plate  96,  Fig.  2),  the  crypt  of 
the  cathedral  of  Acqui  (c.  1015  to  1067),  the  crypt  of  Oleggio  (c.  1030),  S.  Benedetto 
of  S.  Pictro  di  Civate  (c.  1045),  the  crypt  of  S.  Vincenzo  of  Gravedona — 107;2 — 
(Plate  100,  Fig.  7),  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte  (c.  1090),  the  crypt  of  S.  Eufemia, 
Isola  Comacina  (c.  1095),  Madonna  del  CasteUo  of  Almenno  S.  Salvatore  (c.  1130), 
Monastero  di  Provaglio  (c.  1130). 


108 


CHAPTER  VI.  DOMED  GROIN  VAULTS 

1  have  endeavoured  elsewhere^  to  throw  light  upon  the  con- 
structive processes  of  mediiEval  vaulting,  and  to  trace  the 
principles  which  underlie  the  domed  groin  and  the  rib  vault. 
Space  does  not  permit  that  I  should  here  restate,  even  in  outline, 
the  phenomena  to  which  I  have  called  attention  in  my  earlier 
work,  or  the  conclusions  which  may  be  drawn  from  them.  I 
therefore  assume  familiarity  on  the  part  of  the  reader  with  the 
essential  structural  differences  between  the  domed  and  the 
undomed  groin  vault,  and  with  the  details  of  the  construction 
of  the  latter.  I  shall  only  remind  him  that  the  domed  groin  vault 
was  erected  without  solid  centering  bj^  means  of  a  movable  cerce 
and  two  wooden  arches  placed  under  the  groin." 

An  essential  characteristic  of  the  domed  groin  vault  is  the 
presence  of  wall  and  transverse  ribs.  In  the  rare  instances  where 
such  are  omitted,  their  place  is  taken,  from  a  constructive  stand- 
point, either  by  a  temporary  wooden  arch  that  has  been  removed, 
or  by  an  arch  cut  in  the  surface  of  the  wall.  A  projecting  ledge 
of  some  sort  on  which  to  hang  the  outer  clinch  of  the  cerce  was 
a  constructive  necessity. 

Frequently,  however,  it  was  desirable  to  eliminate,  or  at 
least  to  reduce  the  wall  or  transverse  arches  in  the  lower  part  of 
the  vault.  Below  the  45  degree  tangent,  where  the  use  of  a  cerce 
became  necessary,  the  transverse  rib  had  no  function.  Moreover, 
it  often  formed  a  load  for  which  it  was  inconvenient  to  supply 
a  corresponding  member  in  the  support.  Especially  was  this 
the  case  in  crypts  where  the  supports  were  commonly  monolithic 

^  The  Construction  of  Lombard  and  Gothic  Vaults. 

2  Since  writing  the  earlier  book  I  have  observed  clear  traces  of  the  cerce  still 
remaining  in  the  vaults  of  Castelletto  Monastero.  I  have  also  found  at  Pallanza  and 
Pizzo  Corno  other  examples  of  groin  vaults  constructed  with  courses  normal  to  the 
diagonal.     At  least  the  latter  is,  however,  a  later  addition  to  the  XII  century  church. 

109 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

columns.  The  custom  therefore  arose  of  drowning,  to  a  greater 
or  less  extent,  in  the  massive  of  the  vault,  the  previously  con- 
structed rib,  below  that  point  where  the  use  of  the  cerce  became 
necessary.  Thus  arose  that  system  of  dying  transverse  arches 
so  characteristic  of  Lombard  vaults,  especially  in  crypts.  (See 
Plate  1,  Fig.  G,  or  Plate  9G,  Fig.  2,  for  a  characteristic  example) . 
The  resulting  form  of  the  arch  with  non-concenti'ic  extrados 
and  intrados  chanced  to  be  a  decorative  motive  of  no  small  beauty 
and  charm.  It  was  soon  adopted  for  purely  ornamental  reasons 
in  arches  unconnected  with  vaults  (see,  for  example,  the  main- 
arcade  arches  at  Lomcllo,  Plate  108),  and  finally  became  one 
of  the  leading  and  most  delightful  ornamental  motives  of  Italian 
Gothic.  At  times  the  loading  of  the  crown  of  the  transverse 
arches  of  domed  groin  vaults  was  carried  to  such  an  extreme 
that  the  rib  becomes  virtually  a  solid  wall  in  which  an  arch  is 
pierced  far  below.  An  example  of  such  a  construction  occurs 
at  Viboldone  (c.  1190). 

The  domed  groin  vault  was  first  used  by  the  Byzantine 
builders  in  Constantinople.  From  thence  it  was  imported  into 
Italy  in  the  VI  centurj'.  There  are  still  domed  groin  vaults  of 
this  period  extant  at  S.  Vitale  of  Ravenna,  and  undoubtedly 
others  erected  about  the  same  time  have  disappeared.  The 
construction,  therefore,  forms  part  of  the  heritage  which  the 
Lombard  builders  naturally  took  over  from  the  Bj'zantine 
architects.  However,  there  are  extant  no  domed  groin  vaults 
erected  in  the  VIII  century  in  northern  Italj^.  The  earliest 
example  of  such  which  I  know  is  found  in  the  crypt  of  S. 
Vincenzo  of  JNIilan,  and  dates  from  c.  830.  These  vaults,  it  is 
true,  have  been  recently  restored,  but  there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  original  forms  have  been  materially  altered. 
The  disappearing  ribs  are  fully  developed.  The  concltision 
therefore  seems  justified  that  at  this  early  epoch  the  Lombard 
builders  had  already  evolved  the  cryi^t  vault  in  the  form  which 
it  was  destined  to  preserve  practically  unchanged  for  many 
centuries.  Other  earlj'  examples  of  similar  vaults  are  extant  in 
the  crj^pts  of  S.  Anastasio  of  Asti  (c.  860) ,  Agliate  (c.  875) ,  and 
in  numerous  later  edifices  that  might  be  cited.    Contrary  to  what 

110 


DOMED  GROIN  VAULTS 

has  been  written,  therefore,  the  crypt  vault  was  developed  at 
least  as  early  as  the  IX  century. 

Domed  groin  vaults  appear  at  SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria  of 
Verona  (c.  875)  and  in  the  side  aisles  flanking  the  choir  at 
Agliate — c.  875 — -(Plate  5,  Fig.  2) .  A  similar  vault  was  erected 
over  the  square  apse  of  Settimo  Vittone  in  889.  C.  990  the 
annular  ambulatory  of  S.  Stefano  at  Verona  was  covered  with 
domed  groin  vaults  (Plate  222,  Fig.  1).  Ten  years  later  the 
small  chapel  of  S.  Fedelino  was  covered  with  a  domed  groin 
vault.  The  construction  appears  in  1005  in  the  campanile  of 
S.  Savino  at  Piacenza.  It  reappears  on  a  small  scale  in  the 
baptistery  at  Galliano  (c.  1015).  The  earliest  instance  of  a 
domed  groin  vault  erected  over  the  principal  aisle  of  a  basilica 
of  any  size  is  at  S.  Pietro  of  Acqui  (c.  1015-1023),  where  the 
choir  was  groin-vaulted.'  At  Lomello — c.  1025 — (Plate  107) 
we  have  the  earliest  example  of  side  aisles  groin-vaulted 
throughout.* 

At  Mazzone  (c.  1030)  an  important  advance  was  made. 
The  nave  of  this  church  is  groin- vaulted  throughout  (Plate  187, 
Fig.  2).  This  is  the  earliest  vaulted  basilica  in  Lombardy,  and 
a  vastly  significant  construction,  since  it  bridges  the  gap  between 
the  wooden-roofed  basilica  of  the  type  of  Oleggio,  and  the  rib- 
vaulted  basilica  such  as  Sannazzaro  Sesia.  Xor  does  the  church 
of  Mazzone  stand  alone  among  edifices  of  the  second  quarter 
of  the  XI  century.  Groin  vaults  were  undoubtedly  projected  at 
Stradella  (c.  1035).  Although  they  were  never  erected,  the 
dispositions  of  the  system  leave  no  room  for  doubt  in  regard 
to  the  intentions  of  the  builders  (Plate  208;  Plate  210). 

The  rib  vault,  discovered  at  Sannazzaro  Sesia  in  1040,  seems 
at  first  to  have  supplanted  entirety  the  groin  vault  in  the  naves 
of  basilicas — at  least  no  groin-vaulted  naves  of  the  second  half 
of  the  XI  century  have  come  down  to  us.    In  the  XII  century, 

3  Other  groin-vaulted  choirs  may  be  found  at  S.  Eufemia  of  Isola  Comacina, 
S.  Giacomo  of  Bellagio,  S.  Benedetto  di  Lenno  (Plate  102,  Fig.  6).  Groin  vaults  were 
used  in  the  transepts  and  probably  aLso  the  choir  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza. 

*  Later  examples  of  groin-vaulted  side  aisles  or  galleries  may  be  found  at 
Pombia  (c.  1030),  Calvenzano  (c.  1040),  Sannazzaro  Sesia— 1040— (Plate  202,  Fig.  1,  5), 
S.  Severo  of  Bardolino  (c.  1050),  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona  (c.  1110),  etc. 

Ill 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

however,  there  arose — as  we  have  already  frequently  remarked — 
a  reaction  against  the  rib  vault,  a  reaction  undoubtedlj'  caused 
by  the  fact  that  man}'  of  these  vaults,  owing  to  insufficient 
abutment,  had  proved  to  be  insecure.  The  builders  returned  to 
earlier  methods  of  construction.  Among  the  old  forms  revived 
was  the  groin-vaulted  nave.  It  first  appears  in  the  western  bay 
of  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza— 1107— (Plate  185),  The  nave  of 
S.  Remigio  at  Pallanza  was  covered  with  domed  rib  vaults 
c.  1130  (Plate  IGl,  Fig.  2;  Plate  162,  Fig.  3).  These  vaults 
were  erected  on  the  uniform  system.  The  nave  of  S.  Teodoro 
of  Pavia  was  groin-vaulted  c.  1135  (Plate  180,  Fig.  2),  as  was 
also  that  of  S.  I^anfranco  in  the  same  city  c.  1136  (Plate  168, 
Fig.  2).  The  groin  vault  found  its  way  even  into  that  strong- 
hold of  the  rib-vaulted  construction,  INIilan,  since  one  was  pro- 
jected in  the  eastern  bay  of  the  Chiesa  Rossa  in  1139.  At 
Tronzano  (c.  1140)  groin  vaults  were  erected  over  a  nave  on  the 
alternate  system. 

Domed  groin  vaults  are  exceedingly  common  in  crypts, 
galleries  and  side  aisles  of  the  XII  century.  They  are  almost 
always  of  the  type  with  which  we  are  already  familiar,  but  a  few 
constructive  expedients  of  some  interest  are  introduced.  At 
Cavagnolo  (c.  1140)  the  capitals  of  the  transverse  arches  are 
set  lower  than  those  of  the  main  arcade.^  At  S.  Eusebio  of  Pavia, 
in  the  cr\'pt  vaults  built  c.  1150,  diagonal  ribs  are  introduced 
in  the  trapezoidal  compartments  to  simplify  the  construction. 
Preciselj'  similar  vaults  occur  in  the  contemporary  crypt  of 
S.  Agata  at  Santhia.  At  Vezzolano,  in  1189,  the  transverse  and 
wall  ribs  of  the  groin  vaults  are  pointed  (Plate  236,  Fig.  2). 
Annular  groin  vaults,  which  it  is  interesting  to  compare  with 
those  I  have  already  studied  at  S.  Fedele  of  Como  and  S. 
Tommaso  of  Almenno,"  are  found  at  S.  Lorenzo  of  JNIantova. 
The  main  arcade  arches  are  stilted,  the  wall  arches  depressed, 
the  transverse  arches  loaded  at  the  crowns,  and  the  groins  broken. 
The  wall  arches  rise  to  the  highest  level ;  the  groins  are  somewhat 
lower;  the  transverse  arches  lower  still;  while  the  main  arcade 

B  Compare  the  side-aisle  vaults  at  Morienval. 

8  The  Construction  of  Lombard  and  Gothic  Vaults,  26. 

112 


DOMED  GROIN  VAULTS 

arches  are  lowest  of  all.  Another  interesting  vaulting  expedient 
may  be  observed  at  Cemmo,  where  the  trapezoidal  shape  of  a 
vaulting  compartment  is  minimized  by  varying  the  thickness  of 
the  wall  ribs. 

There  remains  to  be  noticed  one  further  development  of 
the  domed  groin  vault.  In  certain  edifices  such  vaults  are  erected 
on  a  plan  so  excessively  oblong  that  the  doming  in  the  longi- 
tudinal sense  greatly  exceeds  that  in  the  transverse  sense,  and 
the  vault  assumes  something  of  the  appearance  of  a  barrel  vault. 
There  is  a  vault  of  this  type  in  the  church  of  S.  Nicolo  of  Fiona 
which  dates  from  c.  1040,  but  the  suspicion  arises  that  the  vault 
may  have  been  reconstructed  in  later  times,  since  there  is  extant 
no  other  example  anterior  to  the  XII  century.  Other  instances 
of  this  construction  may  be  found  in  the  side  aisles  of  S.  Babila, 
Milan— c.  1120— (Plate  125,  Fig.  3),  at  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno 
(c.  1120),  at  S.  Giuha  of  Bonate  di  Sotto  (1129),  in  the  bap- 
tistery of  Arsago  (c.  1130),  at  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba 
(c.  1145),  at  Crescenzago  (c.  1190),  at  Vicofertile  (c.  1200), 
and  S.  Croce  of  Farma  (1222).' 

7  Such  vaults  may  occasionally  have  been  erected  with  solid  centering.  There 
seems  to  be  evidence  that  such  was  the  case  at  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno. 


113 


CHAPTER  VII.     THE  RIB  VAULT 

We  have  now  arrived  at  the  most  dramatic  moment  in  the 
history  of  the  Lombard  style,  that  in  which  was  created  the  rib 
vault.  There  has  hitherto  been  much  doubt  and  uncertainty  in 
regard  to  the  origin  of  this  all-important  feature,  since  the 
monuments  which  prepared  the  way  for  its  evolution  have  been 
unknown,  and  even  the  earliest  examples  of  the  rib  vault  itself 
have  escaped  observation.  S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan  and  S.  Michele 
of  Pavia,  therefore,  have  stood  out  as  isolated  phenomena 
unrelated  to  preceding  or  succeeding  edifices.  When  the  monu- 
ments of  the  XI  and  XII  centuries  are  viewed  in  the  light  of 
their  historical  evolution,  uncertainties  of  chronology  disappear. 

We  have  already  traced  the  rapid  development  of  the 
Lombard  style  during  the  first  four  decades  of  the  XI  century. 
We  have  seen  evolved  in  rapid  succession  the  compound  pier, 
the  transverse  arch,  and  the  continuous  sj'stem.  We  have  found 
side  aisles  covered  with  domed  groin  vaults  at  Lomello  as  early 
as  102.5.  We  have  seen  domed  groin  vaults  on  an  oblong  plan 
erected  over  the  nave  of  JNIazzone  in  1030,  and  projected  at 
Stradella  five  years  later. 

If  we  once  grant — as  we  must  grant — that  the  nave  of 
ISIazzone  was  covered  with  groin  vaults  c.  1030,  it  is  necessary 
to  admit  the  documentary  evidence  that  the  nave  of  Sannazzaro 
Sesia  was  rib-vaulted  ten  years  later.  The  rib  vault  differs  from 
the  groin  vault  only  in  that  the  temporary  centering  of  wood 
beneath  the  groin  is  replaced  by  a  permanent  centering  of 
masonry.  The  step  from  the  one  to  the  other  construction  is 
easily  made.  Xow,  the  church  of  jNIazzone  (Plate  187,  Fig.  1,  2) 
(/differs  from  that  of  Sannazzaro  Sesia  (Plate  200;  Plate  202, 
Fig.  1)  in  no  essential  characteristic  either  decorative  or  struc- 
tural, except  that  a  rib  vault  has  been  substituted  for  a  groin 
vault. 

114 


THE  RIB  VAULT 

The  question  naturally  arises  whether  the  rib  vault  was 
actually  invented  at  Sannazzaro  Sesia,  or  whether  perhaps  it 
may  have  been  used  earlier  in  edifices  which  have  not  come  down 
to  us.  At  Sannazzaro  Sesia  the  rib  vault  was  used  not  only  in 
the  great  vaults  of  the  nave,  but  in  the  vaults  of  the  returned 
side  aisle  which  crossed  the  nave.  Now,  in  Lombardy,  the  rib 
vault  found  its  chief  utility  in  vaults  of  great  span.  In  such 
constructions  the  enormous  weight  of  the  vault  made  the  wooden 
centering  such  as  would  be  required  for  a  domed  groin  vault 
extremely  difficult  and  expensive.  It  is  natural  to  assume, 
therefore,  that  the  rib  vault  was  invented  in  the  vaults  of  a  nave 
rather  than  in  the  vaults  of  a  side  aisle.  Only  when  the  con- 
struction was  still  a  novelty  and  the  builders  were  carried  away 
with  enthusiasm  for  their  new  discover}-  (and  then  only  rarely), 
was  the  rib  vault  employed  in  Lombardy  in  vaults  of  small 
dimensions.  The  construction  was  at  all  times  principally,  and 
in  later  times  exclusively,  confined  to  great  vaults.  There  can, 
therefore,  be  little  doubt  but  that  it  was  discovered  in  connection 
with  vaults  of  large  dimensions.  Since,  therefore,  at  Sannazzaro 
Sesia  it  is  used  also  in  vaults  of  small  dimensions,  the  suspicion 
arises  that  it  was  not  there  erected  for  the  first  time.  It  could 
not,  however,  have  been  discovered  very  much  before,  since  for 
only  a  few  years  had  the  builders  ventured  to  erect  vaults  over 
the  naves  of  churches. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  rib  vault  became  exceedingly 
popular  as  soon  as  its  advantages  were  realized.  There  are  extant 
in  the  sacristy  of  the  cathedral  of  Novara  well  preserved  rib 
vaults  which  are  about  contemporary  with  those  of  Sannazzaro 
Sesia.^  At  S.  Benedetto  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  a  rib  vault  was 
projected  over  the  crossing  c.  1045.  At  Lodi  Vecchio  there 
is  still  extant  in  the  side  aisles  a  rib  vault  erected  c.  1050 
(Plate  104,  Fig.  5),  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  originally 
the  side  aisles  were  rib-vaulted  throughout.  The  rib  vaults  of 
S.  Nazaro,  JNIilan,  erected  1075-c.  1093,  are  still  extant,  although 

1  The  church  of  S.  Colombano  at  Biandrate,  only  a  few  kilometres  from 
Sannazzaro  Sesia,  has  domed  groin  vaults.  This  is,  however,  an  edifice  of  the  XII 
century. 

115 


lo:mbard  architecture 

covered  with  modern  decorations  (Plate  128,  Fig.  4).  The  nave 
of  S.  Ambrogio  of  JNIilan  (Plate  116;  Plate  119,  Fig.  3,  4)  and 
the  eastern  gallery  of  the  atrium,  were  rib-vaulted  in  the  last 
third  of  the  XI  century.  The  rib  vaults  of  S.  Anastasio  of  Asti 
were  erected  in  1091.  The  rib-vaulted  Chiesa  d'Aurona  of  jNIilan 
was  finished  in  1095.  The  nave  of  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna  was 
probably  rib-vaulted  about  the  same  time,  since  the  existing 
groin  vaults  appear  to  be  an  incorrect  modern  restoration.  The 
rib-vaulted  nave  of  Hivolta  d'Adda  (Plate  19.5)  dates  from 
c.  1099.  S.  ]Michele  of  Pavia  was  undoubtedlj'  supplied  with 
rib  vaults  c.  1100  (Plate  176,  Fig.  5),  although  the  upper  part 
of  this  edifice  was  subsequently  at  least  twice  rebuilt.  S.  Savino 
of  Piacenza,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1107,  has  rib 
vaults  in  the  eastern  bays  of  the  nave  (Plate  18.5).  The  nave  of 
S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia  was  rib-vaulted  c.  1120,  and  the 
eastern  bays  of  S.  Eustorgio  at  Milan  about  the  same  time 
(Plate  127,  Fig.  1). 

We  can  not,  therefore,  complain  that  there  are  insufficient 
data  for  the  study  of  the  development  of  the  rib  vaidt  in  liOm- 
bard}'  from  1040  to  1120,  although  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that 
the  great  majority  of  monuments  have  perished.  The  fact  seems 
to  be  that  the  Lombard  builders  never  learned  to  make  the 
construction  secure.  This  will  be  evident  when  in  the  succeeding 
chapters  we  study  their  unavailing  attempts  to  provide  buttress- 
ing for  the  thrusts. 

It  is  probable  that  the  vaults  stood  well  enough  when  they 
were  first  erected.  However,  the  Arabs  are  said  to  have  a 
proverb  to  the  effect  that  the  arch  never  sleeps;  and  after  a  half 
century  of  experiment  the  Lombard  builders  discovered  this 
fact  to  their  cost.  The  insufficientlj'^  buttressed  vaults  began  to 
threaten  ruin  if  they  did  not  actually  collapse.  Of  all  the 
churches  mentioned  above  as  having  been  rib-vaulted,  there  are 
only  three,  S.  Nazaro  of  INIilan,  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  and 
Rivolta  d'Adda,  which  preserve  to  the  present  day  intact  the  rib 
vaults  of  their  naves.  In  all  the  others  the  vaults  which  undoubt- 
edly existed  have  been  more  or  less  completely  destroyed.  At  S. 
Ambrogio  of  JNIilan  we  know  that  the  vaults  fell  a  century  after 

116 


THE  RIB  VAULT 

they  had  been  completed.  At  S.  jNIichele  of  Pavia  the  vaults 
have  had  to  be  more  than  once  reconstructed. 

The  fact  that  the  vaults  proved  insecure  explains  the  entire 
history  of  the  architecture  of  the  XII  century  in  Lombardy. 
It  makes  it  clear  why  Lanfranco  abandoned  the  rib-vaulted 
basilica,  and  returned  to  the  old  type  with  transverse  arches.  It 
explains  why  the  domed  groin  vault  was  revived  as  a  roofing  for 
the  nave.  It  explains  many  experiments  and  changes  in  rib- 
vaulted  construction  which  we  have  yet  to  study. 

Probably  the  vaults  might  have  been  somewhat  more  secure 
had  they  continued  to  be  built  on  a  uniform  system  like  that  of 
Sannazzaro  Sesia.  In  such  a  vault  the  thrusts  are  discharged 
at  every  pier.  In  the  alternate  system,  however,  the  thrusts  are 
concentrated  on  every  other  pier,  and  are  therefore  twice  as 
powerful. 

The  alternate  system  was  adopted  as  a  matter  of  economy. 
By  using  it  the  builders  could  erect  a  vault  on  six  arches  instead 
of  the  eleven  required  for  the  same  space  on  the  uniform  system. 
Since  the  advantage  of  the  rib  vault  was  economy  of  centering, 
it  was  logical  to  carry  the  system  of  Sannazzaro  Sesia  one  step 
farther  and  construct  the  vaults  of  the  nave  on  an  alternate 
system.  This  was  in  fact  done  at  S.  Ambrogio  of  INIilan 
(Plate  116;  Plate  119,  Fig.  3,  4),  and  in  all  the  churches  with 
rib  vaults  of  the  second  half  of  the  XI  century  and  early  years 
of  the  XII  century  that  have  come  down  to  us. 

The  fact  that  few  monuments  of  the  third  quarter  of  the 
XI  century  are  extant  probablj^  indicates  that  at  this  period  the 
builders  so  little  understood  the  thrusts  of  their  vaults  that  the 
buildings  have  generally  perished.  What  evidence  we  have  seems 
to  indicate  that  the  rib  vault  became  the  passion  of  the  hour,  and 
was  taken  up  with  an  enthusiasm  as  great  as  that  displayed  by 
the  French  builders  half  a  century  later. 

In  the  early  years  of  the  XII  century,  as  has  been  stated, 
the  builders  perceived  that  rib  vaults,  such  as  had  been  built  in 
the  preceding  half  century,  were  insecure.  The  discovery 
checked  suddenly  the  development  of  the  Lombard  style.  It 
was  necessary  to  construct  buildings  which  should  stand  without 

117 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

danger,  and  the  builders  resorted  to  a  number  of  expedients  in 
order  to  compass  this  result.  Some,  and  they  were  perhaps  the 
majority,  abandoned  the  rib  vault  altogether.  Others  devoted 
their  energies  to  discovering  means  to  give  greater  stability  to 
the  construction. 

This  was  accomplished  bj^  returning  to  the  imiform  system 
used  at  Sannazzaro  Sesia  and  subsequently  abandoned  in  favour 
of  the  alternate  system.  The  earliest  extant  edifice  in  which  the 
uniform  system  was  revived  is  probably  S.  Babila  of  Milan — 
c.  1120 — (Plate  125,  Fig.  3),  although  the  existing  vaults  are 
of  the  barrel  type.  The  uniform  system  was  certainly  used  at 
S,  Giulia  of  Bonate  di  Sotto  in  1129,  It  was  projected  at 
Cascina  S.  Trinita  (c.  1130),  and  actually  carried  out,  in  all 
probability,  at  S.  JSIaria  del  Popolo  of  Pavia  about  the  same, 
time  (Plate  171,  Fig.  2,  3).  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia, 
consecrated  in  1132,  vmdoubtedlj'^  had  a  nave  with  uniform  rib 
vaults  (Plate  178,  Fig.  4),  although  the  existing  ones  are 
obviousl\^  reconstructions.  The  uniform  system  was  similarly 
tried  in  the  western  bays  of  S.  Eustorgio  of  INIilan  (c.  1135) ,  and 
in  the  destroyed  chiu'ch  of  S.  Maria  INIaggiore  of  Vercelli,  erected 
in  1148.  Similar  vaults  are  still  extant  in  the  nave  of  the 
cathedral  of  Parma— 1162— (Plate  166,  Fig.  1),  and  at  S. 
Bernardo  of  Vercelli— 1164— (Plate  215,  Fig.  2).  They  sur- 
vived as  late  as  c.  1165  at  S.  INIaria  Canale  of  Cortona  (Plate  211, 
Fig.  5).  On  the  other  hand,  the  last  nave  to  be  rib-vaulted  on 
the  alternate  system,^  so  far  as  I  have  evidence,  was  that  of  S. 
Giorgio  in  Palazzo  at  Milan,  erected  1129.  When  the  con- 
struction was  revived  at  Vezzolano  in  1189  (Plate  236,  Fig.  3), 
or  at  Borgo  in  1207  (Plate  30,  Fig.  4),  it  was  with  pointed 
arches,  which  greatly  reduced  the  thrust  of  the  vaults. 

If  we  are  to  believe  a  drawing  of  ]Mella,  a  rib  vault  was 
erected  under  the  central  tower  of  Cavagnolo  (c.  1140).  If  so, 
this  is  undoubtedly  an  example  of  French  influence.  Rib  vaults 
were  regularly  used  under  towers  in  the  Ile-de-France  for  reasons 
I  have  explained  elsewhere.'     The  onlj'^  other  instance  of  such 

2  Excepting,  of  course,  Cistercian  churches  which  will  be  studied  later. 
8  The  Construction  of  Lombard  and  Oothic   Vaults,  12. 

118 


THE  RIB  VAULT 

a  usage  in  Lombardy,  however,  is  in  the  church  of  Berceto 
(Plate  22,  Fig,  4),  built  c.  1220  under  strong  French  influence. 

Rib-vaulted  choirs  of  the  XII  century  are  found  at  S. 
Giorgio  of  Almenno  (Plate  11,  Fig.  8,  9),  Montechiarugolo 
(Plate  148,  Fig.  2),  and  Varese.  At  Careno  a  rib  vault  of 
thoroughly  Lombard  tj'pe  was  erected  as  late  as  1494. 

At  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan  the  vaults  erected  c.  1185  have 
projecting  ribs  on  the  extradoses.  There  is  a  similar  disposition 
in  the  vaults  of  S.  Ambrogio  of  ISIilan,  but  in  neither  case  is  it 
clear  whether  these  excrescences  are  or  are  not  gratuitous 
additions  of  the  restorers.  It  is  not  impossible  that  in  the  case 
of  very  large  vaults  the  ribs  may  have  been  made  enormously 
thick — thicker,  indeed,  than  the  vault — for  the  sake  of  additional 
strength.  It  is  well  knoAMi  that  such  vaults  occur  in  England, 
where  the  ribs  are  allowed  to  penetrate  the  entire  thickness  of  the 
vault,  and  sometimes  emerge  on  the  extrados.  A  bevelled  edge 
is  then  provided  to  support  the  massive  of  the  vault.  The 
enormous  size  of  Lombard  vaults  placed  a  great  weight  on  the 
diagonals  during  construction,  and  it  may  therefore  have  been 
felt  necessary  to  make  the  ribs  of  extraordinary  thickness.  I 
know,  however,  of  no  indubitable  instance  of  the  diagonal 
penetrating  into  or  through  the  thickness  of  the  vault. 

Still  other  experiments  were  tried  by  the  builders  in  their 
efforts  to  discover  a  type  of  rib  vault  which  should  be  entirely 
secure.  Among  these  certainly  the  most  interesting  was  the 
sexpartite  form  of  vault.  The  sexpartite  type  was  a  compromise 
between  the  uniform  and  alternate  sj'stem,  combining,  to  a 
certain  extent,  the  advantages  of  both.  A  double  bay  could  be 
vaulted  on  the  sexpartite  sj^stem  with  seven  arches,  one  more 
than  was  required  with  a  quadripartite  alternate  system,  but  four 
less  than  necessitated  by  the  quadripartite  uniform  system.  On 
the  other  hand,  part  of  the  weight  was  discharged  upon  the 
intermediate  piers,  so  that  less  thrust  was  exerted  against  the 
alternate  piers  than  with  the  alternate  quadripartite  system,  but 
more  than  with  the  uniform  quadripartite  system.  The  design 
of  the  cathedral  of  Cremona,  an  edifice  which  was  begun  in  1107 
(Plate  84,  Fig.  3)  seems  to  leave  no  doubt  that  it  was  the  original 

119 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

intention  of  the  builders  to  erect  a  sexpartite  vault,  although 
the  plan  was  subsequently  abandoned.  Similar  vaults  were 
undoubtedly  projected  at  Piacenza  (Plate  181,  Fig.  5)  as  early 
as  112U,  although  they  were  actually  erected  only  in  the  XIII 
century.  Similarly,  the  system  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma 
(Plate  166,  Fig.  1)  shows  that  sexpartite  vaults  were  there 
projected  earlj^  in  the  XII  centur3%  although  in  1162  the  plan 
was  changed  and  the  existing  quadripartite  vaults  were  actually 
built.  These  are,  to  the  extent  of  my  knowledge,  the  only 
indications  of  the  sexpartite  vault  in  Lombardy,  but  an  actual 
example  of  the  construction  is  extant  at  S.  Pancrazio  of  Corneto 
(Plate  79),  an  edifice  erected  c.  1160  imder  Lombard  influence. 
The  premises  are  slight,  but  seem,  nevertheless,  sufficient  to  force 
the  conclusion  that  the  sexpartite  rib  vault  was  known  in 
Lombard}'  some  thirty  years  before  it  appeared  in  the  Ile-de- 
France.  If  this  be  so,  a  strange  and  unexpected  light  is  thrown 
upon  the  difficult  question  of  the  genesis  of  that  important 
feature  in  northern  architecture. 

One  other  development  of  rib-vaulted  construction  remains 
to  be  noticed.  The  narthex  of  Casale  is  vaulted  with  a  complex 
system  of  intersecting  ribs,  best  explained  by  the  illustrations 
(Plate  46,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  47,  Fig.  2;  Plate  43,  Fig.  5).  Such 
a  vault  is  to  the  extent  of  my  knowledge  absolutely  without 
analogy  elsewhere  in  Lombardy.  It  at  once  recalls  the  vault  of 
the  mosque  of  Cordoba  (Plate  43,  Fig.  6),  but  whether  there  is 
direct  connection  between  the  two,  and  if  so  which  is  the  original 
and  which  is  the  copy,  can  only  be  established  when  the  date  of 
the  Cordoba  construction  is  demonstrated. 

True  Lombard  rib  vaults  alwaj's  had  all  the  ribs,  including 
the  diagonals,  of  rectangular  profile.  All  the  vaiJts  which  we 
have  considered  up  to  the  present  are  of  this  type.  One  of  the 
first  innovations  introduced  by  the  builders  of  the  Ile-de-France 
when  they  commenced  c.  1100  to  experiment  with  the  rib  vault 
was  to  profile  the  diagonals.  French  vaults  were  constructed  of 
stone  which  lent  itself  much  more  readily  than  brick  to  this 
treatment.  The  mouldings  of  the  profile  in  the  stone  were  cut 
after  the  vault  was  completed,  whereas  brick  can  not  be  cut  to 

120 


THE  RIB  VAULT 

a  profile,  and  each  voussoir  would  have  to  be  separately  cast 
in  the  desired  shape.  Accordingly,  elaborate  profiles  were 
never  introduced  in  the  ribs  of  Lombard  vaults.  The  Cistercians, 
however,  adopted  from  France  a  simple  torical  or  semi- 
cylindrical  profile.  Such  vaults  appear  for  the  first  time  in  the 
Cistercian  abbey  of  Albino  (Plate  1,  Fig.  1)— 1134-1136— and 
are  obviouslj^  copied  from  rib  vaults  in  the  north  executed  in 
stone.  Compare,  for  example,  the  ribs  in  the  crypt  of  the 
cathedral  of  Gloucester  (Plate  1,  Fig.  5) ,  or  those  of  the  narthex 
of  St.-Leu-d'Esserent.  The  Cistercians,  who  had  probably 
learned  the  principles  of  buttressing  in  the  Xorth,  were  soon  able 
to  apply  this  profile  to  vaults  constructed  on  the  quadri- 
partite alternate  system,  as  at  Chiaravalle  Milanese — 1135 — 
(Plate 55,  Fig.  1 ) ,  Cerreto— c.  1140— (Plate  52,  Fig.  3),  Chiara- 
valle della  Colomba— c.  1145— (Plate  53,  Fig.  2),  and  Rivalta 
Scrivia — 1180 — (Plate  192,  Fig.  2).  Subsequently,  however, 
the  Cistercians,  too,  abandoned  the  alternate  system  in  favour 
of  the  uniform  system,  while  retaining  the  toric  profile  of  the 
diagonal,  as  at  Morimondo  (Plate  154,  Fig.  2).  Vaults  of 
Cistercian  type  appear  towards  the  end  of  the  XII  century,  first 
in  churches  constructed  directly  under  Cistercian  influence,  like 
Crescenzago— c.  1190— (Plate  87,  Fig.  3)  or  Viboldone— 1186— 
(Plate  239,  Fig.  2),  and  finally  in  churches  in  which  it  is  possible 
to  establish  no  such  connection.* 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  determine  the  date  of  vaulted 
Lombard  edifices  by  assuming  that  in  earlier  times  galleries  were 
erected  to  abut  the  thrust  of  the  vaults,  whereas  in  later  times 
the  vaults  were  boldly  raised  over  a  clearstory.  This  does  not 
seem  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  facts.  The  earliest  vaulted 
edifice  (jNIazzone)  has  a  clearstory  below  the  vaults,  and  no 
gallery  (Plate  187,  Fig.  2).  At  Sannazzaro  Sesia,  it  is  true, 
there  is  a  gallery  and  the  clearstory  is  omitted,  but  at  S.  Babila 
of   Milan   the   clearstory   is   also   omitted   as   late   as   c.    1120 

•iSuch  as  Brebbia— 1190— (Plate  30,  Fig.  6),  the  cathedral  of  Cremona  (c.  1190), 
the  later  portions  of  S.  Maria  di  Castello  of  Corneto  (Plate  77,  Fij;.  6,  7),  and  the 
side  aisles  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  at  Lomello,  rebuilt  in  the  late  XII  or  the  XIII 
century. 

121 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

(Plate  125,  Fig.  3),  although  in  numerous  earlier  edifices  such 
as  Kivolta  d'Adda— c.  1099— (Plate  195),  or  S.  Savino  of 
Piacenza — 1107 — (Plate  184),  there  is  a  high  clearstory.  The 
fact  is,  as  we  have  already  observed  and  shall  see  more  clearly 
in  the  following  chapters,  the  Lombard  builders  quite  failed  to 
grasp  the  theorj^  of  vault  thrusts,  and  did  not  perceive  that  it  was 
necessary  to  provide  abutment.  The  presence  of  a  gallery  or 
a  clearstory,  therefore,  seems  to  have  been  a  purely  accidental 
feature  of  design,  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  when  the  builders 
did  buttress  the  nave  vaults  by  constructing  a  vaulted  gallery 
and  omitting  the  clearstory  they  did  so  by  intention  rather  than 
by  chance. 

It  remains  to  trace  the  diffusion  of  the  rib  vault  in  the 
regions  surrounding  liombardy  and  even  far  distant.  If  a  chart 
should  be  compiled  recording  the  extant  examples  of  early  rib 
vaults  in  Europe,  it  would  be  found  that  Lombardy  is  almost 
exactly  the  geographical  centre  of  the  construction.  Moreover 
the  types  of  vault  found  in  various  provinces  show  much  closer 
analogy  to  the  Lombard  vault  than  to  each  other,  thus  indicating 
that  the  Lombard  type  is  the  common  parent  of  all. 

Certainly  the  most  interesting  school  of  rib-vaulted  edifices 
outside  of  Lombardy,  and  one  that  has  as  yet  been  but  very 
imperfectly  explored,  is  that  of  central  and  southern  Italy. 
At  S.  Robano  near  Grosseto  (Plate  201,  Fig.  3,  4),  in 
several  churches  of  Corneto  Tarquinia  (Plates  65  to  81),  at 
Montefiascone  (Plate  149;  Plate  150;  Plate  151;  Plate  152, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5),  and  at  Aversa  (Plate  17),  are  found  rib  vaults 
of  thoroughly  Lombard  character,  that  is  to  say,  about  square 
in  plan,  and  with  rectangular  diagonals.  The  fact  tliat  the 
diagonals  are  rectangular  is  conclusive  proof  that  these  vaults 
were  derived  from  Lombardy  and  not  from  northern  France, 
for  in  northern  France  the  ribs  were  profiled. 

It  has,  indeed,  been  supposed  that  the  rib  vault  originated, 
not  in  northern  Italy,  but  at  JNIontefiascone.  This  hypothesis 
was  based  upon  documentary  evidence  that  the  church  of 
^Montefiascone  was  built  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  XI  century. 
The  decorative  characteristics  of  the  building,  however,  amply 

122 


THE  RIB  VAULT 

demonstrate  that  the  rib  vaults  belong  to  a  reconstruction  of  a 
century  later.  The  ambulatory  of  Aversa,  formerly  assigned  to 
1080,  clearly  dates  from  the  XII  century,  as  is  proved  both  by 
documentary  evidence  and  the  style  of  the  architecture. 

The  true  chronology  of  the  rib-vaulted  edifices  of  central 
Italy  may  be  established  by  comparison  of  their  decorative 
characteristics  with  those  of  neighbouring  buildings  of  the  XI 
and  XII  centuries,  and  especially  with  the  church  of  S.  iSIaria 
di  Castello  of  Corneto.  This  is  the  most  important  of  all  the 
rib-vaulted  edifices  of  the  South,  and  is  of  double  interest  because 
an  unequalled  series  of  authentic  inscriptions  makes  it  possible 
to  place  a  date  upon  every  stone.  It  results  that  in  central 
Italy,  in  the  year  1121,  was  begim  a  church  of  the  first  magnitude, 
rib- vaulted  throughout  on  the  alternate  system  (Plate  73; 
Plate  74;  Plate  75;  Plate  76,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7;  Plate  77, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8).  The  dispositions  of  this  edifice  could 
only  have  been  derived  from  Lombardy.  The  rectangular 
diagonals,  the  quadripartite  rib  vaults  on  an  alternate  system, 
the  compound  piers,  the  character  of  the  ornament,  all  prove 
a  Lombard  origin.  It  should,  moreover,  be  remembered  that 
St.-Etienne  of  Beauvais,  the  earliest  rib-vaulted  nave  in  the 
Ile-de-France,  was  not  built  until  c.  1125. 

Using  S.  Maria  di  Castello  as  a  point  of  departure  for 
chronological  comparison,  and  bearing  in  mind  also  the  decorative 
characteristics  of  other  authentically  dated  monuments  of  the 
region,  we  may  deduce  that  the  earliest  of  the  rib-vaulted 
edifices  of  central  Italy  are  S.  Robano  (Plate  201,  Fig.  3,  4) 
and  S.  Giacomo  of  Corneto  (Plate  68;  Plate  69;  Plate  70, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3,  5,  6).  Both  appear  to  have  been  erected  in  the  last 
decade  of  the  XI  century.  Borrowings  from  the  Lombard  stjde 
are  confined  to  the  rib  vault,  and  no  trace  of  Lombard  ornament 
appears.  It  is  evident  that  the  builders  adapted  the  rib  vault 
because  it  could  be  constructed  without  wood  (which  is  almost 
non-procurable  at  Corneto),  and  that,  not  daring  to  apph!-  it 
to  a  columnar  basilica, — such  as,  for  example,  S.  Martino  at 
Corneto, — the  type  of  edifice  in  use  at  the  time,  they  at  first 
confined  themselves  to  single-aisled  chapels.    When  the  rib  vault 

123 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

had  once  been  introduced  at  Corneto  the  builders  returned,  so 
far  as  I  have  evidence,  only  once  (at  S.  Salvatore,  Plate  81, 
Fig.  6) ,  to  the  wooden-roofed  tj'pe.  The  Annvniziata  of  Corneto 
(Plate  G5;  Plate  66,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6)  built  in  the  early  years 
of  the  XII  century,  shows  that  the  builders  had  gained  a  certain 
ease  in  dealing  with  the  Lombard  construction;  but  there  is  still 
only  a  single  aisle.  At  S.  Maria  di  Castello,  as  has  been  said, 
the  Lombard  system  of  construction  was  adopted  in  its  entirety, 
and  henceforward  became  acclimatized  at  Corneto.  It  even 
appears  at  times  that  Lombard  features  found  their  way  through 
the  medium  of  the  local  style  of  Corneto  into  the  architecture  of 
surrounding  regions.  In  the  Ospedale  di  Capranica,  at  Rome, 
is  a  portal  verj-  Cornetan  in  style  and  showing  a  mixture  of 
elements  ultimately  Lombard  and  French.  The  churches  of 
S.  Martino  sul  Cimino  and  of  S.  Lorenzo  at  Amaseno  seem  to 
have  been  as  much  influenced  by  the  local  style  of  Corneto  as 
by  that  of  Cistercian  monasteries.  At  Montefiascone  (c.  1130) 
the  builders,  being  obliged  to  erect  difficult  vaults  in  the  annular 
side  aisle  (Plate  149;  Plate  150;  Plate  1.51,  Fig.  5;  Plate  1.52, 
Fig.  1,  2)  had  recourse  to  adopting  the  rib  vault.  So  little  were 
they  accustomed,  however,  to  the  consti'uction,  that  they  failed 
to  supply  proper  supports  for  the  diagonals,  which  are  splayed 
off  (Plate  150;  Plate  151,  Fig.  5;  Plate  152,  Fig.  1,  2).  The 
builders  of  JNIontefiascone  undoubtedly  derived  their  inspiration 
in  part  at  least  from  Lombardj'  direct,  since  certain  capitals 
are  of  unmistakably  Lombard  character  (Plate  151,  Fig.  2: 
Plate  152,  Fig.  1).  There  is  no  trace  of  French  influence  at 
ISIontefiascone. 

Somewhat  later  rib  vaults  were  introduced  in  the  ambulatory 
of  Aversa  for  an  entirely  similar  reason.  The  vaults  themselves 
with  rectangular  diagonals  (Plate  17,  Fig.  1,  2)  are  of  Lombard 
character,  although  there  are  extant  in  Lombardy  no  annular 
rib  vaults  of  the  Romanesque  period.  The  ambulatory  itself, 
however,  is  thoroughly  French  in  t3'pe,  and  certain  capitals 
(Plate  16,  Fig.  2)  suggest  that  the  builders  were  influenced 
simultaneously  by  both  France  and  Lombardy. 

Rib   vaults   of  the   Lombard   type   continued   to   be   used 

124 


THE  RIB  VAULT 

throughout  the  XII  century  at  Corneto.  We  find  them,  for 
example,  in  the  various  chapels  of  S.  Giovanni  (Plate  71; 
Plate  72,  Fig.  2,  3,  4)  and  at  S.  Francesco,  a  church  which  I 
ascribe  to  c.  1165-c.  1185,  although  it  may  be  later. 

The  builders  of  Corneto  soon  turned  from  Lombard  to 
French  models.  A  single  church — that  of  S.  Giovanni — illus- 
trates admirably  the  gradual  influx  of  this  French  influence,  and 
how  the  Lombard  elements  were  crowded  out.  The  different 
parts  of  this  building  date  from  e.  1115  (Plate  72,  Fig.  2), 
c.  1165  (Plate  72,  Fig.  3),  c.  1200  (Plate  72,  Fig.  4),  c.  1220 
(the  choir,  Plate  72,  Fig.  1),  c.  1225  (the  apse,  Plate  72,  Fig.  1), 
and  c.  1230  (Plate  72,  Fig.  5,6).  The  first  parts  are  completely 
Lombard,  the  last  absolutely  French.  French  influence  does  not 
become  noticeable  until  after  the  middle  of  the  XII  century. 
We  detect  it  at  S.  Pancrazio  (c.  1160)  in  the  pointed  arches 
of  the  portals  and  transverse  arches,  in  the  buttresses  and  in  the 
capitals  (Plate  78;  Plate  79;  Plate  80,  Fig.  1,  3,  4,  5;  Plate  81, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5).  The  sexpartite  vaults  are,  hoAvever,  thor- 
oughly Lombard  in  character,  as  will  be  evident  if  we  compare 
their  rectangular  ribs  (Plate  80,  Fig.  1)  with  the  moulded  ribs 
of  St.-Etienne  of  Caen  (Plate  80,  Fig.  2).  Certain  capitals  of 
this  church  preserve  more  or  less  Lombard  character  (Plate  81, 
Fig.  1,  2),  even  alongside  of  features  distinctive!}^  French,  such 
as  crockets  (Plate  81,  Fig.  2).  At  S.  Francesco — which  I 
suppose  to  have  been  begun  c.  1165 — there  are  no  pointed  arches 
(Plate  67,  Fig.  1,  3,  4,  5)  except  in  the  fa9ade  of  c.  1185 
(Plate  67,  Fig.  6),  and  the  Gothic  apses  and  transepts 
(Plate  67,  Fig.  2).  The  pointed  arch  appears  in  the  western 
chapel  on  the  northern  side  of  S.  Giovanni — c.  1200 — (Plate  72, 
Fig.  4).  The  vaults  were  given  Gothic  profiles  in  the  choir  of 
the  Annunziata — c.  1225 — (Plate  65)  and  in  the  absidioles  of 
S.  Giovanni — c.  1230 — (Plate  72,  Fig.  5,  6),  as  has  already  been 
observed.^ 

The  result,  therefore,  of  an  examination  of  the  rib-vaulted 
edifices  of  central  and  southern  Italy  has  been  to  convince  us 

5  See  the  list  of  monuments  for  a  fuller  discussion  of  Lombard  and  French 
influence  at  Corneto. 

125 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

that  the  rib  vault  was  there  introduced  from  Lombardy  in  the 
last  decade  of  the  XI  century. 

It  would  take  us  too  far  afield  to  pass  in  review  the  rib- 
vaulted  edifices  of  other  provinces.  I  can  not  forbear  to  observe, 
however,  that  the  early  rib  vaults  of  Provence,  such  as  those  of 
Frejus"  (Plate  70,  Fig.  4),  Marseilles'  and  Moissac'  are  of 
purely  Lombard  type,  that  is  to  sa}%  the  diagonals  are  rectan- 
gular. The  rib  vaults  of  the  cathedral  of  Toulouse  reproduce 
those  of  Varese.  Even  in  northern  France  the  most  primitive 
rib  vaults,  like  those  of  Quimperle  (Plate  50,  Fig.  3),  Acy-en- 
INIulticn"  and  Crouy-sur-Ourcq,'°  have  heavy  rectangular  diag- 
onals. On  the  other  side  of  Italy  precisely  similar  vaults  are  to 
be  found  in  the  interesting  and  still  unpublished  Stifskirche  at 
Innichen,  in  the  Tyrol.  The  construction  penetrated  even  into 
Dalmatia"  and  Hungary. 

«  Illustrated  in  my  Construction  of  Lombard  and  Gothic  Vaults,  Fig.  19. 

'  Illu.strntcd,  ibid.,  Fig.  20.  »  Illu.strated,  ibid..  Fig.  18. 

8  Illustrated,  ibid..  Fig.  U.  '"  Illustrated,  ibid..  Fig.  13. 

11  According  to  Eitelberger  (IV,  169,  Tafcl  XIII)  the  church  of  S.  Nicol6  at 
Nona  has  a  rib  vault.  Cf.  Ugo  Monneret  de  Villard,  L'Architettura  Romanica  in 
Dalmazia,  Milano,  Alfieri  e  Lacroix,  1910.     ISmo. 


126 


CHAPTER  VIII.     BUTTRESSES 

It  is  not  possible  to  doubt  that  the  Romans  occasionally 
erected  salient  buttresses.  In  addition  to  the  fine  example  in 
the  amphitheatre  of  Chami^lieu  which  I  have  published,^  and 
those  of  the  baths  of  Diocletian  and  the  destroyed  edifice  near 
the  Vatican  published  bj^  Rivoira,^  a  clear  instance  has  lately 
been  illustrated  in  the  ruins  of  Chester  in  England.''  Indeed,  the 
construction  was  known  even  to  the  Egyptians,  since  it  is  found 
in  the  temenos  of  the  Osireion  at  Abydos.  It  is  clear,  however, 
that  the  Romans  never  perceived  in  the  buttress  any  possibilities 
of  architectural  or  decorative  development,  that  they  studiously 
avoided  it  wherever  walls  could  be  made  to  stand  by  any  other 
means,  and  that  it  was  only  employed  in  places  where  decoration 
was  entirely  subordinated  to  utilitarian  considerations.  In  short, 
it  was  considered  merely  a  mean  and  ugly  makeshift,  much  as  we 
should  regard  to-day  an  unsightly  prop  applied  to  a  stone 
building. 

Whether  or  not  the  Lombard  builders  inherited  the  buttress 
directly  from  the  Romans,  or  whether  they  evolved  it  anew  for 
themselves,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  always  regarded  the 
construction  in  much  the  same  spirit  that  the  Romans  had  done. 
They  always  adopted  it  reluctantly,  and  abandoned  it  wherever 
it  was  possible  to  do  so,  and  even  in  some  cases  where  subsequent 
experience  proved  that  it  could  not  be  abandoned  with  safety. 
In  Italy  there  persisted  even  in  the  Middle  Ages  a  certain  feeling 
for  the  classic  in  design,  a  dislike  of  the  picturesquely  rugged 
and  broken  features  which  give  so  much  character  to  northern 
edifices.  The  builders  pi*ef erred  wall  surfaces  either  entirely  flat, 
or  broken  only  bj^  restrained  pilaster  strips,  and  were  hence  loath 
to  introduce  buttresses  of  sufficient  projection  to  increase  in  any 

1  See  my  Construction  of  Lombard  and  Gothic  Vaults,  Fig.  3. 

2  96.  ^  Art  and  Archwology,  I,  54. 

127 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

really  vital  manner  the  stability  of  their  vaults.  Thus,  through- 
out the  XI  and  XII  centuries  they  employed  buttresses  in  a 
desultory  and  half-hearted  manner.  While  they  seem  to  have 
grasped  the  structural  advantages  of  the  construction  at  a 
comparatively  early  date,  they  seldom  applied  it  logically  or 
consistently,  and  were  constantly  endeavouring  to  dispense 
entirely  with  its  aid. 

The  earliest  instance  of  a  buttress  which  I  know  is  to  be 
found  in  the  apse  of  S.  Vincenzo  at  Galliano,  which  was  erected 
in  the  year  1007.  This  buttress  could  hardly  have  been  built  for 
any  real  structural  reasons.  It  is  placed  between  the  apse  and 
the  absidiole,  at  the  point  where  the  wall  is  strongest,  and  conse- 
quently in  least  need  of  being  buttressed,  and  also  at  the  point 
where  the  thrust  of  the  vault  is  felt  to  a  minimum  extent.  Hardly 
more  functional  were  the  buttresses  of  the  facade  of  the  same 
edifice  (Plate  96,  Fig.  3),  which  appear  to  be  part  of  the  original 
construction  of  1007. 

Xo  further  buttresses  are  met  with  for  some  time.  Even 
a  great  church  like  Lomello,  with  vaulted  side  aisles  and  trans- 
verse arches  exerting  powerful  thrusts,  was  erected  absolutely 
without  their  aid  (Plate  106;  Plate  107;  Plate  110,  Fig.  1,  2). 
But  in  the  poorly  constructed  little  country  church  of  Oleggio, 
erected  c.  1030,  and  almost  without  vaults  (Plate  160),  we  find 
a  real  buttress  of  26  centimetres  projection.  That  is  to  say,  the 
buttress  was  used  only  in  the  unimportant  and  somewhat  care- 
lessly built  edifice.  There  is  no  trace  of  a  buttress  in  the  great 
and  important  cathedral  of  Acqui,  built  c.  1015-1067.  It  would 
be  easy  to  cite  numerous  similar  instances,  continuing  throughout 
the  XI  and  a  good  part  of  the  XII  centiuy.  It  is  evident  that 
buttresses  were  used  with  the  utmost  reluctance,  and  were  avoided 
whenever  possible  in  monumental  buildings. 

The  baptistery  of  Biella,  erected  c.  1040  (Plate  24,  Fig.  2), 
has  buttresses  singidarly  like  those  of  Galliano.  Thej'  are  placed 
in  the  angles  between  the  apses,  where  the  wall  is  strongest,  and 
where  there  is  a  minimum  of  thrust.  Such  a  construction  seems 
to  imply  that  the  builders  had  very  imperfect  knowledge  of  the 
principles  of  buttressing.     In  the  contemporary  baptistery  of 

128 


BUTTRESSES 

Novara  (Plate  156,  Fig.  3),  however,  buttresses  (albeit  weak 
ones)  are  placed  on  the  angles.  Although  ineffective  against  the 
thrust  of  the  cloistered  vault,  these  buttresses  doubtless  stiffen 
the  wall  indifferently  well.  About  the  same  time  the  builders  of 
Stradella  showed  that  they  perfectly  understood  the  principle  of 
a  buttress  by  erecting  one  on  the  south  side  of  the  nave  to  resist 
a  movement  which  had  developed  in  the  masonry  (Plate  208; 
Plate  211,  Fig.  2).  It  would  be  easy  to  fill  many  pages  with  the 
inconsistencies  of  the  Lombard  builders  in  the  matter  of  but- 
tresses. Buttresses  were  used  to  reinforce  the  transverse  arches 
of  the  clearstory  at  S.  Carpoforo  of  Como  (c.  1028-1140),  but 
they  were  omitted  c.  1090  in  the  clearstory  of  Monastero  di  Capo 
di  Ponte  (Plate  146,  Fig.  2),  although  that  edifice  is  vaulted  and 
the  side-aisle  walls,  which  receive  much  lighter  thrusts,  are 
provided  with  buttresses.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  by  the  end  of  the 
XI  century  the  builders  were  able  to  erect  a  logical  system  of 
buttresses — at  least  for  the  side-aisle  walls — when  they  so  desired. 
Witness  the  vigorous  buttresses  of  the  Badia  di  Vertemate 
(1083-1095)  or  of  S.  Giacomo  di  Bellagio  (c.  1095).  At 
Rivolta  d'Adda  (c.  1099)  there  is  even  a  logical  alternation 
in  the  buttresses  corresponding  to  the  alternation  of  the  system 
(Plate  193). 

The  Lombard  builders  made  one  serious  attempt  to  turn 
the  utilitarian  buttress  into  an  ornamental  architectural  feature. 
They  made  it  triangular  or  prismatic  in  plan.  A  buttress  of  this 
section  would  be  as  strong  as,  if  not  stronger  than,  a  rectangular 
one,  if  the  same  amount  of  brick  were  employed  in  its  construc- 
tion; but  the  Lombard  builders,  in  their  dislike  of  breaking  up 
the  exterior  surfaces  of  their  building,  rarely  gave  buttresses  of 
this  tj'pe  sufficient  size  to  make  them  really  effective.  The  earliest 
example  I  know  of  a  buttress  of  this  form  is  the  one  already 
mentioned  at  Stradella— c.  103.5— (Plate  208;  Plate  211,  Fig.  2). 
Prismatic  buttresses  appear  at  S.  Xazaro  of  Milan — 1075- 
c.  1093— (Plate  128,  Fig.  3),  at  S.  Ambrogio  of  JNIilan,  at  S. 
Pietro  of  Bologna  (c.  1095),  at  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona — 1110 — 
(Plate  219,  Fig.  2),  at  S.  Stefano  of  Verona  (c.  1120),  at  S. 
Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  224,  Fig.  1 ;  Plate  225,  Fig.  1 ;  Plate  234, 

129 


LO:\IBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Fig.  2),  in  the  clearstory  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (1162)  and 
in  the  baptisterj'  of  Cremona— 1167— (Plate  83,  Fig.  6). 

In  the  XII  century  there  continued — though  perhaps  to  a 
somewhat  less  degree — the  same  inconsistency  and  hesitation  in 
the  use  of  buttresses.  Thus,  they  are  omitted  at  S.  Giacomo  of 
Como  (c.  110.5),  but  are  used  in  the  country  church  of  Vaprio 
d'Adda— c.  1115— (Plate  212,  Fig.  4).  At  S.  Giovanni  in 
Borgo  of  Pavia  (c.  1120)  there  were  vigorous  buttresses,  but 
they  were  uniform,  whereas  the  sj'stem  was  alternate.  In  the 
church  of  IMonastero  di  Provaglio,  built  c.  1130,  and  in  which 
at  least  the  side  aisles  must  have  been  vaulted,  there  are  no 
buttresses  at  all  (Plate  147,  Fig.  1),  although  in  the  contem- 
porary church  of  Pallanza  there  are  buttresses  of  24  centimetres 
projection  (Plate  1G2,  Fig.  1),  and  at  INIont'Orfano  (c.  1145) 
buttresses  were  built  of  60  centimetres  projection.  Similar 
buttresses  were  added  about  1140  to  the  earlier  apse  of  Calvenzano 
(Plate  39,  Fig.  1).  At  S.  Pancrazio  of  Corneto  (c.  1160)  there 
are  vigorous  buttresses  alternating  with  the  system  (Plate  78), 
but  in  this  edifice  we  are  already  in  the  presence  of  French 
influence.  French  influence  probably  also  accounts  for  the 
superior  buttressing  of  the  Cistercian  churches  of  Lombardy, 
such  as,  for  example,  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba — c.  1145 — 
(Plate  53,  Fig.  3)  and  ]Morimondo— 1186— (Plate  154,  Fig.  4) 
and  in  edifices  erected  under  Cistercian  influence,  such  as 
Vezzolano  (1189),  Lodi  (c.  1190)  or  Crescenzago  (Plate  87, 
Fig.  2).  Even  in  these  examples,  however,  the  system  is  far 
from  being  exploited  to  its  utmost  possibilities.  All  told,  the 
experiments  of  the  Lombard  builders  with  this  essential  structural 
adjunct  of  the  vault  must  be  pronounced  half-hearted,  vacillating 
and  unsuccessful. 


130 


CHAPTER  IX.  TRAXSVERSE  BUTTRESSES 

It  was,  I  think,  Rivoira  who  first  pointed  out  the  important, 
and,  it  now  seems,  obvious  fact,  that  transverse  buttresses 
entirely  analogous  to  those  of  Lombard  edifices  are  found  in 
Roman  ruins,  such  as  the  basilica  of  Constantine  or  the  baths 
of  Diocletian.  These  cross  walls  of  solid  masonry  were  erected 
over  the  transverse  arches  of  side  aisles  in  order  to  buttress  the 
thrusts  of  the  vaults  of  the  central  nave.  It  is  hardly  possible 
to  doubt  that  the  Lombard  builders  copied  this  feature  from 
Roman  ruins. 

It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  they  adopted  it  only 
with  great  reluctance  and  at  a  late  date.  The  clearstory  walls 
in  the  XI  century  were  generally  left  to  shift  for  themselves 
without  even  the  aid  of  flat  buttresses.  ^^Hien  the  vaults  of  a 
gallery  to  some  extent  counteracted  the  thrusts  of  the  great 
vaults  of  the  nave — as  at  Sannazzaro  Sesia  or  S.  Ambrogio  of 
jNIilan — such  an  arrangement,  as  we  have  seen,  seems  to  have 
been  due  largely  to  chance.  The  fact  that  the  clearstories  of 
churches  in  the  XI  century  were  not  reinforced  accounts  for  the 
instability  of  the  vaults  erected  at  that  period. 

When,  in  the  XII  century,  the  builders  began  to  realize  that 
measures  must  be  adopted  to  remedy  the  instabilitj^  of  their 
vaults,  they  probably  copied  the  transverse  buttresses  of  the 
Romans.^  The  earliest  example  of  transverse  buttresses  extant 
is  to  be  found  at  S.  ^Nlichele  of  Pavia,  c.  1100.  The  original 
transverse  buttresses  here  seem  to  have  been  uniform,  although 
the  system  is  alternate  (Plate  175,  Fig.  2) — an  arrangement 
which  shows  a  complete  failure  to  grasp  the  structural  necessities 
of  the  situation.     Similarly  at  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (1107),  as 

I  There  is  perhaps  an  early  attempt  to  work  out  an  original  form  of  buttressing 
in  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia.  The  dome  is  said  to  be  buttressed  by  a  little  barrel 
vault,  and  the  upper  part  is  constructed  of  lighter  stone. 

131 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

the  section  (Plate  IS-l)  will  show,  transverse  buttresses  are 
applied  in  the  most  irregular  and  haphazard  manner.  One  gets 
the  impression  that  the  builders  heartily  disliked  to  spoil  the 
exterior  effect  of  their  building  by  erecting  these  clumsy  acces- 
sories. Certain  it  is  that  they  kept  them  as  low  as  possible,  and 
sometimes  omitted  them  altogether,  even  in  places  where 
structural  expediency  absolutelj'  demanded  their  presence. 
Transverse  buttresses  appear  at  Cremona  in  those  portions  of 
the  cathedral  constructed  between  1107  and  1117.  At  S.  Fedele 
of  Como — c.  111.5— (Plate  01;  Plate  (54.,  Fig.  4)  they  were  used 
to  reinforce  the  transverse  arches  of  the  nave.  They  appear  at 
S.  Babila  c.  1120.  From  this  time  onward  they  were  employed 
whenever  the  builders  did  not  dare  to  dispense  with  their  aid, 
but  never  with  enthusiasm.  They  were  kept  as  inconspicuous 
as  possible,  and  sometimes — as  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino — they  were 
even  completely  concejded  beneath  the  aisle  roofs.  Occasionally 
they  were  pierced  with  passage-ways — -as  at  Sagra  S.  INIichele — 
(Plate  196,  Fig.  7),  but  they  never  attained  the  character  of  a 
true  flying  buttress." 

The  system  is  used  with  great  inconsistency,  since  the 
buttresses  were  commonly  applied  at  a  point  far  too  low  on  the 
clearstory  walls  to  resist  adequately  the  thrust  of  the  vaults. 
The  construction  seems  to  have  been  worked  out  best — or  perhaps 
it  would  be  more  exact  to  say,  least  ineffectively — in  Cistercian 
churches  such  as  Chiaravalle  Milanese  (Plate  54,  Fig.  1), 
Cerreto  (Plate  52,  Fig.  1),  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba  (Plate  53, 
Fig.  3),  Rivalta  Scrivia  (Plate  192,  Fig.  1)  and  Morimondo 
(Plate  154,  Fig.  4) .  On  the  whole,  the  transverse  buttress  seems 
to  have  proved  to  be  a  lamentable  failure.  It  was  because  the 
Lombard  builders  were  unable  to  discover  a  method  of  meeting 
adequate!}^  the  thrust  of  their  vaults  that  the  brilliant  beginnings 
of  the  XI  centurj'  did  not  bear  their  promised  fruit,  and  that 
the  Lombards  left  it  to  the  French  to  carry  the  rib  vault  to  its 
fitting  and  logical  development. 

-  Examples  of  transverse  buttresses  may  be  found  at  Isola  S.  Giulio  (c.  1120), 
the  cathedral  of  Parma  (1162),  Vezzolano  (1189),  Lodi  (c.  1190),  etc. 


132 


CHAPTER  X.    TIE-RODS  AND  OTHER  CONSTRUC- 
TIVE EXPEDIENTS 

If  buttresses  and  transverse  buttresses  were  regarded  by  the 
Lombard  builders  as  ugly  and  purely  utilitarian  makeshifts,  the 
same  attitude  applied — and  with  more  reason — to  the  third 
expedient  adopted  for  counteracting  the  thrusts  of  a  vault,  that 
is  to  say,  tie-rods.  Constructively  the  device  is  immensely  clever. 
The  two  thrusts  of  the  arch  are  made  to  oppose  each  other  and 
thus  secure  equilibrium  for  the  construction.  ^Esthetically  the 
effect  is  lamentable. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Lombard  builders  were 
acquainted  with  the  principles  of  the  tie-rod,  even  if  it  is  not 
possible  to  cite  specific  instances  where  it  was  certainly  used. 
Numerous  vaults  and  arches  are  at  present  sustained  by  tie-rods, 
which  probably  were  built  with  the  intention  that  they  should 
stand  without  this  support.  The  first  aid  to  a  building  which 
shows  signs  of  instability  owing  to  improperly  buttressed  vaults 
or  arches  is  to  apply  tie-rods.  It  is  therefore  exceedingly  difficult 
to  determine  how  many  of  the  tie-rods  which  at  present  exist  in 
Lombard  buildings  are  original,  and  how  many  have  been  added 
at  a  subsequent  epoch  in  consequence  of  some  movement  in  the 
masonry.  The  construction  thus  probably  originated  in  repairs 
to  vaults  intended  to  stand  without  its  aid.'  In  the  Gothic  period 
it  is  certain  that  many  buildings  were  erected  which  depended 
for  their  stability  from  the  beginning  upon  tie-rods.  It  is 
probable  that  some  edifices  of  the  XII  century  were  provided 
with  this  brace  when  first  constructed,  although  I  can  name  only 
one  specific  edifice,  S.  Sepolcro  at  Bologna,  where  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  this  was  the  case.     Tie-rods  were  often  of  wood 

1  According  to  Choisy  (Byzantins,  117)  tie-rods  were  known  to  the  Byzantine 
architects. 

133 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

as  well  as  of  metal.  Wooden  tie-rods,  however,  are  liable  to  rot 
and  deteriorate  with  age,  leaving  the  thrusts  of  the  arches 
suddenly  unprovided  for. 

The  viqious  habit  of  mixing  wood  with  stone  in  the  masonry- 
was  an  old  one  in  Lombardy,  and  appears  ocx'asionally  to  have 
been  practised  at  all  epochs.  The  pendentives  of  the  chapel  of 
S.  Satiro  at  S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan  were  constructed  of  wood, 
and  wooden  chains  are  introduced  into  the  masonry  of  the 
Campanile  dei  ]SIonaci  in  the  same  basilica.  Wooden  chains  are 
found  also  in  the  dome  of  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna,  constructed 
c.  1160.  In  all  these  cases  the  purpose  was  undoubtedly  to  tie 
the  construction  together  and  prevent  the  walls  from  splitting 
or  cracking. 

Relieving  arches  occur  in  the  XII  century,  as,  for  example, 
at  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo,  or  above  the  gallery  vaults  in  the 
cathedral  of  Parma.  The  principle  must  have  been  known  at  a 
much  earlier  epoch.  The  characteristic  form  of  the  Italian 
Romanesque  portal  undoubtedly  originated  in  a  relieving  arch 
placed  over  a  flat  lintel,  in  order  that  the  weight  of  the  wall  might 
not  crush  the  latter.  (See,  for  example,  Plate  142,  Fig.  4; 
Plate  143,  Fig.  3). 


134 


CHAPTER  XI.     ROOFING  EXPEDIENTS 

The  compelling  reason  for  the  evolution  of  the  rib  vault  was 
the  desire  to  economize  wood.  The  most  important  indications 
that  such  is  the  case  I  have  studied  elsewhere,^  so  that  it  is  needless 
to  return  to  the  question  here." 

Not    satisfied    with    reducing    the    consumption    of    wood 

1  The  Construction  of  Lombard  and  Gothic  Vaults. 

-  I  can  not,  however,  forbear  calling  attention  to  documentary  evidences  of  the 
difBculty  of  obtaining  large  timbers  in  the  Middle  Ages,  which  have  come  to  my  notice 
since  the  publication  of  the  earlier  book.  The  most  interesting  is  the  correspondence 
of  Gregory  the  Great  in  regard  to  the  timbers  for  the  roof  of  S.  Pietro  in  Rome. 
These  timbers  had  to  be  brought  all  the  way  from  the  Abruzzi  at  immense  expense: 

Gregorius  Arogi  duci. 

Quia  sic  de  gloria  vestra  sicut  revera  de  iilio  nostro  confidimus,  petere  aliqua 
a  vobis  fiducialiter  provocamur,  arbitrantes  quod  minime  nos  patiamini  contristari, 
maxime  in  tali  re  unde  anima  vestra  multum  poterit  adjuvari.  Indicamus  autem 
propter  ecclesias  beatorum  Petri  et  Pauli  aliquantas  nobis  trabes  necessarias  esse; 
et  ideo  Savino  subdiacono  nostro  injunximus  de  partibus  Brutiorum  aliquantas  incidere, 
et  usque  ad  mare  in  locum  aptum  trahere  debcat.  Et  quia  in  hac  re  solatiis  indiget, 
salutantes  gloriam  vestram  paterna  charitate,  petimus  ut  aetionariis  vestris,  qui  in  illo 
loco  sunt  deputetis,  ut  homines  qui  sub  eis  sunt  cum  bobus  suis  in  ejus  transmittere 
debeant  solatium,  quatenus,  vobis  concurrentibus,  melius  quod  ei  injunximus  possit 
perficere.  Nos  enim  promittimus  quis  dum  res  perfecta  fuerit,  dignum  vobis  xenium, 
quod  non  sit  injuriosum,  transmittemus.  Nam  scimus  nos  considerare,  et  filiis  nostris 
qui  bonam  voluntatem  exhibent  respondere.  .  .  .  (Sancti  Gregorii  Magni  Epistolanim, 
Lib.  XII,  Indict.  V,  Epist.  XXI,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXVII,  1231). 
Gregorius  Gregorio  expraefecto. 

Scientes  quanta  erga  beatorum  Petri  et  Pauli  ecclesias  in  glorias  vestrae  mente 
maneat  dilectio,  vestrum  noliis  post  Deum  adjutorium  scriptis  decurrentibus  adhibere 
necessario  procuramus,  confidentes  vos  facile  et  devote  quidquid  pro  earum  utilitate 
cognoscitis  impertiri,  quibus  gloriam  vestram  etiam  sponte  non  dubitamus  veUe  prasstare. 
Et  ideo  quia  in  praedictis  ecclesiis  trabes  omnino  sunt  necessaria?,  atque  Savino  sub- 
diacono ut  interim  usque  ad  viginti  incidere  festinet  et  ad  mare  trahere  debeat 
injunximus,  paterno  salutantes  aifectu,  petimus  ut  gloria  vestra  de  possessionibus  quas 
lUic  in  emphitheosim  habet  hac  in  re  homines  cum  bobus  suis  faciat  praebere  solatia, 
quatenus  et  ipse  vestra  opitulatione  suffultus  ad  ea  explenda  qua?  sibi  injuncta  sunt 
possit  esse  idoneus,  et  vos  mercedem  valeatis  acquirere.  .  .  .  (Ibid.,  Epist.  XXII). 

Epist.  XX,  ibid.,  1230,  is  a  similar  letter  to  Maurentius,  magister  militum,  asking 
him  to  forward  the  letter  to  Arichio  and  explaining  its  contents.  Other  documents 
proving  the  value  of  wood  in  the  Middle  Ages  may  be  found  Hist.  Pat.  Hon.,  XIII, 
769,  1185,  1187,  1272,  1220,  1550,  1571,  and  in  Muratori,  A.  I.  M.  A.,  ed.  A.,  IV,  279,  749. 

135 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

employed  in  the  actual  construction  of  vaults  the  Lombard 
builders  endeavoured  to  construct  the  outer  roof  also  either 
entirely  without  timber  or  with  a  minimum  amount  of  it.  From 
an  early  period  vaults  of  small  dimensions  had  been  covered  with 
tiles  laid  directly  upon  mortar  placed  over  the  extrados  without 
the  intervention  of  any  wood.  Such  a  construction  possessed 
great  advantages  because  a  wooden  roof  was  liable  to  rot,  and  it 
was  exceedingly  difficult  to  replace  the  timbers.  An  example 
of  a  vault  thus  constructed  without  timber  may  be  found  at  S. 
Fedelino  on  the  Lago  di  Mezzola,  which  dates  from  c.  1000.  In 
the  XII  century  the  construction  was  applied  even  to  vaults 
of  large  dimensions,  as,  for  example,  at  S.  Fedele  of  Como,  the 
baptistery  of  Arsago,  Cavagnolo,  S.  Simpliciano  of  Milan,  S. 
Giacomo,  S.  INIaria  di  Castello  and  the  Annunziata  of  Corneto." 
In  buildings  of  large  dimensions  this  construction  of  course 
resulted  in  placing  a  great  additional  weight  upon  the  vaults. 
One  reason  for  the  instability  of  Lombard  vaults  was  undoubt- 
edly this  habit  of  loading  their  extradoses. 

At  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  a  series  of  hollow  cells,  or  of  little 
barrel  vaults,  was  erected  on  top  of  the  vault  to  bring  the  roof 
to  the  desired  slope.  The  roofing  was  laid  directly  upon  this 
porous  construction.  Since  lighter  than  a  solid  filling-in,  the 
construction  was  undoubtedly  a  step  in  advance,  and  the  fact  that 
it  was  used  is  extremely  significant  for  the  history  of  I^ombard 
architecture.  This  roof  of  S.  Savino  teaches  us  that  the  Lombard 
builders  were  mad  on  the  subject  of  dispensing  with  wood,  since 
in  order  to  do  so  they  erected  a  roof  not  only  extremely  costly 
and  difficult  to  build,  but  one  which  added  an  immense  weight 
to  the  already  not  over-seciu'e  vaults.  The  destruction  of  this 
roof  in  the  recent  restoration  was  an  act  of  vandalism  which  can 
never  be  sufficiently  regretted.  It  is  i^robable  that  similar 
reconstructions  executed  at  all  periods  have  destroyed  a  great 
number  of  similar  experiments  in  roofing.  Only  two  others,  so 
far  as  I  know,  have  come  down  to  us.  At  S.  Pancrazio  of  Corneto 
the  wooden  roof  over  the  vaults  is  carried  on  walls  rising  above 

s  The  construction  is  found  even  in  France — for  example,  at  Issoire  (Choisy, 
Histoire,  11,  149). 

1S6 


ROOFING  EXPEDIENTS 

the  transverse  arches  (Plate  79).  In  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza 
the  roof  is  supported  on  brick  columns  which  rest  on  the 
extradoses  of  the  vaults. 

It  is  probable  that  the  actual  roofing  in  the  great  majority 
of  cases  was  formed,  not  of  tiles,  but  of  lead.  The  leaden  roof 
of  S.  Prospero  of  Reggio  is  mentioned  in  1167.  The  Anonimo 
Ticinese  tells  us  that  there  were  leaden  roofs  at  S.  Pietro  in 
Ciel  d'Oro  and  other  churches  of  Pavia.  There  was  a  leaden 
roof  at  S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan.  Such  roofs  must  have  added 
immensely  to  the  dignity  and  beauty  of  the  exterior.  The  great 
charm  of  the  world-famous  dome  of  St.  Peter's  in  Rome  lies 
perhaps  primarily  in  its  colour,  which  is  so  exquisite  that  it  causes 
us  to  forget  the  defects  in  the  architectural  composition  of  the 
cupola.  Now,  this  colour  of  the  dome  of  St.  Peter's  results 
exclusively  from  the  weathering  of  the  lead  with  which  it  is 
covered.  It  is  certain  that  all  the  more  important  churches  of 
Lombardjr  in  the  XII  century  possessed  roofs  of  similarly 
exquisite  colour.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the  loss  that  the 
buildings  have  sustained  from  an  aesthetic  point  of  view  in  that 
this  beautiful  lead  has  been  stripped  off  and  replaced  by  less 
costly  materials. 

Lead,  however,  is  the  heaviest  of  all  materials,  and  applied 
even  in  thin  sheets  must  have  added  grievously  to  the  weight  the 
already  over-burdened  vaults  had  to  sustain.  A  study  of 
Lombard  roofs  therefore  confirms  the  inferences  we  have  drawn 
from  other  sources.  The  Lombard  builders  strove  primarily  to 
reduce  the  amount  of  wood  required  in  their  construction,  and 
in  their  preoccupation  to  compass  this  result  they  neglected  to 
study  the  question  of  the  equilibrium  of  their  vaults.  Not  only 
did  they  fail  to  provide  adequate  abutments,  but  they  recklessly 
over-charged  the  vaults  with  the  entire  weight  of  the  roof,  which 
might  have  been  made  to  rest  directly  upon  the  outer  walls. 


137 


CHAPTER  XII.     RIBBED  HALF  DOMES 

A  peculiar  and  unexpected  development  of  the  rib  vault 
was  the  application  of  ribs  to  the  half  dome  of  the  apse.  Half 
domes  seem  always  to  have  required  a  solid  centering,  whether 
constructed  of  rubble  as  at  Loppia  di  Bellagio,  or  of  cut  stones 
as  at  Mignano.  When  ribs  were  applied  to  such  a  half  dome 
it  is  probable  that  the  vault  could  be  constructed  by  means  of  a 
cerce,  and  that  no  solid  centering  would  be  necessary. 

Half  domes  with  ribs  are  extremely  rare  in  Lombardy. 
The  most  important  example  is  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como,  an 
edifice  which  dates  from  c.  1095  (Plate  58,  Fig.  4).  There  are 
here  four  ribs  of  rectangular  profile,  supported  upon  a  system 
consisting  of  single  shafts.  It  is  probable  that  the  apse  of  S. 
Eufemia  on  the  Isola  Comacina  was  similarly  constructed,  since 
the  recent  excavations  have  shown  that  there  was  a  system  in  the 
apse.  This  indication  is  not  necessarily  conclusive,  however,  since 
the  church  of  S.  Teodoro  at  Pavia  has  similar  shafts  but  no  ribs 
in  the  half  dome  (Plate  180,  Fig.  2),  as  has  also  S.  Lorenzo  of 
Panico.  Before  the  reconstruction  of  the  XIX  century  the  apse 
at  Casale  had  two  ribs,  if  we  may  trust  Osten's  plan  (Plate  45, 
Fig.  7).  Finally,  a  ribbed  half  dome  was  constructed  at  Borgo 
S.  Donnino  in  1280  (Plate  30,  Fig.  4). 

In  central  Italy  this  Lombard  construction  was  copied  in 
S.  ]\Iaria  di  Castello  at  Corneto.  The  existing  half  dome 
(Plate  77,  Fig.  2),  it  is  true,  dates  from  1207,  but  it  doubtless 
replaces  an  earlier  one  erected  in  1121,  and  also  supplied  with 
ribs.  It  is  probable  that  there  was  a  similar  ribbed  half  dome 
at  S.  Pancrazio,  although  the  interior  of  this  apse  has  been 
completely  baroccoized. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  these  early  examples  in  Italy  of  a 
construction  that  was  subsequently  to  assume  such  importance 

188 


RIBBED  HALF  DOMES 

north  of  the  Alps.  In  the  Ile-de-France  it  hardly  appears  before 
the  second  quarter  of  the  XII  century  (Plate  58,  Fig.  3,  shows 
the  church  of  Bruyere-sur-Fere,  a  typical  example  of  the  ribbed 
half  dome  in  the  Soissonnais).  Something  similar  is  found  in 
the  dome  of  the  church  of  Riez  in  French  Savoy  (Plate  58, 
Fig.  5 ) ,  a  monument  the  date  of  which  I  should  not  dare  attempt 
to  determine.  This  construction  seems  singularly  like  a  fore- 
shadowing of  the  Gothic  dome,  as  we  find  it  later  developed,  for 
examjjle,  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma. 


189 


CHAPTER  XIII.  ANNULAR  VAULTS 

Owing  tlie  fact  that  the  ambulatory  was  never  adopted  by 
the  Lombard  builders,  the  question  of  annular  vaults  did  not 
come  to  assume  in  northern  Itah'  the  importance  it  acquired  in 
France.  Nevertheless,  annular  aisles  did  occur  in  circular 
edifices  and  transept-ends,  and  these  it  was  frequently  necessary 
to  vault.  The  Lombards  brought  to  the  study  of  the  problem 
a  surprising  amount  of  ingenuity  and  resourcefulness.^ 

Probably  the  first  solution — and  also  the  simplest — which 
the  Lombard  builders  adopted  for  the  problem  of  how  to  vault 
an  annular  gallery,  was  the  use  of  a  plain  barrel  vault.  This 
solution  had  already  been  found  by  the  Romans,  being  employed, 
for  example,  in  the  well  known  baptistery  of  S.  Costanza  at 
Rome.  The  Lombard  builders  adopted  it  c.  990  in  the  crypt 
of  the  ambulatory  of  S,  Stefano  at  Verona  (Plate  222,  Fig.  2). 
Twenty  years  later  it  was  adopted  in  the  baptistery  of  Vigolo 
Marchese. 

Another  solution  of  the  problem  was  found  in  the  IX 
century  by  the  builders  of  Charlemagne's  chapel  at  Aachen. 
Here  the  number  of  supports  in  the  outer  perimeter  of  the  gallery 
had  been  doubled,  so  that  there  were  alternately  rectangular  and 
triangular  compartments.  Thus  were  avoided  the  trapezoidal 
vaulting  spaces  which  normallj-  result  and  are  so  difficult  to  cover 
with  groin  vaults.  The  rectangular  and  triangular  compartments 
were  readilj^  groin-vaulted.  This  system  was  adopted  in  its 
entirety  in  the  Rotonda  of  Brescia  (Plate  31,  Fig.  6)  and  in  the 
transepts  at  S.  Fedele  of  Como  (Plate  64,  Fig.  2).  It  was 
modified  in  the  ambulatory  of  S.  Stefano  of  Verona,  where  the 

1 1  have  already  analyzed  the  principles  underlying  the  construction  of  annular 
vaults  in  the  Appendix  to  my  The  Construction  of  Lombard  and  Gothic  Vaults,  and 
have  studied  in  detail  typical  examples  of  annular  vaulting  in  Lombardy.  It  will  not 
be  necessary  to  reiterate  here  what  has  there  been  said. 

140 


ANNULAR  VAULTS 

trapezoidal  plan  of  the  compartments  is  minimized  by  the  wedge- 
shaped  plan  given  to  the  transverse  arches  which  become  almost 
triangular  barrel  vaults  (Plate  222,  Fig.  1). 

In  the  galleries  of  the  transept-ends  of  S.  Fedele  of  Como 
(Plate  64,  Fig.  2),  and  of  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo  (Plate  11, 
Fig.  2),  the  groin  vaults,  instead  of  being  level,  are  inclined 
against  the  clearstory  wall,  thus  buttressing  the  thrusts  of  the 
great  vault.  This  disposition  is  undoubtedly  derived  from 
Aachen,  where  the  barrel  vaults  of  the  gallery  were  similarly 
inclined.  It  may  have  been  first  introduced  into  Italy  in 
monuments  much  anterior  to  the  XII  century,  which  have 
perished. 

In  certain  instances  the  Lombard  builders  showed  themselves 
able  to  meet  and  overcome  the  great  difficulties  of  erecting  groin 
vaults  on  a  trapezoidal  jilan.  One  of  the  most  interesting 
examples  is  at  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo  (Plate  10,  Fig.  7; 
Plate  11,  Fig.  2,  3).  Here  the  groins  are  broken  and  the 
capitals  of  the  responds  are  placed  at  a  lower  level.  It  was  only 
in  the  South,  at  Montefiascone  (Plate  149;  Plate  150)  and 
Aversa  (Plate  17,  Fig.  1,  2),  that  diagonal  ribs  were  introduced 
to  simplify  the  construction  of  annular  vaults. 


141 


CHAPTER  XIV.     SURVIVAL  OF  THE  WOODEN 

ROOF 

No  little  light  is  thrown  upon  the  rib  vault  by  a  study  of 
what  seems  least  related  to  it,  that  is  to  say,  the  wooden-roofed 
basilica.  At  no  period  did  the  Lombard  builders  cease  to  erect 
churches  without  vaults. 

We  have  already  seen  that  until  the  year  1030,  or  there- 
abouts, this  was  the  only  type  of  basilica  in  use.  In  the  early 
years  of  the  XI  century  transverse  arches  had  been  erected  to 
sustain  the  wooden  roof,  but  the  wooden  roof  persisted  none  the 
less.'  Even  in  the  years  following  1040,  when  the  rib  vault  had 
first  been  discovered,  and  the  builders  were  especially  engrossed 
in  developing  the  possibilities  of  the  new  construction,  wooden- 
roofed  churches  continued  to  be  erected.  These  were  almost 
without  exception,  however,  built  in  mountainous  regions  where 
wood  was  abundant."  This  fact  supports  the  other  evidence  that 
the  rib  vault  was  introduced  largely  with  the  purpose  of  econo- 
mizing wood.  In  regions  where  wood  was  plentiful  the  wooden- 
roofed  basilica  continued  in  use.  It  was  only  in  the  flat  and 
treeless  plain  that  the  rib-vaulted  construction  was  developed. 
In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  the  school  of 
Como  the  rib  vault  appears  never  to  have  been  employed.  Not 
a  single  example  of  its  use  in  this  mountainous  region  is  extant. 

1  Examples  of  early  wooden-roofed  basilicas  at  S.  Giorgio  di  A'alpolicella — 
c.  730,  c.  1000— (Plate  197),  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia  (Plate  33),  S.  Stefano  of  Verona— 
899— (Plate  223,  Fig.  5),  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano— lOOT— (Plate  97),  S.  Giovanni  of 
Vigolo  Marchese  (1008),  Piobesi— c.  1020— (Plate  188,  Fig.  3),  S.  Pietro  of  Acqul 
(c.  1015-1023),  tbe  cathedral  of  Acqui  (1015-1067),  S.  Carpoforo  of  Como — c.  1028- 
1040— (Plate  60,  Fig.  1,  2),  Sezz^  (1030),  Casalino— c.  1040— (Plate  48,  Fig.  5), 
Sommacampagna — c.  1040 — (Plate  207,  Fig.  3),  etc. 

2  The  only  examples  erected  between  1040  and  1100  that  I  know  are  all  situated 
in  or  near  the  mountains.  These  are  at  Fiona  (c.  1140),  S.  Pietro  di  Civate — c.  1140 — 
(Plate  57,  Fig.  3),  Sa.sso— c.  1050— (Plate  205,  Fig.  1),  Cosio  (1078),  S.  Benedetto  di 
Lenno— 1083 — (Plate  102,  Fig.  6),  S.  Abondio  of  Como— 1095— (Plate  59,  Fig.  1). 

142 


SURVIVAL  OF  THE  WOODEN  ROOF 

The  explanation  is,  of  course,  that  in  the  region  of  Como  wood 
was  abundant.  It  is  amusing,  however,  that  in  a  district  which 
has  been  so  widely  hailed  as  the  formative  centre  of  the  archi- 
tectural art,  not  only  of  Lombardy,  but  of  all  Europe,  the  one 
construction  which  gave  vitality  and  significance  to  the  Lombard 
style,  the  one  new  principle  which  was  destined  to  be  the  vital 
and  central  feature  of  later  mediaeval  architecture,  was  never 
used.  Como,  instead  of  being  the  centre  of  Lombard  progress, 
appears  in  this  light  to  have  been  singularly  reactionary. 

In  the  XII  century  the  builders,  as  we  have  seen,  began  to 
realize  that  their  rib  vaults  were  not  the  panacea  that  had  been 
hoped.  The  discovery  of  the  instability  of  the  construction  led 
them  to  turn  from  it  to  various  other  methods  of  roofing.  Among 
different  expedients  they  returned  to  the  wooden  roof.  Even 
in  the  flat  plain  of  Piemonte  a  wooden  roof  was  erected  at  Casale 
as  early  as  1107.  From  that  time  forward  the  construction  was 
frequently  used  in  the  plains  as  well  as  in  the  mountains.  It 
became  especially  characteristic  of  the  local  schools  of  ISIonferrato 
and  Verona.^ 

3  Examples  at  Cemmo  (c.  1110),  S.  Vittore  of  Arsago — 1120— (Plate  IS,  Fig.  2), 
Pieve  Trebbio— 1108— (Plate  187,  Fig.  3),  S.  Pietro  di  Legnano  (1117),  Castell'Arquato— 
1117-1122— (Plate  48,  Fig.  2),  Garbagnate  Monastero  (c.  1120),  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte 
of  Verona— 1123— (Plate  218,  Fig.  2),  FontaneUa  al  Mont(^-c.  1130— (Plate  92), 
Chiesa  Rossa,  MUan  (1139),  Panico  (c.  1145),  Cortazzone  d'Asti— c.  1150— (Plate  82, 
Fig.  2),  S.  Giovanni  in  VaUe,  Verona— 1164— (Plate  218,  Fig.  4),  Villanova— 1167— 
(Plate  241,  Fig.  4),  S.  RuffiUo  di  Bologna  (1178),  Brebbia  (c.  1190),  Gazzo  Veronese 
(c.  1190),  S.  Lorenzo  of  Cremona  (c.  1195). 


143 


CHAPTER  XV.    CIRCULAR  EDIFICES  OF  THE  XI 
AND  XII  CENTURIES 

The  preceding  study  of  vaulting  has  made  it  evident  that 
the  chief  interest  of  Lombard  architecture  of  the  XI  and  XII 
centuries — of  what  we  might  perliaps  call  the  high  Romanesque 
period — lies  in  the  basilica  and  its  roofing.  None  the  less  the 
circular  type  of  edifice  so  important  in  preceding  periods 
continued  in  use. 

The  circular  church  regained  popularity  through  the  Cru- 
sades. The  capture  of  Jerusalem  in  the  j^ear  1099  led  to  the 
construction  of  numerous  churches  throughout  Europe  built  in 
imitation  of  the  circular  edifices  of  the  Holy  Land.  Such 
buildings  were  generally  either  chapels  of  the  Knights  Templar, 
like  the  well  known  circular  building  at  Laon  in  France 
(Plate  204,  Fig.  4),  or  they  were  churches  built  in  imitation  of 
the  church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem.  In  Ijombardy 
there  are  extant  three  buildings  of  the  latter  class.  The  church 
of  S.  Sepolcro  of  Pavia,  now  known  as  S.  Lanfranco,  was 
founded  in  1090,  but  the  existing  edifice  is  not  central  but 
cruciform  (Plate  168,  Fig.  2).  At  S.  Sepolcro  of  Milan  it  was 
impossible  to  erect  a  circular  edifice,  since  the  builders  were 
obliged  to  utilize  a  comparativelj'  new  pre-existing  basilica. 
They  therefore  contented  themselves  with  rounding  the  transept- 
ends  (Plate  133,  Fig.  3).  At  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna,  however, 
we  have  a  perfectly  developed  circular  church  (Plate  24,  Fig.  6). 

Numerous  churches  of  circular  form  were  erected  in 
Lombardy  in  the  XII  centurj'.  Of  these  one  of  the  most 
important  is  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia,  erected  c.  1105 
(Plate  31,  Fig.  7,  8).  S.  Lorenzo  of  Mantova  (Plate  112, 
Fig.  2 ) ,  built  some  ten  years  later,  is  of  very  similar  type,  except 
that  a  gallery  is  introduced.    There  is  a  gallery  also  at  Almenno 

144 


CIRCULAR  EDIFICES  OF  XI  AND  XII  CENTURIES 

S.  Bartolomeo,  which  was  erected  c.  1140  (Plate  11,  Fig.  1,  2). 
The  church  of  S.  Maria  del  Solario  of  Brescia  (Plate  32, 
Fig.  2,  3)  is  centralized,  but  the  plan  is  rectangular. 

Centralized  buildings  were  also  commonly  erected  to  serve 
as  mortuary  chapels  in  the  cemeteries  of  monasteries.  In  the 
XI  and  XII  centuries  it  is  probable  that  no  monastic  establish- 
ment of  any  considerable  size  and  importance  was  without  such 
a  cemetery  chapel.  At  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  the  chapel  of  S. 
Benedetto,  which  undoubtedly  served  for  such  a  purpose,  is 
still  extant  in  excellent  preservation  (Plate  56,  Fig.  4) .  It  dates 
from  c.  1045.  Notable  ruins  of  the  similar  chapel  belonging  to 
the  monastery  of  Piona,  and  built  about  the  same  time,  still 
survive.  The  cemetery  chapel  of  Sagra  S.  ISIichele,  erected 
c.  1100,  still  stands  in  ruins  (Plate  196,  Fig.  3).  It  is  evident 
that  the  plan  consisted  of  a  central  area  surrounded  by  niches 
alternately  semicircular  and  rectangular.  Of  the  cemetery 
chapel  of  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona  at  Milan,  which  was  built  in  1099, 
nothing  has  come  down  to  us. 

While  centralized  edifices  were  thus  used  for  churches  or 
mortuarj^  chapels,  the  type  was  employed  principally  for  bap- 
tisteries. Numerous  examples  dating  from  the  XI  and  XII 
centuries  are  extant.  The  plans  show  considerable  variation, 
but  it  is  difficult  to  trace  any  consistent  gi'owth  or  development. 
The  baptistery  of  S.  Ponzo  Canavese,  erected  c.  1005,  has  an 
octangular  central  area,  surrounded  by  niches  alternately  rectan- 
gular and  semicircular  (Plate  203,  Fig.  4).  That  of  Vigolo 
Marehese,  erected  about  five  years  later,  is  circular  internally  and 
externally,  but  there  are  internal  niches  rectangular  or  semi- 
circular (Plate  240,  Fig.  3).  The  baptistery  of  Galliano,  built 
c.  1015,  has  a  gallery,  and  a  more  complex  plan,  the  dispositions 
of  which  will  be  clear  from  the  illustration  (Plate  95).  The 
baptistery  of  Biella,  erected  c.  1040,  is  in  its  main  features  not 
dissimilar  (Plate  24,  Fig.  2).  At  Curreggio  (c.  1055)  the 
central  area  is  octagonal,  but  there  are  four  niches  in  the  ground 
story,  as  at  Biella  (Plate  87,  Fig.  1).  At  S.  Paolo  of  Castel 
Seprio  (c.  1070)  and  in  the  baptistery  of  Lenno — c.  1085 — 
(Plate  102,  Fig.  2) ,  the  builders  returned  to  the  simple  polygonal 

146 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

edifice  with  one  apse,  such  as  had  been  erected  nearly  two 
centuries  previously  at  Agliate  (Plate  6). 

The  remains  of  the  baptisterj'  which  have  recently  come  to 
light  to  the  south  of  the  choir  of  Castell'Arquato  (1117-1122) 
give  reason  to  suppose  that  there  was  here  a  building  of  similar 
type.  Certainly  there  was  one  apse.  At  Agrate-Conturbia, 
however,  there  is  a  return  to  the  octangular  plan,  with  four 
niches  (Plate  10,  Fig.  3).  The  baptistery  of  Baveno,  built 
c.  1135.  has  a  plan  verj-  similar  to  that  of  the  mortuary  chapel 
at  Sagra  S.  Michele.  The  exterior  square  is  brought  to  the  form 
of  an  octagon  by  means  of  semicircular  niches  placed  in  the 
angles.  Between  these  niches  afe  rectangular  niches.  S.  Pietro 
of  Asti,  erected  c.  IIGO,  on  the  other  hand,  returns  to  the  simple 
circular  type  of  Vigolo  Marchese  (Plate  16,  Fig.  4).  The 
baptistery  of  Cremona  (1167)  is  octagonal,  has  blind  arches  in 
the  ground  floor,  passages  in  the  tliickness  of  the  wall  above  and 
no  clearstory  (Plate  83,  Fig.  6).  In  the  earlier  baptistery  of 
Arsago  (Plate  15,  Fig.  5)  there  is  a  similar  type  of  edifice,  but 
with  a  clearstory. 

Baptisteries  were  not  always  circular.  S.  ^laria  del  Tiglio 
at  Gravedona  is  rectangular  in  plan,  with  apses  and  galleries 
(Plate  100,  Fig.  1,  3).  At  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona 
(1123)  we  have  a  baptistery'  in  the  form  of  a  miniature 
basilica  (Plate  218,  Fig.  2).  The  baptistery  of  S.  Giovanni  at 
Varese  (1187)  is  rectangular  (Plate  214,  Fig.  1). 


146 


Book  III.    The  XII  Century 

CHAPTER  I.  LANFRANCO  OF  MODENA 

One  of  the  leading  characteristics  of  Italy  in  all  ages, 
and  above  all  in  mediaeval  times,  is  lack  of  unity.  Even  within 
the  same  province  there  were  many  independent  states,  frequently 
hostile  to  each  other,  and  differing  by  well  defined  national 
characteristics  as  well  as  by  political  affiliations.  The  cit}'  state 
of  the  Middle  Ages  has  left  its  stamp  on  the  people  of  Italj^  to 
this  day.  Differences  of  dialect  and  differences  of  character  are 
still  reflected  in  that  spirito  di  campanilismo  which  so  persistently 
survives  despite  repeated  efforts  to  stamp  it  out. 

The  Lombard  dialects  may  be  grouped  together  as  Lom- 
bard, and  distinguished  from,  let  us  say,  the  Tuscan,  but  within 
the  Lombard  group  itself  great  variations  will  be  found  to  exist. 
The  speech  at  Milan  is  notably  different  from  that  at  Pavia  or 
Como.  As  with  present-day  dialects,  so  was  it  with  styles  of 
architecture  in  the  Romanesque  period.  The  general  manner 
of  building  in  northern  Italy  was  totally  distinct  from  that  of 
Tuscany.  Nevertheless,  within  Lombardy  itself  there  were  as 
many  sub-schools  as  there  were  towns  and  districts.  Each  cit}% 
each  region,  had  its  own  local  style. 

To  illustrate  how  great  might  be  the  difference  in  these 
local  sub-schools,  let  us  compare  the  organic,  rib-vaulted  Roman- 
esque church  of  S.  Ambrogio  of  INIilan  (Plate  116;  Plate  117, 
Fig.  2,  4,  5,  6;  Plate  118,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7;  Plate  119, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4;  Plate  120,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7),  with  the  simple 
basihca  of  S.  Abondio  at  Como  (Plate  58,  Fig.  2;  Plate  59, 
Fig.  1 )  ;  these  two  edifices,  so  absolutely  divergent  in  character, 
are  contemiiorarj^  and  erected  in  cities  only  some  forty  kilometres 
distant.     It  would  be  jjossible  to  show  similar  contrasts  between 

147 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

contemporary  buildings  of  numerous  other  cities  of  IiOmbard}\ 
A  volume  might  easily  he  written  tabulating  the  characteristics 
of  the  different  Lombard  sub-schools,  but  I  shall  not  insult  the 
intelligence  of  the  reader  by  insisting  at  greater  length  upon  so 
obvious  a  matter. 

In  certain  schools,  however,  peculiar  constructions  of  such 
importance  were  developed  that  it  will  be  well  to  speak  of  them 
in  some  detail.  The  school  of  the  INIonferrato  was  the  gayest 
and  the  most  ornate  of  all  the  Lombard  manners  with  the 
possible  exception  of  the  school  of  Verona  which  it  unexpectedly 
resembles.  Delighting  in  polychromatic  masonry  and  exuberant 
decoration,  it  generally  eschewed  vaults  and  clung  to  the  wooden 
roof.  It  showed  conservatism  also  in  rejecting  the  classic  type 
of  decoration  originated  at  JNIodena,  and  clung  to  the  decorative 
forms  of  the  XI  century  long  after  thej'  had  been  abandoned 
elsewhere.'  The  school  of  jMonferrato,  as  was  natural  in  view 
of  its  geographical  location,  was  first  to  welcome  the  foreign 
influences  imported  from  Provence  and  later  from  northern 
France." 

The  school  of  Parma  acquired  especial  importance  at  the 
very  end  of  the  XII  centuiy.  At  this  epoch  it  was  characterized 
by  its  archaistic  tendencies,  witnessed  by  the  wooden-roofed 
naves,  the  quatrefoiled  piers,  the  systems  consisting  of  a  shaft 
engaged  on  a  pilaster  strip,  the  blind  arches  and  the  arched 
corbel-tables  grouped  two  and  two.  The  groin  vaults  are 
frequently  so  highly  domed  in  a  longitudinal  sense  that  they 
resemble  barrel  vaults.  The  capitals  are  often  of  grotesque  or 
string  type.  Edifices  of  this  character  exist  at  Vicofertile — 
c.  1200— (Plate  240,  Fig.  1,  2),  S.  Andrea  of  Parma  (1216), 
S.  Croce  of  Parma  (1222),  Collecchio,  Gaione  and  elsewhere. 

The  school  of  Pavia  differs  from  that  of  INIilan  chiefly  in 
the  peculiar  type  of  facade  developed.     The  Lombard  builders 

1  As,  for  example,  at  Cavagnolo^ll40 — (Plate  51,  Fig.  4). 

2  Examples  of  the  style  of  Monferrato  may  be  found  at  Portocomaro — c.  1120 — 
(Plate  189,  Fig.  3),  Montechiaro  d'Asti— c.  1140— (Plate  148,  Fig.  3),  S.  Vittore  of 
Montemagno— c.  1145— (Plate  152,  Fig.  6,  7),  Cortaxzone  d'Asti— c.  1150— (Plate  82, 
Fig.  2,  4),  Montefia— c.  1150— (Plate  147,  Fig.  3),  S.  Lorenzo  of  Montiglio— c.  1150— 
(Plate  153,  Fig.  1),  Castell'Alfero  (c.  1155),  Casorso  (c.  1180). 

148 


LANFRANCO  OF  MODENA 

of  all  regions  were  none  too  honest  in  their  treatment  of  the 
fa9ade  which  they  loved  to  raise  high  above  the  roof  in  flagi-ant 
violation  of  the  Lamp  of  Truth.  At  Pavia  these  false  facades 
were  in  addition  given  a  single  gable,  which  absolutely  belies  the 
section  of  the  three-aisled  basilica  to  which  they  are  prefixed. 
The  Pavese  fa9ade  is  further  characterized  by  certain  peculiar 
decorative  elements,  such  as  galleries,  inlaid  plaques  and  double 
arched  corbel-tables.  It  will  not  be  necessary  here  to  analyze 
in  detail  the  different  facades  of  Pavia,  since  the  illustrations 
speak  for  themselves.  In  the  list  of  monuments  it  will  be  shown 
that  the  development  of  the  design  furnishes  an  accurate  means 
of  determining  the  date  of  the  edifice.  The  fa9ades  in  the  order 
of  their  age  are:  S.  Michele— c.  1100— (Plate  1T4,  Fig.  3), 
S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo — c.  1120— (Plate  167,  Fig.  4),  S.  Maria 
in  Betlem— c.  1129— (Plate  170,  Fig.  4),  SS.  Primo  e  Feli- 
ciano— c.  1130— (Plate  179,  Fig.  6),  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro— 
1132— (Plate  177,  Fig.  3),  S.  Lanfranco— c.  1136— (Plate  168, 
Fig.  3),  S.  Lazaro— 1157— (Plate  170,  Fig.  1). 

Among  all  the  local  schools  none  was  so  important  in  the 
XII  century  as  that  of  jNIodena.  It  owes  its  origin  to  the  genius 
of  one  man,  who  must  be  considered  as  ranking  among  the  fore- 
most architects  of  all  time.  Lanfranco  was  called  to  construct 
the  cathedral  of  ]Modena  in  the  year  1099.  At  that  time  it  had 
become  evident  that  the  rib  vaults  built  during  the  last  half  of 
the  XI  century  throughout  Lombardy  were  insecure.  Indeed 
it  is  probable  that  some  peculiarly  unpleasant  experience  with 
the  vaults  necessitated  the  reconstruction  of  the  cathedral  of 
jNIodena,  built  only  seventy  years  before.  In  designing  the  new 
cathedral  Lanfranco  therefore  determined  to  lay  aside  the  rib 
vault  which  was  the  dominant  motive  in  the  architecture  of  his 
time,  and  with  it  all  those  features  which  had  been  developed 
as  necessary  consequences  of  the  vaulting.  In  their  place  he 
created  a  new  style  with  different  ideals,  festhetic  and  constructive. 

Since  the  new  style  created  in  the  cathedral  of  INIodena  was 
destined  to  dominate  the  XII  century  architecture  of  Lombardy, 
it  wiU  be  well  to  anah'ze  the  innovations  introduced  bj'  Lan- 
franco.    Instead  of  the  rib  vault,  he  returned  to  the  constructive 

149 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

sj'stem  we  have  already  seen  tried  at  Lomello  three  quarters  of 
a  century  earher  (Plate  106;  Plate  108),  and  covered  his  nave 
with  timber  supported  on  transverse  arches  (Plate  138).  Even 
the  side  aisles  Avere  similarly  roofed.  Since  there  were  no  longer 
vaults  with  thrusts  to  be  neutralized,  buttresses  were  omitted  and 
replaced  by  slender  shafts  (Plate  140,  Fig.  3).  Thus  was 
established  the  type  of  cathedral  church  destined  to  prevail  during 
the  XII  century. 

Another  innovation  tried  by  Lanfranco  was  the  construction 
of  the  side  aisles  in  two  stories.  A  first  glance  at  the  nave  of  the 
cathedral  of  Modena  (Plate  140,  Fig.  2)  would  lead  us  to 
suppose  that  there  was  a  gallery.  On  discovering  that  the  vaults 
of  the  side  aisles  are  placed  above  the  level  of  the  triforium,  it 
would  be  natural  to  believe  that  such  a  gallery  once  existed  but 
has  been  removed.  The  truth,  however,  seems  to  be  that  the 
present  arrangement  has  always  existed.  Lanfranco  was  a 
passionate  classicist.  He  abandoned  the  extravagant  and  splen- 
didly barbaric  ornament  of  the  XII  century  in  favour  of  a  more 
subdued  style  of  decoration  in  which  the  influence  of  classic 
models  is  clearly  evident.  So  great  is  the  delicacy  of  technique 
in  the  carvings  executed  under  his  direction  that  many  of  them 
might  be  mistaken  for  Roman  work.  As  conducive  to  greater 
repose  in  the  design  and  a  more  classic  feeling  for  the  distribution 
of  space,  he  seems  to  have  wished  to  retain  a  tripartite  division 
for  the  nave  of  Modena.  The  lower  proportions,  and  the  greater 
emphasis  of  the  horizontal  line  attained  by  the  introduction  of 
a  gallery  were  achieved  without  the  extra  vaulting  which  would 
be  necessary  were  such  a  feature  actually  introduced.  The 
triforium,  moreover,  served  conveniently  to  mask  the  slope  of 
the  timber  roof  with  which  the  side  aisles  were  covered. 

Among  the  destroyed  Roman  ruins  upon  which  the  city  of 
INIodena  was  built  there  must  have  been  numerous  fragments 
of  sculpture  and  marble  blocks  finely  squared  for  use  in  monu- 
mental buildings.  Many  such  blocks  are  used  in  the  cathedral 
of  jNIodena,  and  the  documentary  sources  refer  explicitly  to  the 
excavations  opened  to  acquire  them.  From  this  Roman  material 
Lanfranco  evidently  learned  many  lessons.    He  formed  an  ideal 

150 


LANFRANCO  OF  MODENA 

of  ashlar  masonry  very  different  from  any  constructed  by  his 
predecessors,  an  ashlar  masonry  which,  in  the  fineness  of  its 
joints,  the  horizontality  of  its  coursing  and  the  smoothness  of 
its  finish,  should  rival  the  work  of  the  ancient  Romans.  He 
formed  the  idea  of  a  new  decoration  more  severe  and  restrained 
in  type,  in  which  dignity  and  delicacy  should  replace  the  exu- 
berant imagination  of  XI  century  carving.  It  may  also  be  that 
from  the  Roman  ruins  he  derived  the  fecund  idea  of  employing 
sculpture  as  an  architectural  accessory.  Certain  it  is  that 
Modena  is  the  earliest  of  extant  Lombard,  if  not  of  extant 
mediaeval,  buildings  in  which  this  important  motive  appears.  It 
is  similarly  probable  that  from  the  Roman  ruins  he  derived  the 
idea  of  twisted  and  spiral-fluted  columns  and  of  fine  mouldings, 
all  of  which  appear  for  the  first  time  in  the  cathedral  of  Modena. 

In  the  excavations  conducted  among  the  ruins  of  ancient 
Modena  to  recover  materials  for  the  new  cathedral  were  dis- 
covered two  ancient  lions  in  a  seated  posture.  Lanfranco 
appears  to  have  determined  to  use  these  antique  sculptures  as 
caryatids  to  support  the  columns  of  what  we  know  as  a  Lombard 
porch  (Plate  140,  Fig.  1),  that  is  to  say,  a  canopy  built  out  in 
front  of  the  principal  portal.''  The  idea  of  employing  the  lions 
in  this  original  manner  may  possibly  have  been  suggested  by 
caryatids  which  Lanfranco  saw  among  the  Roman  fragments. 
Certain  it  is  that  these  carj^atids  vividly  impressed  themselves 
upon  his  imagination,  and  that  he  caused  the  feature  to  be 
introduced  into  the  cathedral  of  Modena.  Taken  up  by 
Guglielmo,  the  sculptor  who  worked  at  Modena  with  Lanfranco, 
the  caryatids  subsequently  became  a  characteristic  motive  of  XII 
century  decoration  in  Lombardy. 

Few  architectural  motives  ever  invented  have  so  profoundly 
influenced  later  art  as  did  Lanfranco's  Lombard  porch  carried 
on  the  backs  of  lions.  From  this  time  onward  the  Lombard 
porch  became  a  characteristic  feature  of  the  north  Italian  style. 
At  Cemmo  (Plate  51,  Fig.  2),  S.  Margherita  of  Como,  and  at 
Casale   we   see  how   quickly   Lanfranco's   invention   impressed 

3  The  original  lions  have  been  replaced  by  modern  copies,  and  transferred  to  the 
museum  of  the  cathedral. 

151 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

itself  upon  the  minds  of  his  contemporaries.  In  these  cases,  it 
is  true,  tliere  is  no  real  Lombard  porch,  but  reliefs  of  lions  are 
introduced  under  the  engaged  columns  flanking  the  doorway. 
The  Modenese  porch  in  its  entiretj^  was  reproduced  in  the 
cathedral  of  Cremona  between  1107  and  1117,  and  at  Xonantola 
in  1121  (Plate  155,  Fig.  5).  Here  the  lions  are  lying  instead 
of  sitting.  It  would  be  merely  tedious  to  enumerate  the  multi- 
tudinous examples  of  the  repetition  of  the  motive  in  one  form 
and  another  during  succeeding  ages.  Suffice  it  to  recall  that  the 
hanging  porches  of  Verona,  such  as  that  of  S.  Trinita  (Plate  223, 
Fig.  4),  and  the  lions  of  the  Avorld-famous  pulpits  of  Xicolo  and 
Giovanni  Pisano  are  only  echoes  of  the  motive  introduced  by 
Lanfranco. 

The  transverse  arches  of  JNIodena  form  the  basis  upon  which 
were  designed  the  cathedrals  and  the  great  churches  of  the  XII 
century  in  northern  Italy.  At  times  the  influence  radiating  from 
iSIodena  was  combined  with  forms  derived  from  the  school  of 
the  XI  century,  and  the  manner  of  Lanfranco  was  disguised  by 
the  addition  of  elements  more  or  less  in  opj^osition  to  his  style. 
Thus,  vaults  were  frequently  introduced  into  edifices  which  in 
other  particulars  show  close  imitation  of  the  cathedral  of  JSIodena, 
as  in  the  cathedrals  of  Parma,  Piacenza  and  Cremona.  At  other 
times  something  of  the  old  exuberant  decoration  lives  on,  though 
combined  with  other  features  essentially  INIodenese,  as  in  the 
cathedral  of  Parma.  All  told,  however,  the  dominating  influence 
in  the  architectural  development  of  Lombardy  in  the  XII 
century  emanates  from  INIodena.  Features  derived  from  the 
style  of  the  XI  century  become  increasingh'  rare.  The  style 
becomes  more  restrained,  more  classic.  The  transverse  arch 
replaces  the  rib  vault.  The  horizontal  line  and  love  of  repose 
triumph  over  the  energetic  movement  of  the  XI  century. 
Architecture  becomes  more  restrained,  less  imaginative. 

Thus  almost  all  the  important  buildings  of  the  XII  century 
were  built  more  or  less  in  imitation  of  Lanfranco's  construction 
of  JNIodena.  S.  Fedele  of  Como  (Plate  Gl;  Plate  62;  Plate  63; 
Plate  64,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7),  S.  Maria  ISIaggiore  of  Bergamo 
(Plate  22,  Fig.  5,  6,  7;  Plate  23,  Fig.  1,  2,  4),  the  cathedrals 

152 


LANFRAXCO  OF  MODENA 

of  Novara  (Plate  156,  Fig.  2;  Plate  157;  Plate  158),  Piacenza 
(Plate  181,  Fig.  1,  2,  5),  Parma  (Plate  165,  Fig.  1;  Plate  166, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4),  Cremona  (Plate  84>,  Fig.  1,  3),  Ferrara 
(Plate  88,  Fig.  3;  Plate  89,  Fig.  3),  and  Verona  (Plate  216, 
Fig.  4;  Plate  217,  Fig.  5),  and  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  224, 
Fig.  1;  Plate  225,  Fig.  1,  2,  3;  Plate  226,  Fig.  1,  2,  3;  Plate  227, 
Fig.  2,  3,  4;  Plate  228,  Fig.  2,  4),  all  bear  witness  to  the  extent 
and  power  of  this  influence. 

In  these  great  churches  Lombardy  undoubtedly  possessed 
a  series  of  monuments  which,  in  actual  architectural  attainment, 
equalled  anj^  contemporarj"^  edifices  of  Europe.  It  is  singular 
and  unfortunate  that  they  are  so  little  known.  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona,  it  is  true,  seldom  fails  to  catch  the  eye  of  tourists  at 
Verona,  and  S.  Fedele  of  Como,  by  some  caprice  of  fortune 
difficult  to  understand,  has  received  some  attention  from  archaeolo- 
gists. The  other  great  monuments  hardly  enjoy  more  than  a 
local  reputation,  although  they  should  imdoubtedly  be  ranked 
among  the  grandest  achievements  of  Romanesque  art.  That 
they  are  not  better  known  is  undoubtedly  due  to  the  fact  that 
time  has  dealt  with  them  in  a  peculiarly  unkindly  fashion.  The 
cathedral  of  Novara  has  been  destroyed.  S.  Maria  Maggiore 
of  Bergamo  and  the  cathedral  of  Ferrara  have  largely  dis- 
appeared in  barocco  reconstructions.  Piacenza  has  had  to 
endure  the  even  worse  fate  of  a  modern  restoration.  The  original 
architecture  at  Cremona  and  Parma  is  hidden  by  gorgeous 
frescos  of  the  high  Renaissance.  Thus  the  true  beauty  and 
dignity  of  these  great  Lombard  churches  of  the  XII  century 
easily  escape  notice.  Moreover,  the  fact  that  they  were  eminent 
if  not  pre-eminent  in  their  century  has  not  been  recognized, 
because  the  unsolved  problems  of  archfeologj',  which  up  to  the 
present  they  have  presented,  have  made  it  impossible  to  determine 
the  date  at  which  they  were  erected. 

While  the  cathedral  of  jNIodena  was  thus  influencing  the 
subsequent  architecture  of  all  Lombardy — indeed,  it  may  be  said 
of  all  Italy — it  also  was  the  formative  influence  in  the  creation 
of  a  local  school  in  the  province  of  jNIodena.  This  school  imitated 
with    slavish    exactitude,    not    so    much    the    broad    structural 

153 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

characteristics  as  the  detail  of  tlie  ornament  of  the  cathedral. 
As  early  as  c.  1110  the  influence  of  the  cathedral  is  clearly 
traceable  at  S.  Vitale  delle  Carpinete.  At  Knbbiano,  Rocca  S. 
Maria  and  Frassinoro  the  Modenese  school  reaches,  perhaps,  its 
culmination.  These  edifices  are  all  characterized  by  the  superb 
technique  of  the  masonry  and  of  the  carving  and  by  the  restrained 
and  classical  feeling  in  the  design,  and  contrast  strongly  with 
earlier  edifices  in  the  same  region,  like  Henno  (Plate  191,  Fig.  4) 
or  Pieve  Trebbio  (Plate  187,  Fig.  3,  4,  5).  The  classical 
feeling  in  such  a  design  as  that  of  the  facade  of  S.  Michele  di 
Castelvetro — c.  1150 — (Plate  199,  Fig.  2)  is  striking.*  At 
IMonteobizo  and  Denzano  are  apses  with  arched  corbel-tables 
closely  resembling  those  of  the  cathedral  of  JNIodena  (Plate  140, 
Fig.  3).  Similar  arched  corbel-tables  reappear  in  1184  at  the 
Sagra  of  Carpi  (Plate  42,  Fig.  5,  6),  an  edifice  which  shows 
imitation  of  JNIodena  in  other  features  as  well,  i.e.,  the  alternate 
system,  transverse  arches,  columns,  wooden  roof  and  sculptures. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  Romanesque  architecture  lived  on 
in  the  mountains  of  the  INIodenese  perhaps  later  than  anywhere 
else  in  Europe.  The  chapel  of  S.  Michele  at  S.  ISIichele  di 
Pievepelago  is  authentically  dated  1353  bj^  an  extant  inscription. 
The  apse  is  quite  Romanesque  in  style,  and  adorned  with  flat 
corbel-tables  often  ornamented  with  grotes(]ues.  The  church  of 
S.  Bartolomeo  at  Fiumalbo  off'ers  another  similar  example  of 
Romanesque  forms  surviving  at  an  extraordinarily  late  date. 

JNIilan  appears  to  have  been  the  centre  which  offered  the 
most  determined  resistance  to  the  introduction  of  the  new  classic 
type  of  design  developed  at  JNIodena.  At  JNIilan  the  rib  vault 
had  been  acclimatized  and  adopted  as  the  central  feature  of  the 
style  of  the  XI  centuiy  as  nowhere  else.  Local  conditions — the 
abimdance  of  brick  and  the  scarcity  of  timber — made  the  new 
construction  peculiarly  popular  in  this  region.  Together  with 
the  school  of  Pavia,  therefore,  the  school  of  JNIilan  continued 
throughout  the  first  thirty  years  of  the  XII  centurj^  to  cling 

*  This  fafadc  is  singularly  analogous  with  that  of  the  church  at  Drevant  (C3ier), 
Plate  199,  Fig.  3. 

154 


LANFRAXCO  OF  MODENA 

tenaciously  to  the  rib  vault  and  the  decorative  forms  evolved  in 
the  XI  centurj\ 

Some  of  the  most  widely  known  of  Lombard  edifices  date 
from  this  period.  The  great  basilica  of  S.  ^lichele  at  Pavia 
which,  with  S.  Ambrogio  of  !Milan,  is  generally  cited  as  at  once 
the  most  typical  and  the  most  striking  extant  example  of  the 
Lombard  style,  belongs  to  the  borderland  between  the  XI  and 
XII  centuries  (Plate  172;  Plate  1T3,  Fig.  1,  5;  Plate  174-, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3;  Plate  175,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4;  Plate  176,  Fig.  1,  2,  3, 
4,  5,  6).  The  almost  equally  imjiortant  church  of  S.  Savino  at 
Piacenza,  which  enjoys  the  advantage  of  being  authentically 
dated  1107,  is  of  the  old  rib- vaulted  type,  but  traces  of  the  new 
way  of  looking  at  things  are  visible  in  the  groin  vault  of  the 
western  bay  and  in  the  less  extravagant  decoration  (Plate  183; 
Plate  184;  Plate  18.5;  Plate  186).  In  the  well  known  basilica 
of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  at  Pavia,  authentically  dated  1132 
(Plate  177,  Fig.  1,  3,  4;  Plate  178,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4),  we  find  a 
building  in  which  the  XI  century  manner  is  essentially  preserved, 
but  modified  still  further  by  the  return  to  the  uniform  system, 
and  by  much  greater  restraint  in  the  character  of  the  ornament. 

It  is  evident  that  the  instability  of  the  rib  vault  eventually 
obliged  the  ^Nlilanesi  and  Pavesi  builders  to  renounce  the  manner 
of  the  XI  century,  and  even  against  their  will  to  accept  some- 
thing of  the  new  ]Modenese  style.  First  the  alternate  system 
was  abandoned,  then  the  rib  vault  altogether.  The  Chiesa  Rossa, 
built  at  ]Milan  in  1139,  exhibits  few  characteristics  of  the  local 
manner.  The  eastern  bay  is  groin-vaulted,  the  nave  covered  with 
a  wooden  roof.  The  prestige  of  jNIilan  in  the  field  of  architecture 
was  also  undoubtedly  shaken  by  the  long  series  of  wars  waged 
during  the  XII  centurj^  and  culminating  in  the  destruction  of 
the  city  by  Barbarossa  in  1162.  Indeed,  after  1130,  but  Httle 
building  seems  to  have  been  done — at  least  to  judge  from  the 
monuments  that  have  come  down  to  us.  At  Pavia  and  in  the 
outhing  districts  the  old  XI  centurj-  type  of  ornament  continued 
to  survive,  but  always  more  and  more  transformed  by  the  growing 
Modenese  influence.  As  late  as  1190  something  of  the  old 
jNIilanese  manner  still  lived  on  in  the  cathedral  of  Lodi. 

155 


CHAPTER  II.     CLUNIAC  ARCHITECTURE 

Upon  the  roots  of  XI  ceiituiy  tradition  the  influence  of 
Lanfranco  of  jNIodena  was  firmly  grafted,  as  we  have  seen  in  the 
preceding  chapter.  This,  however,  was  not  the  only  stock  which 
radically  altered  the  nature  of  Lombard  art,  and  determined  the 
direction  in  which  it  was  destined  to  develop.  As  the  XII 
century  advances  it  becomes  evident  that  the  current  of  influence 
which  in  earlier  times  had  emanated  from  Lombardy  into  northern 
Europe  and  especially  France,  was  reversed,  and  commenced 
to  flow  in  the  opposite  direction  from  France  into  Lombardy. 

In  recent  years  determined  eff'orts  have  been  made  to  lay 
all  these  currents  of  architectural  influence  at  the  door  of  the 
various  monastic  orders.  It  is  incontestable  that  certain  religious 
orders  possessed  a  characteristic  type  of  church-building,  and  it 
has  been  believed  that  such  monastic  types  constituted  a  sort  of 
international  clearing-house  by  means  of  which  artistic  ideas 
travelled  rapidly  from  one  end  of  Eiu'ope  to  the  other. 

The  earliest  of  the  reformed  orders  is  that  of  Cluny.  Since 
it  has  been  suspected  of  having  played  a  prominent  part,  first  in 
carrying  from  Italy  to  northern  Europe,  and  secondly  from 
northern  Europe  into  Italy,  architectural  features  of  importance, 
it  will  be  well  to  examine  in  some  detail  on  precisely  what  evidence 
these  theories  are  based. 

The  first  boasts  of  much  more  orthodox  sponsors  than  the 
second.  Founded  on  a  text  of  Raoul  Glaber,  and  embraced  by 
arch.neologists  of  such  reputation  as  Enlart^  and  Rivoira,"  it  has 
won  wide  acceptance. 

The  life  of  S.  Guglielmo,  written  by  Raoul  Glaber,  informs 
us  that  the  saint  was  born  in  Lombardy,  but  left  his  monastery 
in  the  diocese  of  Xovara  to  go  to  Cluny,  whither  he  accompanied 

1  214.  2  317  f. 

156 


CLUNIAC  ARCHITECTURE 

the  abbot  S.  Maiolo,  when  the  latter  was  returning  from  Rome. 
S.  Gughelmo  became  successive!}'-  abbot  of  St.-Saurin  and 
St.-Benigne  at  Dijon.  He  was  sent  to  the  latter  monastery  for 
the  express  purpose  ad  redintegranduin  divini  cultus  ordinem 
qui  in  eodem  loco  omnino  defecerat.  He  became  connected  also 
with  other  French  monasteries,  especially  Fecamp — in  fact,  he 
was  abbot  of  no  less  than  forty  abbeys.  He  is  believed  to  have 
restored  the  buildings  of  many  of  these.  It  is  certain  that  he 
rebuilt  the  ruined  church  of  St.-Benigne  at  Dijon.  In  addition 
to  his  other  activities  he  reformed  the  monastery  of  St.-Arnulj)h 
at  Metz.  He  then  set  out  for  Rome  on  a  pilgrimage,  but  fell 
sick  at  Vercelli.  On  this  occasion  he  founded  the  monastery  of 
Fruttuaria.  After  having  consecrated  the  church,  he  left  Italy 
and  returned  to  France.^ 

The  church  of  St.-Benigne  at  Dijon,  which  S.  Guglielmo 
reconstructed,  has  perished.  From  drawings  republished  by 
Rivoira*  and  from  the  ancient  cr3^pt,  which  is  still  extant,  it  is 
possible  to  form  some  idea  of  the  style  of  the  XI  century  edifice. 
The  only  features  in  it  which  betray  Lombard  influence  are  the 
arched  corbel-tables  grouped  three  and  three  on  one  of  the 
towers,  certainly  dating  from  long  after  the  time  of  S.  Guglielmo, 
and  one  cajiital  in  the  crypt,^  which  shows  some  influence  of  the 
style  of  ornament  current  in  Lombardy  about  the  middle  of  the 
X  century,  but  nevertheless  differs  by  certain  essential  charac- 
teristics from  Lombard  work.  It  would  seem  to  be  an  imitation 
of  Lombard  models  executed  by  local  workmen.  As  for  the  cubic 
capitals  upon  which  so  much  emphasis  has  been  laid  by  Enlart, 
they  are  utterly  unlike  anything  to  be  found  in  Lombardy  at 
this  or  at  later  epochs,  and  are  clearly  of  purely  local  origin." 

The  work  of  S.  Guglielmo  in  carrying  Lombard  forms  into 
Burgimdy  therefore  reduces  itself  to  very  small  dimensions. 
One  capital  executed  at  Dijon  shows  Lombard  influence,  but 

3  Rodulfl  Glabri,  De  Vita  S.  Ouillelmi  Divionensin,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CXLII, 
609  f. 

■I  319,  320,  325.  s  Reproduced  by  Ri%'oira,  324. 

6  The  statement  of  Enlart,  speaking  of  these  capitals:  "la  coupure  de  leurs 
angles  inf^rieurs  .  .  .  est  droite  et  ^troite  comrae  dans  les  monuments  lombards"  is 
contrary  to  fact,  since  capitals  of  this  type  are  not  found  in  Lombardy. 

157 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

is  of  a  type  which  seems  to  have  liad  no  further  influence  in  the 
North.  The  great  emphasis  which  has  been  laid  upon  S. 
Gughelmo  as  a  transmitter  of  artistic  ideas,  therefore,  seems  to 
be  entirely  misplaced.  The  famous  passage  of  Raoul  Glaber 
merely  proves  what  we  know  from  many  other  sources,  that  the 
monks  of  Cluny  were  constantly  passing  from  one  part  of  Europe 
to  another,  and  that  the  monastery  drew  many  of  its  most 
brilliant  followers  from  Lombardy.  Indeed,  it  is  well  known 
that  during  the  XI  century  northern  Italy  continued  to  supply 
France  and  Germany  with  scholars."  The  gradual  infiltration 
of  Lombard  elements  into  northern  Europe  probably  took  place 
through  the  continued  and  repeated  influence  of  such  emigrants 
from  Lombardy  or  of  pilgrims  who  passed  through  northern 
Italy  on  their  way  to  and  from  Rome,  and  brought  home  with 
them  distinct  impressions  of  the  new  architecture  they  had  seen. 
There  is  reason  to  think  that  the  order  of  Cluny  may  have  taken 
a  prominent,  though  by  no  means  exclusive,  part  in  the  propa- 
ganda of  these  new  architectural  ideas.  They  seem  to  have  been 
introduced,  however,  not  so  much  in  the  abbey  of  Cluny  itself, 
to  judge  from  the  drawings  and  fragments  that  have  come  down 
to  us,  as  in  the  Cluniac  monasteries  of  Xormandy. 

It  is  fortunately  possible  to  arrive  at  a  more  definite  con- 
clusion in  regard  to  the  converse  theory  championed  principally 
by  Sant'Ambrogio,  which  sees  in  the  Cluniac  order  an  agency  for 
transmitting  the  architectural  forms  of  the  North  to  Italy.  An 
examination  of  the  extant  Cliuiiac  churches  in  Lombardy  will, 
I  think,  soon  convince  us  that  this  thesis  is  entirely  untenable. 

The  earliest  Cluniac  establishment  in  northern  Italj'  of 
which  I  have  knowledge  is  the  abbey  of  Fruttuaria,  founded,  as 
we  have  seen,  by  S.  Guglielmo  c.  1019.  Of  the  ancient  buildings 
there  is  extant  only  the  campanile.  This  is  typically  Lombard 
in  style,  and  precisely  similar  in  all  essential  characteristics  to 
numerous  other  campanili  of  the  same  time  and  region.  It 
moreover  is  utterlj'  different  from  any  towers  ever  erected  in 
France,  since  it  stood  free  from  the  church  and  was  not  attached 
to  it,  as  was  invariably  the  case  north  of  the  Alps.    Of  the  Cluniac 

"  Glulini,  II,  300;  Maladra  e  Ranieri,  174-;  Romussi,  383. 

158 


CLUNIAC  ARCHITECTURE 

priory  of  S.  IMaioIo  in  Pavia,  no  drawings  or  remains  are  extant, 
so  that  it  is  imijossible  to  form  an  idea  of  the  architectural  forms. 
A  priory  was  established  at  Cazzago  in  1049,  and  another  one 
at  S.  Marco  of  Lodi  in  1068.  S.  Gabriele  at  Cremona  was 
founded  in  1076.*  Nothing  is  known  of  the  architectural  forms 
of  any  of  these  churches.  In  1099  the  priory  of  Calvenzano  was 
established  in  a  pre-existing  chapel  (Plate  38;  Plate  39;  Plate  40; 
Plate  41;  Plate  42,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4).  The  church  was  enlarged, 
but  in  the  additions  and  embellishments  we  search  in  vain  for 
any  trace  of  distinctively  northern  or  Cluniac  features.  The 
admirable  sculptures  of  the  west  portal  (Plate  42,  Fig.  7)  are 
executed  by  the  same  hand  as  the  fragments  of  the  tomb  of  S. 
Alberto,  in  the  Cluniac  establishment  of  Pontida  (Plate  189, 
Fig.  1,  2).  Details  of  iconography  give  these  works  an  intel- 
lectual stamp  in  which  may  be  traced  the  influence  of  the  learning 
of  the  order.  The  style  of  the  sculpture,  moreover,  is  not 
precisely  like  anything  else  extant  in  Lombardy.  It  may 
possibly  be,  therefore,  that  we  have  here  foreign  influence.  The 
matter  nevertheless  is  far  from  clear,  for  we  search  the  Xorth 
as  well  as  Italy  quite  in  vain  to  find  prototypes  for  these 
interesting  works  of  art. 

The  church  of  Cosio,  founded  in  1078,  still  stands  in  ruins. 
The  monument  is  singularly  without  distinction.  The  low  and 
broad  proportions  of  the  campanile,  which  rises  to  the  north-west 
of  the  choir,  may  perhaps  indicate  northern  influence,  but  in  the 
main  the  monument  is  a  typical  construction  of  the  region  in 
which  it  is  placed.  Similarly  the  choir  and  apses  of  Fontanella, 
built  between  1080  and  1090,  are  thoroughly  Lombard 
(Plate  90;  Plate  91;  Plate  92;  Plate  93,  Fig.  1).  The  three 
apses,  the  wooden-roofed  nave,  the  oi-nament  consisting  of  shafts, 
zigzags  and  arched  corbel-tables,  are  all  distinctively  Italian. 
Only  the  combination  of  transepts  and  three  apses  with  a  single- 
aisled  nave  and  the  diapering  in  inverted  letters  seem  exotic ;  but 
it  is  difficult  to  suggest  whence  these  motives  may  have  been 
derived.  Not  until  c.  1130  was  the  central  tower  (Plate  93, 
Fig.  3 ) ,  the  most  distinctively  Cluniac  feature  of  the  church, 

8  Monneret  de  Villard,  49-50. 

159 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

erected.  The  nave  added  at  this  time  is  entirely  Bergamasque, 
with  no  suggestion  of  foreign  influence. 

Of  the  priorj'  of  Cantu  founded  in  1086'  nothing  has  come 
down  to  us.  The  style  may,  however,  be  safely  inferred  from 
that  of  the  neighbouring  Cluniac  Badia  di  Vertemate  (1083- 
109.5).  This  is  still  well  preserved,  and  a  typical  building  in  the 
local  style  of  the  district  of  Como  (Plate  18,  Fig.  1),  offering 
many  close  analogies  with  the  contemporary  S.  Abondio  of  Como 
(Plate  58,  Fig.  2;  Plate  59,  Fig.  1),  but  containing  not  a  single 
feature  of  foreign  derivation  nor  peculiar  to  Cluniac  churches. 
At  INIonastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte  (c.  1090)  we  find,  however, 
several  distinctively  French  features,  such  as  flat  corbel-tables 
and  broad-leaved  capitals  (Plate  146,  Fig.  1,  2).  Whether  these 
foreign  features  are  due  to  the  influence  of  the  monks  of  Cluny 
or  to  the  geographical  position  of  the  church  on  an  Alpine  pass 
may  well  be  doubted.  The  central  tower  and  western  narthex 
seem  Cluniac.  The  cavea  cornice,  although  repeated  at 
Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte,  does  not  seem  distinctively  either 
French  or  Cluniac,  since  it  is  found  in  numerous  purelj'' 
Lombard  buildings.  With  the  exception  of  these  minor  features, 
the  design  of  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte  remains  essentially 
Lombard— witness  the  three  apses  with  shafts  and  arched  corbel- 
tables,  the  cubic  capitals,  the  sirens,  eagles  and  two  animals  with 
a  single  head  carved  upon  the  capitals. 

At  S.  Benedetto  di  Portesana,  which  dates  from  1099,  we 
find  nothing  distinctively  Cluniac.  The  church  of  Castelletto 
INIonastero  (c,  1110)  had  a  western  narthex  in  two  stories,  a 
feature  which  we  may  grant  to  be  Cluniac  and  northern.  Other- 
wise, however,  the  design  seems  to  have  been  Lombard — at  least 
as  far  as  it  is  possible  to  tell  in  the  present  condition  of  the  edifice. 
The  campanile  rises  to  the  south  of  the  crossing.  There  is 
nothing  distinctively  Cluniac  or  northern  at  Monastero  di 
Provaglio  (Plate  147,  Fig.  1).  There  are  extant  no  remains  of 
S.  Pietro  of  Besate,  near  Abbiate  Grasso,  which  appears  to  have 
been  built  about  1170.'"    The  churches  of  Piona  and  Voltorre  are 

0  Bernard,  IV,  773. 

10  Bonomi,  Brera  MS.,  AE,  XV,  36  f.,  476,  468. 

160 


CLUNIAC  ARCHITECTURE 

in  no  way  distinctively  Cluniac,  but  both  possibly  antedate  the 
foundation  of  the  priories. 

Summarizing  the  results  of  our  examination  of  the  extant 
remains  of  Cluniac  architecture  in  northern  Italy  we  are  forced 
to  conclude  that  it  was  of  very  minor  importance."  ^Nlost  of  the 
churches  are  exceedingly  small  in  size.  Such  chapels  could  hardl}"- 
have  impressed  builders  who  were  accustomed  to  erect  edifices 
from  every  point  of  view  more  imposing.  It  is  true  that  many 
Cluniac  churches  have  undoubtedly  perished,  for  we  know  that 
in  1095  Urban  II  confirmed  to  the  abbey  of  Cluny  no  less  than 
sixty-three  priories  and  churches  in  northern  Italy.  The  extant 
remains,  however,  amply  prove  that  in  Italy  there  was  no  dis- 
tinctively Cluniac  style,  and  the  modest  chapels  of  the  order  were 
obviously  built  by  local  workmen  and  in  a  purely  local  manner. 
If  foreign  features  were  occasionally  introduced — a  matter  which 
is  exceedingly  doubtful — they  were  never  copied  from  the  Cluniac 
churches  by  the  Lombard  builders.  Two  features  only  suggest 
the  possibility  that  this  Cluniac  architecture  may  to  some  slight 
degree  have  contributed  to  the  formation  of  the  Lombard  style. 
One  is  the  central  tower  and  the  other  the  western  narthex.  Both, 
however,  had  been  naturalized  in  the  local  architecture  long 
before  the  coming  of  the  Cluniac  monks,  and  therefore  can  not 
be  considered  to  have  been  introduced  by  them.  Only  the  tower 
of  the  church  of  S.  Fermo  di  Sopra,  bj'  its  low,  broad  proportions, 
suggests  that  it  may  have  been  copied  from  some  of  the  neigh- 
bouring Cluniac  priories.  This  is  the  sole  instance  that  I  know 
of  a  Cluniac  feature  adopted  in  a  non-Cluniac  church  in  northern 
Italy.  All  told,  the  evidence  proves  that  the  Cluniac  monks  in 
Italy  adopted  essentialh'  unaltered  the  local  style,  that  they  had 
no  distinctive  architecture  of  their  own,  and  that  they  were  not 
the  medium  of  transmitting  into  Itah'  the  artistic  ideas  of  the 
North. 

11  Xota  etiam,  quod  ordo  sancti  Benedict!,  quantum  ad  monachos  nigros,  longe 
melius  servatur  in  partibus  ultramontanis,  quam  in  partibus  italicis  (Salimbene,  ad  ann. 
1247,  ed.  Parma,  1857,  89). 


161 


CHAPTER  III.     CLOISTERS 

The  growing  importance  of  monasticism  in  the  XII  century 
finds  its  reflection  in  architecture  in  the  development  of  the 
cloister.  There  are  extant  in  northern  Italy  no  cloisters  of  the 
XI  century,  although  without  douht  important  monasteries  had 
possessed  such  a  feature.  Those  of  S.  Salutore  at  Turin,  ascribed 
to  c.  1050  by  Toesca,  have  unfortunately  been  buried.  The 
earliest  visible  example  in  Lombardy  is  at  S.  Alberto  di  Pizzo 
Como,  where  one  gallery  of  c.  1100  still  stands.  Some  fragments 
are  also  extant  of  the  cloister  of  Ivrea  (Plate  101,  Fig.  4), 
dating  from  c.  110.5.  The  now  destroyed  cloister  of  S.  Trinita 
at  Verona  was  earlier  than  1137.  It  had  central  doorways, 
single  colonnettes,  and  archivolts  of  a  single  unmoulded  order, 
supported  by  simple  splayed  or  cubic  capitals. 

This  native  type  of  Lombard  cloister  was  subsequently 
modified  by  influence  from  Provence.  As  early  as  1100  cloisters 
with  coupled  colonnettes  had  been  built  at  Moissac,  and  are 
characteristic  of  the  XII  century  schools  of  Provence,  Languedoc 
and  Spain.  In  1117  coupled  colonnettes  are  found  in  the  narthex 
of  S.  Trinita  of  Verona  (Plate  223,  Fig.  4).  In  1133  they 
appear  in  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (Plate  12,  Fig.  6). 
The  motive  is  repeated  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — c.  1175-1200 — 
(Plate  225,  Fig.  1;  Plate  234,  Fig.  2,  4),  a  monument  in  which 
the  Lombard  cloister  reaches  perhaps  its  most  perfect  develop- 
ment. Other  fine  Veronese  cloisters  are  those  of  S.  Giovanni 
in  Valle  (Plate  218,  Fig.  5),  and  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella 
(Plate  197 ;  Plate  198,  Fig.  3) .  The  cloisters  of  the  cathedral  of 
Verona  (c.  1185-1193)  are  in  two  stories  (Plate  216,  Fig.  3). 
The  type  of  cloister  developed  at  Verona  was  subsequently  copied 
at  Bologna,  where  we  have  admirable  examples  erected  c.  1180 
at  S.  Stefano  of  Bologna  (Plate  25,  Fig.  2)  and  at  S.  Ruffillo 
di  Bologna  (Plate  203,  Fig.  3;  Plate  204,  Fig.  1,  3),    Veronese 

162 


CLOISTERS 

marble  was  used  in  both  of  these  constructions.  The  contem- 
porary cloisters  of  Frassinoro,  in  the  Modenese,  were  of  the 
same  type. 

At  Voltorre  (c.  1180-c.  1195)  there  is  a  new  and  entirely 
different  type  of  cloister  (Plate  243,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  244, 
Fig.  1,  4).  In  three  of  the  four  galleries  flat  lintels  are 
substituted  for  arcades.  Similar  cloisters  were  erected  in  the 
XIII  century  at  Piona.  The  cloisters  of  JNIontechiarugolo, 
built  c.  1200,  seem  to  fall  half-way  between  the  Veronese  tj'pe 
and  the  arcaded  gallery  at  Voltorre  (Plate  148,  Fig.  1).  At 
Vezzolano  are  cloisters  dating  from  c.  1180-1189  (Plate  236, 
Fig.  1,  2,  4;  Plate  23T,  Fig.  2).  These  are  the  earliest  vaulted 
cloisters  in  Lombardy.  French  influence  is  shown  in  this  fact 
as  well  as  in  the  pointed  arches  and  the  ornament.  The  dis- 
tinctive feature  of  this  design,  however, — the  grouping  of  the 
arcade  arches  two  by  two  under  enclosing  arches — appears  to 
be  original.  It  was  reproduced  in  the  XIII  century  Gothic 
cloisters  of  Chiaravalle  (Plate  54,  Fig.  4). 


163 


CHAPTER  IV.     THE  TRANSITION  TO  GOTHIC 

During  the  JSIiddle  Ages  the  master-builders  themselves 
appear  to  have  been  more  powerful  agents  than  the  monks  or 
other  orders  of  clergj'  in  the  transmission  of  artistic  ideas.  Since 
the  actual  work  of  construction  was,  as  we  have  seen,  performed 
principally,  if  not  exclusively,  by  the  lay  builders,  it  Avas  only 
natural  that  artistic  conceptions  should  be  due  to  the  same 
source.  A  study  of  the  monuments  makes  it  evident  that  this 
was,  in  fact,  the  case. 

Master-builders  were  frequently  summoned  from  a  consid- 
erable distance.  Nicolo,  for  example,  worked  at  Sagra  S. 
JSIichele,  Piacenza,  Ferrara  and  Verona.  William  of  Sens  was 
called  to  England  to  construct  the  cathedral  of  Canterbury.  It 
was  therefore  natural  that  architectural  motives  discovered  in 
one  province  should  filter  into  the  style  of  contiguous  provinces, 
and  even  that  they  should  travel  considerable  distances  in  one 
leap,  as  it  were. 

Provence  is  separated  from  Piemonte  only  by  a  range  of 
mountains.  This  natural  barrier  undoubtedly  served  to  create 
a  sharper  distinction  between  the  styles  of  Provence  and 
Piemonte,  than  existed,  for  example,  between  those  of  Piemonte 
and  Lombardy;  but  nevertheless  there  was  constant  interchange 
of  artistic  ideas  between  the  two.  We  have  already  seen  that 
at  an  early  epoch  the  Lombard  rib  vault  found  its  way  to  Frejus 
(Plate  70,  Fig.  4),  Moissac  and  jNIarseilles.  In  a  succeeding 
chapter  we  shall  see  that  there  is  evident  relationship  between 
the  sculptures  of  the  cloister  at  ISIoissac  (Plate  142,  Fig.  1)  and 
those  of  Guglielmo  at  INIodena  (Plate  143,  Fig.  1).  It  has 
already  been  observed  that  the  coupled  columns  of  Provencal 
cloisters  found  their  way  to  Aosta  in  1133.  The  apse  of 
St.-Guilhem-le-Desert    (Plate   117,   Fig.    1)    was   undoubtedly 

164 


THE  TRANSITION  TO  GOTHIC 

inspired  by  some  Lombard  or  Piemontese  edifice,  as  a  comparison 
with  the  apse  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan  (Plate  117,  Fig.  5)  will 
convince  the  reader. 

It  therefore  seems  evident  that  at  least  as  early  as  the 
beginning  of  the  XII  century  there  was  a  close  relationship 
between  the  architecture  of  Provence  and  that  of  northern  Italy. 
At  first  the  current  seems  to  have  drifted — at  least  in  the  main — 
from  Lombardy  outwards,  but  it  soon  turned  and  flowed  in  the 
opposite  direction.  At  times  this  influence  leaped  from  Lan- 
guedoc  to  the  Veneto.  The  crossed  legs  of  Xicolo's  sculptures 
at  Verona,  executed  in  the  year  1139  (Plate  217,  Fig.  3) 
unquestionably  show  the  influence  of  Languedoc  sculptures. 

It  was,  however,  in  Piemonte — as  we  should  naturally 
expect — that  the  Provencal  influence  was  strongest.  Enlart  has 
already  pointed  out  that  the  barrel  vault  of  Cavagnolo  (Plate  51, 
Fig.  5),  erected  c.  1140,  shows  the  influence  of  southern  France 
where  this  type  of  construction,  unknown  in  Lombardy,  was 
frequent.  Although  I  have  some  doubt  whether  the  existing 
vault  be  ancient,  I  believe  that  the  observation  is  exact  and  that 
this  church  was  originally  barrel-vaulted.  French  influence 
appears,  not  only  in  the  barrel  vault,  but  in  the  broad-leaved 
capitals  of  distinctly  French  type  (Plate  51,  Fig.  5).  One 
capital  even  has  crockets.  If  we  compare  this  whole  design  with 
that  of  the  church  of  Charly  in  France  (Plate  51,  Fig.  6),  we 
shall  convince  ourselves  that  the  Piemontese  edifice  was  built 
under  a  strong  French  influence. 

The  projecting  archivolts  of  Cavagnolo  (Plate  51,  Fig.  5) 
are  another  distinctively  exotic  motive  which  is  repeated  in 
numerous  other  edifices,  such  as  jNIontiglio  (Plate  153,  Fig.  1). 
Even  more  characteristically  Provencal  are  the  classic  ornaments 
which  appear  in  Piemonte  about  this  time — eggs  and  darts 
(Plate  153,  Fig.  4),  frets,  bead-mouldings  and  billets  (Plate  153, 
Fig.  4).  Decoration  of  this  type  is  found  at  S.  ]Maria  ]SIaggiore 
of  Vercelli  (Plate  215,  Fig.  3),  Casale,  INIontiglio  and  in  many 
other  edifices.  At  the  end  of  the  XII  century  it  finds  its  way 
into  Emilia  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino  where  not  only  the  detail  (see, 
for  example,  Plate  30,  Fig.  1 ) ,  but  the  whole  composition  of 

165 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

the  facade  recalls  strongly  St.-Gilles  (Plate  27,  Fig.  2),  and 
St.-Trophime  of  Aries.  The  sculptures  of  Benedetto  at  Parma 
and  Borgo  S.  Donnino  show  Provencal  influence.  Even  earlier 
Xicolo  had  occasionally  drawn  his  ins})iration  from  this  source 
as  well  as  from  Languedoc,  as  a  comparison  of  the  bead-mouldings 
and  other  details  of  the  Chase  of  Theodoric  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona 
(Plate  229,  Fig.  2)  with  a  detail  of  St.-Gilles  (Plate  229, 
Fig.  1),  will  demonstrate. 

At  the  very  end  of  the  XII  century  Proven9al  influence  in 
Lomhardy  became  especially  strong.  The  trabeation  and 
insistence  upon  the  horizontal  line  in  the  facade  of  Vezzolano, 
built  in  1189  (Plate  235,  Fig.  1),  are  certainly  derived  from 
Provencal  models  which,  in  turn,  were  founded  upon  the  study 
of  classical  ruins.  This  classic,  horizontal  type  of  design  assumed 
great  importance  in  Lombardy  at  the  end  of  the  XII  century. 
In  the  baptistery  of  Parma  we  find  flat-linteled  galleries 
(Plate  163,  Fig.  1),  classic  capitals  and  niches  in  the  thiclcness 
of  the  wall.  The  classic  treatment  of  the  four  minor  sides  of  the 
octagon  in  the  lower  story  externally,  that  is  to  say,  the  use  of 
two  columns  supporting  a  lintel  and  enclosed  under  an  arch 
(Plate  163,  Fig.  1),  is  probably  derived  from  the  same  source. 
In  three  galleries  of  the  cloisters  of  Voltorre  architraves  are 
introduced  instead  of  archivolts  (Plate  24.3,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  244, 
Fig.  1,4). 

In  view  of  all  this,  we  may  conclude  that  a  decided  influence 
from  southern  France  began  to  reach  Lombard}^  at  least  as  early 
as  the  fourth  decade  of  the  XII  century. 

Soon  after,  and  by  much  the  same  natural  means,  the 
influence  of  the  Ile-de-France  began  to  permeate  into  northern 
Italy.  The  new  architectural  forms  were  not  imported  by  the 
monastic  orders  nor  wholesale.  They  filtered  in  gradually  one 
by  one,  precisely  as  did  the  southern  French  motives.  The 
greater  distance  between  the  Ile-de-France  and  Piemonte  was 
compensated  for  by  the  greater  strength  and  virility  of  the  royal 
French  school  and  the  reputation  which  it  soon  acquired. 
Ornamental  details  were  the  first  to  arrive,  and  as  early  as  c.  11.50, 
for  example,  we  find  at  JNIontiglio  a  crocketed  capital.      The 

166 


THE  TRANSITION  TO  GOTHIC 

gradual  growth  and  diffusion  of  Gothic  ornamental  detail  will 
be  studied  in  a  subsequent  chapter. 

Pointed  arches  hardly  appear  in  northern  Italy  before  the 
third  quarter  of  the  XII  century.  This  characteristic  feature 
of  the  Gothic  style  appears  to  have  been  imported,  not  from  the 
Ile-de-France  direct,  but  from  some  of  the  southern  provinces. 
It  will  be  recalled  that  the  pointed  arch  was  used  at  an  early 
epoch  in  southern  French  Romanesque.  In  the  cloisters  at  S. 
Zeno  at  Verona,  begim  c.  1175,  the  pointed  arch  appears  in  a 
purely  decorative  manner  (Plate  234,  Fig.  2,  4) .  These  cloisters 
show  manj^  points  of  contact  with  those  of  Provence,  and  the 
pointed  arch  seems  here  to  have  been  introduced  merely  as  a 
decorative  feature  of  the  exotic  style,  which  pleased  the  builders. 
The  pointed  arch  is  found  in  the  contemporaneous  portions  of 
Sagra  S.  JNIichele.  This  monastery,  built  on  one  of  the  main 
passes  leading  from  Piemonte  into  Savoie,  would  naturally,  from 
its  geographical  situation,  be  peculiarh^  exposed  to  influences 
from  the  contiguous  French  provinces.  It  was,  moreover,  an 
abbey  founded  by  a  Frenchman,  enjoying  numerous  possessions 
in  France,  peculiarly  connected  with  French  pilgrims,  and 
therefore  especiallj^  susceptible  to  French  architectural  influence. 
At  Viboldone,  in  1176,  pointed  arches  were  introduced  as  a 
structural  feature  in  connection  with  the  groin  vaults  of  the  choir 
(Plate  239,  Fig.  2).  They  were  used  decorativeh',  however,  in 
the  destroyed  nave  of  the  cathedral  of  Ferrara,  dating  from  1177. 
At  JMonteveglio  in  1185  the  arches  of  the  wall  ribs  and  main 
arcade  are  pointed.  In  the  cathedral  of  Verona,  built  from 
c.  1185-1193,  there  is  a  completely  Gothic  vault  with  pointed 
arches. 

The  earliest  example  of  pointed  arches  in  a  Cistercian 
edifice  that  I  can  name  is  to  be  found  in  the  transverse,  wall  and 
main-arcade  arches  of  ^Nlorimondo,  dating  from  1186  (Plate  154, 
Fig.  2 ) .  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  pointed  arch  had  been 
naturalized  in  Lombardy  for  upwards  of  a  decade  before  it  was 
adopted  by  the  Cistercians.  A  comparison  of  this  church  with 
the  baptistery  of  Varese,  built  in  the  following  year  (1187)  will 
convince  the  reader  that  the  Cistercians,  far  from  being  quicker, 

167 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

were  slower  than  the  secular  cler^'  to  adopt  Gothic  forms.  The 
southern  portal  of  this  haptistery  (Plate  214,  Fig.  4)  is  com- 
pletely Gothic  in  style.  Pointed  arches  are  found  in  the  triforia 
of  the  nave  at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Bergamo  in  1187.  At 
Ranverso  in  1188  pointed  arches  are  freely  introduced,  together 
with  much  debased  Gothic  detail  (Plate  190,  Fig.  4).  This 
edifice,  like  Sagra  S.  JNIichele,  is  placed  on  the  great  road  of  the 
Mt.-Cenis.  At  Vezzolano  in  Piemonte  we  have,  in  1189,  pointed 
arches  freely  introduced  in  the  church  and  the  cloister  (Plate  236, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3,' 4;  Plate  237,  Fig.  2)  and  a  jube  (Plate  237,  Fig.  1) 
of  pure  French  Gothic  style.  Were  it  not  for  the  mouldings  of 
the  archivolt  we  might  believe  it  a  work  of  a  builder  of  the  roj^al 
domain.  How  purely  French  is  the  detail  will  be  apparent  upon 
comparing  a  capital  (Plate  238,  Fig.  1)  with  a  capital  of 
St.-^NIartin-des-Champs  at  Paris  (Plate  238,  Fig.  3).  Strangely 
enough  this  same  type  of  capital  found  its  way  into  southern 
Italy  also,  and  may  be  seen  at  S.  Lorenzo  at  Amaseno  (Plate  238, 
Fig.' 2). 

C.  1190  pointed  arches  are  found  in  the  main-arcade  and 
transverse  arches  of  Crescenzago  (Plate  87,  Fig.  3),  and  in  the 
vaults  of  the  nave  of  the  cathedral  of  Cremona.  Five  years  later 
they  are  used  throughout  consistently  in  the  nave  of  Viboldone 
(Plate  239,  Fig.  2).  After  the  year  1200  they  appear  with 
increasing  frequency — as,  for  example,  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino 
(Plate  30,  Fig.  4)  or  in  the  side  aisles  of  Lomello  (Plate  110, 
Fig.  3) — although  round  arches  frequently  survive. 

At  Aosta,  near  the  frontier,  the  campanile  of  S.  Orso, 
erected  in  1151,  clearly  shows  French  influence  in  its  octagonal 
spire  with  four  angle  turrets. 

It  is  difficult  to  say  at  what  time  Gothic  architecture  became 
established  in  northern  Italy.  The  style  of  Lombardy  never 
became  so  completely  French  as  did  that  of  most  portions  of 
northern  Europe,  and  only  exceptionally  (as  in  the  cathedral 
of  ^Milan)  was  the  native  style  completely  overwhelmed  by 
imported  models.  Throughout  the  XIII  and  XIV  centuries 
something  of  the  old  Lombard  Romanesque  continued  to  live 
on    amid    French    elements.      Sometimes    Romanesque    forms 

168 


THE  TRANSITION  TO  GOTHIC 

survived  practically  untouched  by  Gothic  as  late  as  the  XIV 
century,  as  has  been  already  observed.  The  earliest  example  of 
a  purely  Gothic  edifice  in  Lombardy  that  I  know  is  the  part  of 
S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan  reconstructed  after  the  fall  of  the  vaults 
in  1196  and  now  unfortunately  destroyed  (Plate  119,  Fig.  1). 
Another  early  example  of  a  church  in  which  the  native  Roman- 
esque element  was  completely  subjugated  to  the  imported  Gothic 
is  found  in  S.  Maria  Assunta  of  Borgo  Nuovo/  This  edifice 
is  surelj^  dated  by  inscriptions  1211-1227.  It  again  demonstrates 
that  Gothic  forms  reached  Italy,  not  through  the  Cistercians,  nor 
by  wholesale  importation  in  a  conspicuous  edifice,  but  by  a 
process  of  gradual  infiltration. 

1  (Piacenza). 


169 


CHAPTER  V.     CISTERCIAN  ARCHITECTURE 

Having  traced  the  gentle  steps  bjj^  which  the  half-hearted 
transition  to  Gothic  was  accomplished  in  northern  Italy,  we  are 
now  in  a  position  to  estimate  at  its  true  worth  the  architecture 
of  the  Cistercians.  Of  late  years  the  thesis  of  Enlart  that 
Gothic  arcliitecture  was  spread  into  various  portions  of  Europe, 
and  especially  into  Italy,  through  the  agency  of  the  Cistercians, 
has  been  widely  accepted.  It  is  not  our  concern  here  to  examine 
whether  this  thesis  be  or  be  not  supported  by  facts  in  other 
regions;  but  it  is  important  to  demonstrate  its  falsity  in  I^om- 
bardy,  since  otherwise  the  entire  nature  of  the  transition  to  Gothic 
will  be  misunderstood.  It  may  be  that  the  abbey  of  Aduard, 
in  Flanders,  constructed  by  a  lay  brother  who  went  to  Clairvaux 
and  made  drawings  of  the  mother-abbey,  was  the  beginning  of 
Gothic  architecture  in  those  regions,  although  what  we  know  of 
mediaeval  methods  of  building  would  cause  us  to  regard  this 
chain  of  evidence  with  grave  suspicion.  It  may  be  that  the  abbey 
of  Fossanova  (1187-1208)  was  the  agent  bj'^  which  Gothic 
architecture  was  introduced  into  central  Italy,  though  we  have 
seen  the  French  Gothic  style  permeating  little  by  little  at 
Corneto  Tarquinia,  nearly  thirty  years  earlier;  but  it  is  clearly 
and  demonstrably  false  that  Gothic  architecture  was  introduced 
into  Lombardy  by  means  of  the  Cistercians.  Enlart's  assertion 
is  based  upon  a  superficial  and  inexact  examination  of  the 
evidence.  Of  the  eight  extant  Cistercian  abbeys  of  northern 
Italy,  he  appears  to  have  known  only  two.  His  lack  of  famil- 
iarity with  the  non-Cistercian  architecture  of  the  region  may  be 
inferred  by  such  gross  mistakes  as  the  statement  that  part  of 
S.  Ambrogio  fell  in  109G,'  and  the  fact  that  he  is  ignorant  that 
the  vaults  of  Montiglio  are  modern.' 

1  Michel,  Histoire  de  I'Art,  II,  pt.  I,  82. 

-  Ibid.,  I,  pt.  -2,  55.  In  this  connection  see  Guido  Marangoni,  II  "Sant'Andrea" 
di  Vercelli,  in  Rassegna  d'Arte,  Anno  IX,  1909,  122,  154,  180. 

170 


CISTERCIAN  ARCHITECTURE 

We  shall  arrive  best  at  a  true  conception  of  the  Cistercian 
style  in  northern  Italy  if  we  examine,  in  some  detail,  the  extant 
monuments.  The  earliest  is  the  Abbazia  di  Albino,  of  which  the 
choir  was  built  between  1134  and  1136  (Plate  1,  Fig.  1,  2) .  This 
part  of  the  edifice  shows  no  Cistercian  nor  ultramontane  charac- 
teristics. It  is  a  typical  edifice  of  the  region  in  which  it  stands. 
There  are  three  apses,  vaults  of  the  Lombard  rib  or  groin  type, 
no  transepts  nor  central  tower.  The  influence  of  the  Cistercian 
rule  is  visible  only  in  the  severe  simplicity  and  lack  of  adornment. 
The  nave,  erected  1136-1142,  shows  no  change  of  style  except 
that  the  diagonals  of  the  ribs  are  given  a  torical  profile  (Plate  1, 
Fig.  1).  This  is  undoubtedly  the  result  of  French  influence, 
since  such  a  profile  is  frequentlj^  found  in  French  churches  of 
earlier  date,  while  it  was  hitherto  unknown  in  Lombardy.  It 
became  one  of  the  most  characteristic  features  of  the  Lombard 
Cistercian  style. 

Of  the  abbey  of  Tiglieto,  dating  from  c.  1135,  enough 
remains  to  show  that  the  piers  were  T-shaped,  the  nave  roofed 
in  wood,  the  side  aisles  groin-vaulted,  the  edifice  plain  and 
unadorned.  That  is  to  say,  we  have  here  again  a  Cistercian  abbey 
built  in  the  purely  local  style,  except  that  everything  possible 
was  done  to  eliminate  ornament  and  give  the  edifice  an  air  of 
severe  simplicity. 

Of  the  great  abbej'  of  Lucedio  only  the  base  of  the  campanile 
is  extant.  Chiaravalle  INIilanese,  on  the  other  hand,  is  well 
preserved,  and,  what  is  almost  equally  important,  surely  dated. 
The  construction  was  begun  in  1135.  Altars  were  consecrated 
in  1196,  the  entire  church  in  1221.  In  this  edifice  the  Cistercians 
formed  the  peculiar  type  of  architecture  that  was  to  be  charac- 
teristic of  all  their  churches  in  Lombard}-.  In  general  the 
building  is  essentially  of  the  local  Lombard  style.  The  alternate 
system  (Plate  55,  Fig.  1),  the  groin  vaults  of  the  side  aisles,  the 
construction  in  brick,  the  arched  corbel-tables,  the  transverse 
buttresses,  all  are  essentially  Milanese.  The  rib  vaults  ^Wth 
torus  diagonals  (Plate  55,  Fig.  1)  seem  to  have  been  copied 
from  Abbazia  di  Albino,  and  are,  as  we  have  seen,  ultimately 
derived  from  France.     The  broadly  projecting  transepts  and 

171 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

the  square  apses  (Plate  5i,  Fig.  1)  are  Cistercian  characteristics, 
doubtless  copied  from  other  churches  of  the  order  north  of  the 
Alps.  The  elaborate  central  tower  may  also  be  of  ultramontane 
origin  (compare  the  tower  of  Bage — Plate  54,  Fig.  2),  although 
the  feature  was  also  acclimated  in  Lomhardy.  In  its  essential 
striictm'al  and  decorative  characteristics,  therefore,  the  church 
of  Chiaravalle  JNIilanese  is  essentially  I^ombard.  Internal 
evidence  makes  it  clear  that  the  building  must  have  been  erected 
by  Lombard  workmen,  and  that  purely  Cistercian  and  ultra- 
montane influences  made  themselves  felt  chiefly  in  such  features 
as  the  monks  could  readily  control,  such  as,  for  example,  the 
plan  of  the  east  end  and  the  general  restraint  and  severity  of  the 
edifice.  It  is  notable  that  in  this  building  the  alternate  system 
was  retained,  although  the  Lombard  builders  had  long  before 
generally  discarded  the  construction. 

It  is  only  in  the  western  portions  of  Chiaravalle  ^Milanese, 
in  the  parts  built  after  1196,  that  French  influence  appears. 
Here  we  find  pointed  arches,  Gothic  capitals,  and  archivolts  in 
two  orders. 

The  abbey  of  Cerreto,  begun  c.  1140,  depended  upon 
Chiaravalle,  the  type  of  which  it  reproduced  (Plate  52,  Fig.  1,3). 
Rectangular  apses  covered  with  pointed  barrel  vaults,  an  alter- 
nate system,  diagonals  of  torus  section,  a  western  narthex,  cubic 
capitals,  transverse  alternate  buttresses,  simple  arched  corbel- 
tables  and  a  central  tower — all  these  features  found  at  Chiara- 
valle are  here  repeated  and  indeed  have  now  become  characteristic 
of  Cistercian  architecture.  Onl}^  two  features  of  Chiaravalle 
later  repeated  in  other  Cistercian  edifices  are  lacking  at  Cerreto. 
One  is  the  cylindrical  pier,  which  at  Chiaravalle  had  perhaps 
been  copied  from  the  Xorth  (compare  Plate  55,  Fig.  1,  with 
Plate  55,  Fig.  3),  and  the  other  is  the  broad  stairway  inside  the 
transept  leading  to  the  monastic  buildings  (Plate  55,  Fig.  2). 
In  the  general  design  we  have  the  same  restraint  and  simplicity. 

Of  the  monastery  of  Acquafrcdda,  founded  in  1142,^  the 
church  of  which  was  begun  in  1153  and  possibly  completed  in 
1193,  we  have  but  a  fragment  of  wall.    The  church  of  Chiaravalle 

3  Monneret  de  Villard,  54. 

172 


CISTERCIAN  ARCHITECTURE 

della  Colomba,  begun  in  114.5,  is,  however,  well  preserved.  The 
design  is  very  closely  analogous  to  the  Cistei'cian  edifices  we  have 
alread}'  studied  (Plate  53,  Fig.  2,  3) .  Indeed,  the  interior  differs 
from  that  of  Cerreto  only  in  that  the  diagonals  are  somewhat 
thinner,  and  that  an  intermediate  sj'stem  (perhaps  a  step  towards 
the  uniform  system)  is  introduced.  There  are  flat  corbel-tables 
and  ornaments  are  introduced  on  the  cubic  capitals.  Ultra- 
montane influence  is  possibly  visible  in  the  design  of  the  western 
narthex  (Plate  53,  Fig.  3)  which  resembles  that  of  the  church 
of  Urcel  in  France  (Plate  53,  Fig.  1). 

These  three  great  Cistercian  abbeys  of  the  first  half  of  the 
XII  century — Chiaravalle  INIilanese,  Cerreto  and  Chiaravalle 
della  Colomba — differ  from  the  final  type  evolved  at  INIorimondo 
in  that  the  former  have  alternate  system  with  round  arches,  while 
the  latter  has  a  uniform  system  with  pointed  arches.  Inter- 
mediate between  the  two  types  stand  the  two  important  abbeys 
of  Staffarda  and  Rivalta  Scrivia.  The  former,  built  c.  1160, 
falls  without  the  geographical  limits  of  this  book,  which  is 
unfortunate  since  the  monument  is  exceedingly  interesting.  It 
conforms  to  the  usual  Cistercian  type,  except  that  the  apses  are 
semicircular  and  certain  of  the  diagonals  have  a  rectangidar 
section.  The  system  is  uniform,  and  there  are  some  pointed 
arches.  The  capitals  are  of  cubic  or  block  Corinthian  type,  and 
the  church  is  preceded  by  a  western  narthex. 

The  second  intermediate  abbej%  Rivalta  Scrivia,  was  begun 
in  1180.  It  has  square  apses  and  alternate  system,  toric 
diagonals,  pointed  arches,  French  capitals  and  archivolts  in  two 
orders  (Plate  192,  Fig.  1,  2,  3). 

The  final  development  of  the  Cistercian  abbey  is  illustrated 
by  INIorimondo  (Plate  154,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4),  of  which  the  church 
was  begun  in  1186.  The  four  eastern  bays  of  the  nave  were 
finished  in  1197.  Work  was  resumed  in  1200,  the  nave  was 
finished  before  1237,  and  the  facade  erected  in  1296.  Even  at 
this  late  date  the  building  remains  essentially  a  Lombard 
Romanesque  structure.  The  square  apses,  the  central  tower  and 
the  toric  diagonals  confoi-m  to  the  Cistercian  type.  French 
influence  appears  in  the  pointed  arches  and  in  certain  capitals. 

173 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

A  western  exterior  narthex  is  characteristic  of  many  of  the 
Cistercian  edifices.  Since  narthcces  often  occur  in  Lombard 
secular  churches  of  the  XII  century,  it  will  be  well  to  examine 
the  history  of  the  feature  in  some  detail  to  determine  whether 
it  could  have  been  imported  by  the  Cistercians.  And  first  let 
us  observe  that  Cistercian  edifices  were  regularly  constructed 
from  the  east,  so  that  the  narthex  was  the  last  part  built.  Thus, 
none  of  the  extant  Cistercian  nartheces — Chiaravalle  JNIilanese 
(Plate  5i,  Fig.  3) ,  Cerreto,  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba  (Plate  53, 
Fig.  3) — is  earlier  than  the  XIII  century. 

On  the  other  hand,  atria  and  nartheces  had  probably  been 
constructed  in  Lombardy  from  Early  Christian  times.  The 
restorers  believed  that  an  atriimi  existed  at  S.  ^"incenzo  of  INIilan, 
which  in  that  case  would  have  been  erected  c.  830.  At  the 
cathedral  of  Xovara  and  S.  Fedele  of  Como  atria  were  probably 
erected  in  the  X  centurJ^  These  courts  were  particularly  adapted 
to  a  southern  climate,  Avhere  they  afforded  refuge  from  the 
excessive  heat  of  the  summer  sini.* 

At  Sannazzaro  Sesia  in  lOiO  there  was  constructed  an 
interior  narthex  of  three  aisles,  with  galleries  (Plate  200; 
Plate  202,  Fig.  1).  This  abbey  had  no  connection  with  the 
Cluniac  order,  and  it  is  therefore  improbable  that  the  design  is  in 
any  way  derived  from  Cluniac  tradition.  It  probably  had  a  far 
more  natural  origin  in  the  logical  requirements  of  a  monastic 
church.  Where  there  was  a  large  body  of  monks  it  was  felt 
proper  that  the  lay  congregation  should  be  kept  separated  from 
the  clerg}',  and  that  the  latter  should  be  able  to  celebrate  the 
offices  in  privacy  as  it  were,  vmdisturbed  by  the  presence  of 
secular  persons.  On  the  other  hand,  the  laity  desired  to  be 
present  at  the  offices.  The  matter  was  arranged  by  the  con- 
struction of  an  ample  narthex  or  fore-court  separated  from  the 
main  body  of  the  church  by  a  heavy  screen.  The  church  itself 
could  thus  be  given  to  the  exclusive  use  of  the  monks,  while  the 
narthex  accommodated  the  laity. 

*  Quasi  omnes  Parochiae  Civitatis,  ut  nonnuUae  progenies  Nobilium  singulas 
porticiis  habent,  iibi  conversantur  Xobiles  &  multi  alii  Gives  (Anonymi  Ticinensis, 
De  Laudibus  Papiae,  XV,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  XI,  43). 

174 


CISTERCIAN  ARCHITECTURE 

A  much  less  extended  narthex,  serving  merely  as  a  vestibule, 
was  erected  at  Pombia  c.  1045.  The  great  atrium  of  S.  Ambrogio 
of  Milan  (Plate  116;  Plate  118,  Fig.  5;  Plate  120,  Fig.  6,  7)  was 
built  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  XI  centurj-.  There  was  a  similar 
atrium  before  the  church  of  S.  Stefano  reconstructed  after  1075. 
The  exterior  narthex  of  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte,  built 
c.  1090,  is  in  ruins,  but  it  is  clear  that  it  served  merely  as  a  sort 
of  vestibule,  although  this  church  belonged  to  the  Cluniac  order. 
In  the  Benedictine  abbey  of  S.  Abondio  of  Como  the  destroyed 
narthex  was  in  two  stories  and  of  extended  dimensions.  The 
upper  story,  known  as  the  jjaradiso,  opened  upon  a  tribune  in 
the  western  bay  of  the  nave.  There  was  a  western  narthex  at 
S.  Giacomo  of  Como,  built  c.  1105,  and  a  narthex  with  tower 
in  the  contemporary  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia.  There  was 
undoubtedly  a  western  narthex  at  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (1107) 
and  another  at  S.  Vitale  delle  Carpinete  (c.  1110).  It  appears 
clear,  therefore,  that  this  feature,  so  characteristic  of  Lombard 
design  in  the  XII  century,  was  indigenous  to  the  local  style  and 
not  imported  either  by  the  Cluniacs  or  the  Cistercians. 

The  Cluniac  priorj^  of  Castelletto  JNIonastero,  dating  from 
c.  1110,  has  a  western  narthex  of  two  stories,  but  the  contem- 
porary narthex  of  S.  Lorenzo  in  Verona  appears  to  be  indigenous 
and  derived  from  Early  Christian  and  Byzantine  models  rather 
than  from  Cluny.  Entirely  Lombard  also  was  the  exterior 
narthex — or,  rather,  portico — of  S.  Stefano  of  Pavia.  This 
seems  to  have  served  to  supply  a  shelter  from  the  sun  and  rain 
for  the  citizens,  who  there  found  a  convenient  lounging  place. 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  of  all  the  exterior  nartheces 
in  Lombardy  is  that  of  S.  Eufemia  of  Piacenza  (Plate  182, 
Fig.  2).^  The  vaults  are  modern  and  the  upper  part  of  the 
construction  is  Gothic,  but  the  capitals,  columns  and  walls  belong 
to  the  original  construction  of  c.  1120.  Like  the  destroyed 
nartheces  of  S.  Simpliciano  of  Milan  and  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro 
of  Pavia  this  porch  was  intended  merely  to  serve  as  a  vestibule 

5  The  interior  of  this  church  was  entirely  remade  in  the  recent  restoration.  It 
is  of  interest  chiefly  for  the  fragment  of  the  old  mosaic  pavement  depicting  a  monster. 

176 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

or  lounging  place  for  tlie  citizens.  The  destroyed  atrium  of 
S.  Giovaiuii  in  Borgo  of  Pavia  must  have  had  a  similar  scope. 

The  western  narthex  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona 
dates  from  1123.  In  the  destroyed  cathedral  of  Novara,  dating 
from  c.  112.'5,  there  was  an  interior  tribune  in  two  stories  over 
the  western  portal  (Plate  158).  The  atrium  of  this  cathedral 
appears  to  have  been  rebuilt  about  the  same  epoch  (Plate  156, 
Fig.  2 ) .  There  is  a  developed  western  narthex  at  Cavana  dating 
from  1130,  and  in  the  contemporary  Benedictine  abbey  of  S. 
Donato  at  Abbazia  di  Sesto  Calende,  there  is  a  three-aisled 
fore-structure  (Plate  1,  Fig.  3)  which  undoubtedly  served  to 
accommodate  the  laitj\  A  narthex  in  two  stories  formerly 
existed  at  S.  Eustorgio  of  jMilan,  and  seems  to  have  been  disposed 
like  that  of  S.  Ambrogio  (Plate  120,  Fig.  G,  7).  There  may 
possibly  have  been  an  atrium,  too,  since  a  cemetery  existed  to  the 
west  of  the  church.  There  was  an  interior  narthex  at  S.  Maria 
Maggiore  at  Vercelli,  dating  from  1148.  The  extraordinarily 
developed  narthex  of  the  collegiate  church  of  Casale  built  c.  1150 
(Plate  45,  Fig.  7;  Plate  40,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  47,  Fig.  2)  probably 
served  to  accommodate  the  laity.  The  exterior  narthex  of 
Ranverso,  dating  from  1188  (Plate  190,  Fig.  2),  seems  to  have 
been  merely  a  vestibule.  An  atrium  formerly  existed  at  S. 
Salvatore  of  Isola  Comacina,  since  it  is  mentioned  in  a  document 
of  1195."  The  interior  narthex  at  Fornovo,  built  c.  1200 
(Plate  94,  Fig.  1),  probably  served  for  the  laity. 

This  extended  examination  of  Lombard  atria  and  nartheces 
has  been  necessary  to  demonstrate  the  fact  that  the  fore-structures 
served  for  different  purposes,  and  that  they  are  an  indigenous 
element  of  the  Lombard  style.  There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that 
either  the  Cluniac  or  the  Cistercian  order  is  in  any  degree 
responsible  for  introducing  and  maintaining  in  popularity  the 
construction. 

iSIany  of  the  ultramontane  characteristics  introduced  into 
the  Cistercian  architecture  of  northern  Italy  never  influenced 
to  any  appreciable  extent  the  local  style.  Thus,  the  rectangular 
apses  so  typical  of  Cistercian  churches  but  very  seldom  were 

8  Monneret  de  Villard,  67. 

176 


CISTERCIAN  ARCHITECTURE 

reproduced  in  otlier  churches.'  Similarh',  the  pointed  barrel 
vaults  with  which  these  apses  were  covered  never  appear  to  have 
been  taken  over  in  other  Lombard  churches.  It  is  difficult  to 
determine  at  what  date  jiointed  barrel  vaults  were  introduced 
into  Cistercian  churclies,  since  it  happens  that  the  choirs  have 
been  remodelled  with  more  frequency'  than  almost  any  other 
part  of  the  edifice,  but  it  is  probable  that  they  appeared  as  early 
as  1140.' 

The  torus  profile  given  to  the  diagonal  was  the  most 
important  architectural  motive  which  the  Cistercians  introduced 
into  northern  Italy."  Characteristic  of  almost  all  vaulted  Cis- 
tercian edifices,  as  we  have  seen,  it  was  eventually  taken  up  by 
the  local  builders.  In  1188,  or  half  a  century  after  its  first 
introduction  at  Abbazia  di  Albino,  we  find  this  motive  at 
Ranverso  (Plate  190,  Fig.  4).  At  Viboldone  it  is  found  c.  1195 
(Plate  239,  Fig.  2).  It  reappears  in  the  vaults  of  Sagra  S. 
Michele  and  at  Vicofertile  (c.  1200).  It  subsequently  became 
characteristic  of  the  Gothic  architecture  of  northern  Italy. 

We  have  seen  that  central  towers  were  known  in  Lombardy 
long  before  the  coming  either  of  the  Cluniac  or  Cistercian  monks. 
Nevertheless  the  central  tower — and  especially  the  octangular 
central  tower — was  a  characteristic  feature  of  Cistercian 
churches.'"  It  is  clear  that  this  feature  of  Cistercian  design  did 
not  influence  the  development  of  the  normal  Lombard  central 
cupola. 

The  transept  stairways,  so  prominent  and  striking  a  feature 
of  Cistercian  internal  design — they  are  found,  for  example,  at 
Chiaravalle  ^Milanese  (Plate  55,  Fig.  2),  Chiaravalle  della 
Colomba  and  3Iorimondo — similarly  never  were  adopted  outside 
the  Cistercian  order. 

"  Cistercian  churches  did  not  always  hare  rectangular  apses.  At  Abbazia  di 
Albino  (Plate  1,  Fig.  3),  Staffarda  and  .\cquafredda  the  apses  are  semicircular. 

s  Pointed  barrel  vaults  are  found  at  Chiaravalle  Milanese,  Cerreto,  Chiaravalle 
della  Colomba,  etc. 

»  Toric  diagonal  and  transverse  ribs  are  found  in  certain  vaults  of  Montefiascone 
(Plate  151,  Fig.  5;  Plate  152,  Fig.  1). 

ii>The  central  tower  of  Cliiaravalle  della  Colomba  has  been  destroyed,  but 
undoubtedly  existed. 

177 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

The  real  influence  of  the  Cistercians  is  rather  to  be  sought  in 
something  more  intangible  than  in  definite  architectural  features, 
and  resides  principally  in  the  general  feeling  of  the  design. 
Surprising  as  the  observation  maj'  seem,  as  a  matter  of  fact 
Luther  and  St.  Bernard  were  strikingly  kindred  spirits.  In  both 
we  find  the  same  ideals  of  simplicity  and  directness,  the  same 
impatience  with  all  that  smacks  of  luxurj'  and  physical  delight. 
They  both  of  them  tended  to  carry  their  hatred  of  the  sensual 
even  to  the  point  of  condemning  the  beautiful  in  art.  Had 
Luther  lived  in  the  XII  century,  when  he  might,  perhaps,  have 
succeeded  in  the  purpose  which  he  actually  first  did  attempt — 
that  is  to  say,  the  reformation  of  the  Church  from  within — -his 
accomplishment  would  not  have  been  dissimilar  to  that  of 
St.  Bernard. 

There  is  therefore  in  the  Cistercian  order  a  certain  severity 
which  is  akin  to  Puritanism.  Scorning  the  attention  which  the 
Benedictine  and  Cluniac  monks  had  bestowed  upon  the  sumptu- 
ousness  of  the  church  edifice,  shunning  architectural  ornament 
as  a  danger,  if  not  an  actual  sin,  since  it  tended  to  distract  the 
thoughts  from  the  more  essential  parts  of  religion,  the  Cistercian 
order  renounced  and  set  its  distinct  disapproval  upon  much  that 
had,  up  to  that  time,  been  most  vital  in  mediaeval  architecture. 
The  towers  and  tm-rets  which  form  so  characteristic  a  feature  of 
design  in  many  northern  schools  were  condemned  as  unnecessary 
vanities.  The  Cistercian  monastery  should  have  but  one  tower, 
to  serve  only  the  utilitarian  purpose  of  housing  the  bells. 
Although  this  tower  seems  to  have  been  seldom  of  wood,  as  the 
strict  interpretation  of  the  rule  would  seem  to  require,  it  was 
generally  simple  and  low  and  placed  over  the  crossing.  The 
builders  were  obliged  to  renounce  the  twin  towers  flanking  the 
facade  which  had  afforded  so  successful  a  design  for  the  west 
end  of  the  basilica. 

The  Cistercians  felt  that  mosaic  pavements  should  be 
renounced,  because  it  was  not  right  for  man  to  tread  the  images 
of  the  saints  under  foot.  The  grotesque  cajjitals  and  carvings 
in  which  the  XI  century  had  so  delighted  were  condemned  as 
irreligious   and   imfitting   for   the   house   of   God.      Sculpture, 

178 


CISTERCIAN  ARCHITECTURE 

stained-glass  windows  and  figure  frescos  were  disapproved  of, 
perhaps  because  it  was  believed  that  money  expended  in  such 
embellishments  might  be  better  used  in  giving  alms  to  the  poor. 
The  builders,  accordingly,  were  obliged  to  give  up  that  decoration 
in  fresco  upon  which  they  had  so  largely  depended  for  the 
jesthetic  effect  of  their  architecture.  In  its  place  they  substituted 
polychome  masonry,  seeking  by  contrast  and  play  of  colours  to 
atone  in  some  measure  for  the  absence  of  frescos  and  relieve  the 
monotony  of  the  wall.  Polychrome  masonry,  however,  seldom 
or  never  found  its  way  into  the  Cistercian  churches,  the  walls  of 
which  usually  remain  severe  and  unadorned.  It  was  used  chiefly 
in  secular  churches  in  which  an  attempt  was  made  to  reconcile 
Cistercian  ideals  with  something  of  aesthetic  charm.  In  defer- 
ence to  the  Cistercians  frescos  were  omitted,  but  in  deference  to 
the  artistic  feelings  of  the  people,  another  decoration  was  found 
in  their  place. 

Thus,  in  Cistercian  abbeys,  all  ornament,  all  embellishment, 
was  reduced  to  the  lowest  possible  terms.  The  church  remained 
vast  and  imposing,  but  it  became  cold  and  bare. 

This  austere,  Puritanistic  character  of  Cistercian  architecture 
is  of  immense  importance  for  the  history  of  art.  From  one  point 
of  view  the  influence  was  salutary.  The  exuberant,  almost 
extravagant,  richness  and  imagination  of  the  earlier  period  gave 
place  to  restraint,  dignity  and  sobrietj'.  Architecture  became 
purer  and  more  chaste.  The  wild  capitals  of  the  earlier  period, 
with  their  splendidly  imaginative  if  barbaric  decorations,  yielded, 
first  to  cubic  capitals  of  the  utmost  simplicitjr,  and  then  to  French 
Gothic  capitals  of  severe  design. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Cistercian  Puritanism  tended,  just 
as  did  the  Reformation  three  centuries  later,  to  produce  monotony 
and  dulness  in  architecture.  In  the  great  Cistercian  edifices  the 
vast  stretches  of  brick  walls  unrelieved  by  any  ornament  save 
the  severe  cornice,  the  formal  regular  rhythm  of  the  nave  arcades, 
the  frescoless  interior,  the  single  central  tower,  the  flat  sky  line, 
the  absence  of  sculpture,  painted  decoration  and  glass,  all  tended 
to  produce  an  effect  of  dreariness.  The  coldness  and  severity 
of  these  Cistercian  edifices  influenced  profoundly,  although  not 

179 


L0:\IBA11D  ARCHITECTURE 

always  in  an  absolutely  tangible  manner,  tbe  XII  century  art 
of  Italy.  The  secular  churches  became  more  and  more  restrained, 
more  and  more  severe.  At  length,  in  the  XIII  century,  the 
entire  architecture  of  northern  Italy  assumes  a  cold  and  monoto- 
nous character,  in  which  the  influence  of  Cistercian  ideals  is 
clearly  felt. 

Cistercian  churches  influenced  the  local  architecture  also  in 
certain  definite  characteristics — though  not  always  important 
ones — which  it  is  possible  to  trace.  INIotives  of  Cistercian  origin 
usually  sj)read  first  to  those  other  orders  which  were  more  or  less 
directly  influenced  by  Cistercian  ideals.  Of  these  the  most 
important  was  that  of  the  canons  regular,  especially  of  the  rule 
of  St.  Augustine. 

In  the  church  of  jNIontechiarugolo,  which  dates  from  c.  1145, 
the  Augustine  canons  erected  a  rectangular  apse  and  a  central 
eastern  tower.  This  looks  like  a  very  early  example  of  Cistercian 
influence  in  a  collegiate  chin'ch.  No  other  instance  ajjpears  for 
some  time.  S.  Vittore  at  S.  Ruffillo  di  Bologna  is  a  characteristic 
Augustinian  church  with  a  jube  (1178).  Distinct  Cistercian 
iTifluence  appears,  however,  in  the  cliurch  of  Monteveglio,  dating 
from  1185.  This  is  evident  in  the  simplicity  of  the  structure, 
the  characterless  capitals,  the  exterior  of  brick  relieved  only  by 
arched  corbel-tables. 

The  vaults  of  the  collegiate  church  of  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan, 
erected  c.  118.5,  show  Cistercian  influence  in  their  toric  profile, 
as  do  those  of  the  baptistery  at  Varese,  built  in  1187.  The 
Augustinian  chinx-h  of  Vezzolano  combines  a  jube  characteristic 
of  that  order  with  a  design  that  in  its  general  dreariness  savours 
strongly  of  Cistercian  influence  (Plate  237,  Fig.  1;  Plate  23G, 
Fig.  3).  The  Augustinian  churcli  of  Crescenzago,  built  c.  1190, 
is  demonstrably  a  copy  of  the  Cistercian  abbey  of  Morimondo. 
(Compare  Plate  87,  Fig.  2,  3,  with  Plate  154,  Fig.  2,  4).  The 
cylindrical  piers,  the  toric  diagonals,  the  vmiform  sj'stem,  the 
pointed  arches,  the  severity  of  the  design,  the  pointed  barrel 
vaults,  and  the  treatment  of  the  exterior,  all  are  founded  upon 
Cistercian  teaching.  Even  in  central  Italy,  I^ombard  Cistercian 
influence  foimd  its  way  in  1207  into  the  church  of  S.  INIaria 

180 


CISTERCIAN  ARCHITECTURE 

Maggiore  at  Corneto,  where  the  vaults  were  reconstructed  with 
toric  profile  (Plate  76,  Fig.  5;  Plate  77,  Fig.  2,  6,  7). 

Cistercian  influence  permeated  also  the  architecture  of  the 
orders  of  the  Umiliati  and  of  the  Antoniani.  Of  the  former  we 
have  the  church  at  Viboldone,  built  in  1176.  The  square  apses, 
the  cylindrical  piers,  the  toric  diagonals  and  the  general  lack 
of  adornment,  demonstrate  Cistercian  influence  (Plate  239, 
Fig.  2).  The  Antonian  monastery  of  Ran  verso,  built  in  1188, 
also  betrays  Cistercian  influence  in  the  diagonals  of  toric  profile 
and  the  general  simplicity  of  the  structure. 

If  I  have  wearied  the  reader  with  so  lengthy  an  examination 
of  Cistercian  churches  and  their  characteristics,  it  has  been 
because  this  is  the  only  way  to  demonstrate  the  somewhat  subtle 
character  of  the  relationship  of  churches  of  this  order  to  the  local 
architecture  of  Lombardy.  From  what  has  been  said  I  think  it 
will  be  clear  that  the  Cistercians  were  in  no  way  responsible  for 
introducing  Gothic  architecture  into  Lombardy.  They  did, 
however,  create  a  type  of  church-building  peculiarly  their  own, 
essentially  Lombard  in  its  character,  but  modified  by  certain 
Cistercian  and  ultramontane  characteristics.  A  few  of  these 
characteristics,  not  of  themselves  of  essential  importance,  spread 
into  the  chiu'ches  of  the  Augustine  canons,  other  canons  or  of 
the  Umiliati  or  Antoniani.  The  toric  diagonal  even  became 
characteristic  of  the  local  style  of  all  Lombardy.  The  chief 
influence  of  the  Cistercian  order,  however,  was  rather  intangible, 
and  consisted  in  the  introduction  of  severer  ideals  which  lead  to 
monotony  and  dreariness  in  the  architecture  of  the  end  of  the 
XII  century  in  Lombardy. 


181 


PART  II.    ORNAMENT 


Book  I.    Development  Between 

c.  600  AND  c.  1000 

chapter  I.     CAPITALS 

Since  the  capital  is  the  most  characteristic  decorative  feature 
of  the  medigeval  church,  it  will  be  well  to  begin  our  study  of 
Carlovingian  ornament  in  Lombard}^  with  an  analysis  of  the 
various  tj^pes  of  capital  executed  betAveen  the  VII  and  X 
centuries.  It  must  be  confessed  at  the  outset  that  the  frequent 
use  of  pilfered  material  makes  the  study  singularly  difficult. 
Comparatively  few  monuments  of  this  age  are  extant,  and  in 
those  that  have  survived  new  capitals  appear  to  have  been  carved 
only  exceptionally,  for  pilfered  material  was  generally  used. 
Even  when  new  capitals  were  executed,  they  were  frequently 
imitated  so  closely  from  ancient  prototypes  that  they  can  be 
distinguished  with  difficulty.  Thus,  in  the  church  of  S.  Vincenzo 
at  INIilan  we  find  a  capital  which  apparently  dates  from  the  VII 
century  (Plate  136,  Fig.  2),  differing  from  a  capital  of  the 
Roman  decadence  in  the  same  church  (Plate  136,  Fig.  3)  only 
bj'  the  lack  of  undercutting  in  the  volutes.  Both  of  these 
capitals  are  obviously  used  as  pilfered  material  in  the  church 
of  the  IX  century.  There  is  nothing  but  the  internal  evidence 
of  the  style  to  enable  us  to  determine  their  date,  and  in  the  case 
of  the  cruder  capital  (Plate  136,  Fig.  2)  this  evidence  resolves 
itself  into  a  negative  reductio  ad  absurduvi.  The  capital  can  be 
of  no  other  age,  therefore  it  must  be  of  the  VII  century. 

I  confess  that  I  make  the  attribution  vdih  considerable 
hesitancy.  The  type  of  the  capital  is  thorouglily  Roman,  and 
the  acanthus  leaves  show  none  of  that  crisp  Byzantine  character 
which  there  is  reason  to  believe  was  characteristic  of  the  archi- 
tectural carving  of  northern  Italy  from  the  VI  century  onwards. 

185 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

It  is  evidently  a  barbarous  imitation  of  a  Roman  Corinthian 
capital,  quite  free  from  eastern  influence. 

Although  the  documentary  evidence  is  no  stronger,  I  have 
more  confidence  in  attributing  the  capital  found  in  the  crypt 
of  S.  Eufemia  on  the  Isola  Comacina  by  Ugo  Monneret  de 
Villard  to  this  same  epoch.  This  capitaP  of  thoroughlj^  Byzan- 
tine character  might  almost  have  been  copied  from  a  capital  in 
the  crypt  of  S.  Vincenzo  (Plate  137,  Fig.  3) .  Although  executed 
with  the  greatest  delicacy,  a  certain  flatness  in  the  treatment  of 
the  volutes  seems  to  indicate  that  we  have  here  the  transition 
from  VI  century  types  to  a  capital  like  that  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel 
d'Oro  at  Pavia  (Plate  177,  Fig.  2),  or  of  the  cloister  of  the 
cathedral  at  Verona  (Plate  216,  Fig.  2). 

In  the  VIII  century  we  reach  ground  which  seems  firmer, 
although  in  point  of  fact  it  is  peculiarly  treacherous.  The 
capitals  of  the  ciborio  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (Plate  198, 
Fig.  4)  are  authentically  dated  monuments  of  the  reign  of 
Luitprando,  and  were  probably  executed  c.  730.  They  have, 
therefore,  from  the  time  of  Cattaneo  been  taken  as  indicating 
the  character  of  carved  ornament  in  the  VIII  century.  Placed 
in  parallel  with  the  IX  century  ciborio  of  S.  Eleucadio  at  S. 
Apolhnare  in  Classe  of  Ravenna  (Plate  198,  Fig.  6),  the  ciborio 
of  Bagnacavallo  (Plate  198,  Fig.  5),  and  other  similar  monu- 
ments, the  S.  Giorgio  ciborio  has  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
art  of  carving  was  extremely  crude  in  the  VIII  century,  and 
that  it  underwent  a  slow  but  progressive  improvement  until,  in 
the  XI  century,  it  developed  into  the  full-blown  Lombard  style. 
This  theory  of  seductive  simplicity  made  it  possible  to  assign, 
without  fatiguing  study,  the  great  mass  of  undated  Carlovingian 
carvings  to  approximate  dates,  which  satisfied  not  too  critical 
students.  A  careful  examination  of  the  extant  monimients, 
however,  and  of  the  documentary  evidence  makes  it  evident  that 
the  thesis  does  not  hold.  The  church  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella 
is  situated  in  a  remote  mountain  hamlet,  and  not  in  one  of  the 
great  centres  of  VIII  century  civilization.  The  S.  Giorgio 
ciborio  can  not,  therefore,  be  taken  as  typical  of  the  best  work 

1  Illustrated  by  Ugo  Monneret  de  Villard  in  Isola  Comacina,  88. 

186 


CAPITALS 

of  the  age.  Contemporaneously,  at  Bobbio  (Plate  24,  Fig.  1) 
and  Pavia  (Plate  177,  Fig.  2),  were  being  executed  works  which, 
in  the  delicacy  of  their  design  and  the  excellence  of  their 
execution,  surpass  anj^thing  executed  in  Lombardy  subsequent 
to  the  Carlovingian  conquest  and  before  the  XI  century.  It  is 
evident  that  under  the  Lombard  kings  there  took  place  a  great 
renaissance  of  arcliitecture.  In  the  IX  century  a  decline  set  in, 
which  in  the  X  century  became  precipitate.  A  number  of  undated 
monimients  that,  because  of  their  crudity,  have  usually  been 
assigned  to  the  VIII  or  even  to  the  VII  centurj^  as  a  matter  of 
fact  really  belong  to  the  X  century.  The  S.  Giorgio  capitals 
must  therefore  be  considered,  not  as  typical  examples  of  the  age 
of  Luitprando,  but  as  the  crude  product  of  an  uncouth  carver 
of  the  mountains. 

Much  more  typical  of  the  VIII  century  is  the  capital  of 
S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  at  Pavia  (Plate  177,  Fig.  2)  now  in  the 
IMuseo  Civico  of  that  city.  This  monument,  which  came  to  light 
during  the  restoration  of  the  basilica,  was  never  published, 
perhaps  because  the  local  scholars  of  Pavia  feared  to  weaken 
the  argument  for  the  earlj'-  dating  of  the  existing  church  by 
drawing  attention  to  these  undoubtedly  genuine  remains  of  the 
building  of  Luitprando.  The  documentary  evidence  connected 
with  this  capital  of  the  famous  Lombard  king  is  complete  and 
conclusive.  Here  we  have  undoubtedly  an  example  of  the  best 
work  of  the  first  half  of  the  VIII  century. 

It  will  be  seen  at  once  that  it  is  infinitely  superior  to  the 
capital  of  S.  Giorgio  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4).  The  carving  of  the 
volutes  is  executed  with  precision  and  delicacy.  If  there  is  lack 
of  symmetry  between  the  two  minor  volutes,  this  is  amply 
compensated  for  by  the  restfulness  of  the  composition,  the  grace 
and  thoroughly  architectural  character  of  the  charming  design. 
Real  cruditj^  appears  only  in  the  acanthus  leaves  under  the  great 
volutes  on  which  the  veins  are  scratched  in  a  flat  and  somewhat 
childish  manner.  In  this  authenticall}^  dated  monument  of  743, 
therefore,  we  find  the  Lombard  builders  possessed  to  a  surprising 
degree,  not  only  of  skill,  but  of  genuinely  artistic  feeling. 

Ten  years  later,  or  in  753,  was  sculptured  the  capital  in  the 

187 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

crypt  of  Xonantola  (Plate  15.5,  Fig.  2).  Although  this  was  an 
important  abbey,  the  work  is  far  less  skilful  than  that  at  S. 
Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro.  The  lower  row  of  acanthus  leaves  are 
merely  projecting  bumps  like  those  of  the  capital  of  the  S. 
Giorgio  ciborio  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4).  The  upper  row,  though 
carved,  is  executed  in  a  most  uncouth  manner.  Strangely 
enough,  the  volutes  were  undercut  but  supported  on  little  rests. 

The  Lombard  renaissance  reappears  in  full  swing  in  the 
famous  church  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia,  built  by  the  bounty 
of  Desiderio  and  his  family.  Here  we  find  a  new  type  of  capital, 
even  more  sensitive  and  delicate  than  that  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel 
d'Oro  at  Pavia.  The  Corinthian  form  is  revived  (Plate  35, 
Fig.  3,  4),  but  the  volutes  are  executed  in  the  same  flat  manner 
and  without  undercutting,  as  in  the  Pavia  capital  (Plate  177, 
Fig.  2).  A  great  advance  is  shown  over  the  latter,  however, 
in  the  two  rows  of  acanthus  leaves  exquisitely  executed.  They 
are  merely  blocked  out,  the  petals  being  left  uncarved.  The 
S.  Salvatore  capital  preserves  the  fine  restfulness  and  feeling 
for  dignity  noticed  in  the  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  example,  while 
the  proportions  and  execution  have  been  improved. 

The  capitals  of  S.  Salvatore  were  frequently  copied  even 
after  the  Carlovingian  conquest  in  774.  At  Porcile,  Villanova 
(Plate  241,  Fig.  4)  and  in  the  cathedral  of  Verona  (Plate  216, 
Fig.  2),  are  a  group  of  capitals  of  very  similar  type,  the  two 
former  dating  from  c.  775,  the  latter  from  c.  780.  A  somewhat 
similar  capital  of  c.  780  is  extant  in  the  crypt  of  the  Duomo 
Vecchio  at  Brescia. 

The  church  of  S.  Vincenzo  at  Milan  exhibits  a  number  of 
capitals  of  c.  830  showing  great  variety  of  treatment  and  design. 
It  is  evident  that  here  is  a  great  falling  off  from  the  work 
executed  half  a  century  earlier  in  the  eastern  provinces.  The 
best  of  these  capitals  is  probably  that  (Plate  136,  Fig.  5)  which 
conforms  most  closely  to  the  Brescian  type.  The  acanthus 
leaves,  however,  are  much  thicker  and  coarser,  and  the  carving 
of  the  petals  does  not  compensate  for  the  lack  of  sensitiveness. 
Other  contemporary  capitals  in  this  church  are  somewhat  clumsy 
imitations  of  Roman  (Plate  137,  Fig.  2)  or  Byzantine  (Plate  137, 

188 


CAPITALS 

Fig.  5)  models.  One  in  which  the  Bresclan  uncarved  leaves  are 
imitated  (Plate  136,  Fig.  4)  is  excessively  crude  and  ill  executed. 
In  another  of  these  capitals  an  interlace  is  introduced  (Plate  137, 
Fig.  5) ,  an  innovation  which  marks  a  new  spirit  in  the  decoration 
of  capitals.  From  this  time  onward  we  shall  see  the  member 
assuming  a  certain  stiffness  and  rigidity  of  design. 

In  the  capitals  of  c.  860  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Anastasio  at  Asti 
we  see  the  decadence  gathering  headway.  Roman  and  Byzantine 
prototypes  are  freely  cojiied,  strange  and  unhappy  innovations 
crudely  introduced.  Clumsy  blocks,  like  those  of  the  S.  Giorgio 
capitals  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4),  and  crude  scratching  to  indicate 
veins,  like  that  of  the  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  capital  (Plate  177, 
Fig.  2 ) ,  reappear.  There  is  a  tendency  towards  bizarre,  stiff 
types.  In  the  crypt  of  Agliate  (c.  875)- — Plate  5,  Fig.  4 — we 
find  the  decadence  far  advanced.  There  is  the  same  crude 
scratching  of  the  veins  on  the  acanthus  leaves,  the  same  rigid 
design.    The  uncut  volutes  are  executed  with  the  utmost  crudity. 

jSTot  all  the  artists  of  this  period,  however,  fell  to  so  low  a 
depth.  In  important  edifices,  such  as  S.  Satiro  at  JNIilan  (erected 
in  876),  we  find  still  executed  capitals  that  are  full  of  character 
(Plate  132,  Fig.  3,  5).  It  is  true  they  are  far  from  having  the 
sensitiveness  of  those  carved  a  century  earlier.  The  design  is 
ponderous  and  massive,  the  execution  coarse  and  irregular.  The 
petals  of  the  acanthus  leaves  in  the  corners  of  the  best  of  these 
capitals  (Plate  132,  Fig.  5)  have  assumed  a  curious  convention 
typical  of  this  age,  and  best  explained  by  the  illustration.  About 
the  acanthus  leaves  is  a  hard  shell  or  outer  leaf.  Similarly 
mannered,  similarly  heavy  and  coarse  are  the  Ionic  or  Corinthian- 
esque  capitals  of  S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino  (Plate  19,  Fig.  1,  3). 
The  acanthus  leaves  have  scratched  veins  but  a  certain  rigidity 
that  connects  them  closely  with  those  of  S.  Satiro.  We  are 
getting  farther  and  farther  away  from  the  delicacy  of  the  VIII 
century.  The  incised  veinings  of  the  acanthus  leaves,  derived 
from  the  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  capital,  will  now  become 
increasingly  popular  and  will  reappear  at  S.  Giovanni  of  Asti 
and  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza.  The  former,  dating  from  c.  885, 
shows  an  even  more  schematized  type  of  design,  with  acanthus 

189 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

leaves  like  those  of  the  S.  Giorgio  capital  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4). 
In  the  church  of  S.  Stefano  at  Verona  are  slightly  later  and 
exceedingly  decadent  capitals  of  Corinthian  or  Composite  design 
(Plate  222,  Fig,  1,  2,  4,  5).  It  is  evident  we  have  here  crude 
imitations  of  the  type  evolved  at  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia 
(Plate  35,  Fig.  3,  4) .  Technique  has  clearly  declined  enormously 
in  the  century  that  has  elapsed  since  the  Brescian  examples  were 
executed. 

In  the  X  century  the  decadence  continued.  In  the  crypt 
of  S.  Savino  at  Piacenza  we  have  authentically  dated  capitals 
of  903  (Plate  186,  Fig.  2,  3).  They  show  the  schematization 
already  observed  in  the  IX  century  carried  even  fartlier.  Under- 
cutting is  entirely  eliminated.  On  each  corner  is  a  leaf  with 
scratched  veins,  on  the  centre  of  each  face  scratched  ornament. 
The  capitals  of  the  crypt  of  S.  Eusebio  of  Pavia  probably  date 
from  about  this  same  time  (Plate  167,  Fig.  3).  They  are 
ornamented  with  a  single  row  of  stiff,  flat  leaves,  as  crudely 
executed  as  the  leaves  of  the  S.  Savino  capital,  but  with  a  sort 
of  an  outer  shell  that  appears  to  be  a  crude  attempt  to  imitate 
the  capitals  of  S.  Satiro  at  Milan  (Plate  132,  Fig.  5).  Similar 
leaves  are  found  combined  with  crudely  incised  volutes  in  the 
capitals  of  Isola  (Plate  100,  Fig.  9,  10)  which  date  from  c.  900. 
A  characteristic  mannerism  of  the  X  century  is  the  indication 
of  volutes  b}'  merely  scratching  into  the  surface  (Plate  100, 
Fig.  9).  The  capitals  of  "Group  B"  of  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona  at 
!Milan,  by  this  peculiarity  as  well  as  many  others,  are  clearly 
works  of  the  X  century  (Plate  114,  Fig.  1).  Those  of  the  crypt 
of  S.  Secondo  at  Asti,  of  similar  character,  doubtless  date  from 
about  the  middle  of  the  X  century.  In  the  second  half  of  the 
X  century  technique  showed  some  improvement.  Certain 
capitals  in  the  crj-pt  of  Lenno,  dating  from  c.  980  (Plate  102, 
Fig.  3),  show  the  characteristics  of  the  X  century,  but  the 
acanthus  leaves  are  better  executed.  Acanthus  leaves  of  similar 
type  are  found  in  authentically  dated  capitals  of  975  at  SS. 
Felice  e  Fortimato  of  Vicenza  (Plate  239,  Fig.  3). 


190 


CHAPTER  II.     CHURCH-FURNITURE 

By  far  the  most  numerous  and  most  important  examples 
of  decoration  of  the  early  centuries  that  have  come  down  to  us 
are  the  broken  fragments  belonging  to  various  pieces  of  church- 
furniture.  The  great  number  of  these  bits  preserved  all  over 
Lombardy — and,  indeed,  all  over  Italy — makes  it  clear  that 
during  the  so-called  dark  ages  practically  every  church  must 
have  possessed  notable  pieces  of  furniture  executed  in  stone. 
At  a  later  period  this  primitive  furniture  was  considered 
unworthy,  cleared  out  and  usuallj^  broken  into  fragments.  These 
fragments  have  come  to  light  in  modern  excavations. 

While  we  have,  therefore,  a  great  number  of  bits  of 
decorative  carving,  it  is  singularly  difficult  to  form  an  idea  of 
the  furniture  in  its  entirety.  Our  best  guide  for  a  reconstruction 
is  what  we  know  of  the  customs  of  earlier  and  later  times. 

The  church-furniture  of  Early  Christian  basilicas,  it  is 
known,  almost  alwaj'S  comprised  two  ambones,  one  for  the 
epistle,  the  other  for  the  gospel.  They  were  placed  opposite 
each  other  on  either  side  of  the  choir.  I  know  of  no  evidence 
to  show  that  such  dual  ambones  were  ever  used  at  any  epoch 
in  Lombardy,  although  such  may  well  have  been  the  case.  In 
the  XI  and  XII  centuries  there  appears  to  have  been,  as  a  rule, 
only  one  ambo — or,  as  it  is  perhaps  better  to  term  it,  a  pulpit — 
as  in  the  JSIadonna  del  Castello  of  Almenno  S.  Salvatore 
(Plate  11,  Fig.  6),  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano,  or  Isola  S.  Giulio 
(Plate  100,  Fig.  8) .  The  Anonimo  Ticinese  tells  us  that  in  each 
of  the  dual  cathedrals  of  Pavia  there  was  a  single  ambo,  but 
in  each  ambo  two  lecterns,  one  for  the  gospel,  the  other  for 
the  epistle.  "All  of  the  larger  churches  and  several  of  the  others 
have  pulpits,"  he  adds.  The  ambo  of  the  winter  cathedral,  which 
he  mentions  as  having  two  lecterns,  is  still  preserved.  It  is  a 
large  cumbersome  structure  of  brick,  with  a  rib  vault.      The 

191 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

extant  fragments  make  it  evident,  however,  that  from  the  VI 
to  the  X  century  the  ambones  were  usuallj'^  of  smaller  dimensions 
and  of  stone  elaborately  sculptured. 

The  Early  Christian  basilicas  were  usually  provided  with 
a  low  rail  inclosing  the  choir.  This  rail  was  generally  decorated. 
It  is  almost  certain  that  the  Lombard  builders  in  the  early 
centuries  adopted — although  possibly  in  more  or  less  modified 
form — this  feature  of  the  primitive  basilicas.  At  S.  Vitale  of 
Ravenna  there  are  still  standing  superb  choir-rails  which  prove 
that  this  featm-e  found  its  way  into  northern  Italy.  There  is, 
however,  extant  in  Lombardy  no  choir-rail  in  even  tolerable 
preservation.'  A  great  many  fragments  must,  nevertheless,  have 
belonged  to  furniture  of  this  type.  One  at  S.  Salvatore  of 
Brescia,  almost  Arabic  in  style,  possibly  dates  from  the  third 
quarter  of  the  VI  century. 

The  ciborio  was  undoubtedly  taken  over  by  the  Lombards 
at  an  early  date.  An  ivory  pyxis  in  the  Morgan  collection  shows 
the  ciborio  with  curtains  hung  between  the  columns  at  the  two 
sides.  A  lamp  is  suspended  from  the  middle  of  the  dome,  above 
the  altar.  It  is  probable  that  Lombard  ciborii  conformed  to 
this  tj'pe  and  had  curtains  at  the  sides.  It  is  certain  that  from 
an  early  epoch  the  architrave  characteristic  of  the  ciborii  of  Rome 
and  the  South  was  supplanted  by  arches  or  arcuated  lintels. 
Fine  ciborii  of  the  end  of  the  XII  century  are  still  extant  in 
S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan  (Plate  119,  Fig.  3)  and  S.  Pietro  di 
Civate  (Plate  .57,  Fig.  3).  Four  square  columns  which  probably 
supported  a  ciborio  are  extant  among  the  fragments  of  "Group 
C"  of  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona  at  Milan,  dating  from  c.  1000 
(Plate  114,  Fig.  2).  It  is  not  certain  whether  the  famous 
fragments  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4) 
which  date  from  c.  730,  belong  to  a  true  ciborio  or  to  a  baptismal 
font  like  that  of  Cividale.  At  any  rate,  the  arcuated  lintels  of 
Bagnacavallo  (Plate  198,  Fig.  5)  seem  to  have  belonged  to  a 
ciborio,  and  at  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe  the  famous  ciborio  of 

1  Restored  rails  like  those  of  Pieve  Trebbio  (Plate  187,  Fig.  3)  and  Agliate 
(Plate  5,  Fig.  2)  are,  of  course,  not  worth  consideration. 

192 


CHURCH-FURNITURE 

S.  Eleucadio,  dating  from  the  IX  century,  is  still  extant 
(Plate  198,  Fig.  6). 

On  the  altar  itself  decoration  appears  to  have  been  lavished 
at  all  epochs  when  resources  permitted.  In  poor  and  country 
churches  it  was,  however,  frequently  verj'  plain.  The  original 
altars  in  masonry  are  still  extant  at  S.  Benedetto  of  S.  Pietro 
di  Civate,  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate,  in  the  baptistery 
of  Galliano  and  at  S.  Eufemia  of  Isola  Comacina.  They  are 
plain,  rectangular  structures  of  masonr\'  with  a  slightly  pro- 
jecting slab  on  top.  The  sides  were  originally  covered  with 
stucco  and  frescoed.  In  the  IX  centurj'  a  golden  altar  was  made 
for  the  basilica  of  S.  Ambrogio  in  ^lilan  and  this  altar,  remade 
in  the  XII  century,  is  still  extant  (Plate  122,  Fig.  3;  Plate  123, 
Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  124,  Fig.  1,  2).  A  similar  altar  existed  at  S. 
Calimero  of  jNIilan.  Lodovico  I,  in  814,  donated  two  silver 
altars,  one  to  the  Vatican  and  one  to  the  church  of  Ravenna." 
It  is  evident  that  at  times  altars  were  decorated  with  stone 
sculptures.  An  early  example  is  the  altar  of  Ratchis  at  Cividale 
(Plate  3,  Fig.  2).  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Benedetto's 
famous  Deposition  at  Parma  (Plate  165,  Fig.  4)  was  originally 
intended  to  serve  as  the  front  of  an  altar,  as  was  also  the  carved 
slab  of  similar  shape  at  Fornovo.  At  Bardone  a  similar  carved 
altar-slab  still  serves  for  its  original  purpose. 

The  Early  Christian  basilicas  had  a  pergola  or  iconostasis, 
usually  erected  on  top  of  the  choir-rail  and  separating  the  nave 
from  the  choir.  Fragments  belonging  to  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona 
at  ]Milan,  and  dating  from  c.  950,  seem  to  indicate  that  the  pergola 
was  adopted  by  the  Lombard  builders,  at  least  in  that  instance. 
Other  fragments  of  that  same  church  dating  from  c.  1000  seem 
to  have  belonged  to  an  elaborate  reliquary  perhaps  made  in  the 
form  of  a  miniature  ciborio.  There  is  also  extant  a  stone  stool 
from  the  same  church. 

The  piscina — at  least  as  far  as  the  extant  monuments  give 
indication — seems  to  have  been  introduced  into  Lombardy  at 
a  late  date  by  the  Cistercians.  The  earliest  example  I  can  name 
is  one  at  Cerreto  which  is  not  earlier  than  c.  1200. 

2Sigonio,  168-169. 

193 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

In  the  earliest  times  the  baptismal  font  appears  to  have 
been  surmounted  by  an  arcade,  as  in  the  well  known  example  at 
Cividale.  Later  the  arcade  was  omitted,  and  the  bowl  was 
surrounded  by  a  railing  usually  octangular,  according  to  the 
symbolism  that  has  been  so  admirably  studied  by  M.  Mfile.' 
According  to  Isidore  of  Seville*  the  font  should  have  seven  steps, 
ascending  without  and  descending  within.  I  do  not  recollect, 
however,  ever  to  have  seen  a  font  constructed  in  preciselj'^  this 
manner,  although  there  are  many  with  steps — usually  three  in 
number — within.  A  baptismal  vase  of  1108  has  recently  been 
pieced  together  at  Pieve  Trebbio.  The  original  depressed  font 
of  c.  1125  is  extant  at  Agrate  Conturbia.  There  is  a  fine 
baptistery  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona,  while  those  of  S.  Giovanni  in 
Fonte  of  Verona  (Plate  218,  Fig.  2)  and  Varese  (Plate  214, 
Fig.  3)  are  adorned  with  important  sculptures.'^ 

Holy-water  basins  appear  to  have  been  introduced  only  in 
the  XII  century.  The  earliest  that  I  know  is  in  the  cathedral 
of  Cremona.  There  is  one  ornamented  with  a  caryatid,  at  Bar- 
done,  but  it  is  not  earlier  than  c.  1200.  Another  is  extant  in  the 
museum  of  Vercelli.  The  finest  of  all  is  the  famous  one  of  Borgo 
S.  Donnino,  with  elaborate  sculptures  by  a  follower  of  Benedetto. 

GiuUni"  states  that  organs  were  used  as  early  as  the  VIII 
century  and  were  regularly  manufactured  in  Europe  after 
82G.  If  they  formed  part  of  the  furnishings  of  churches  during 
the  jNIiddle  Ages,  no  provision  for  them  was  made  in  the 
buildings  themselves.  Thej'  must,  therefore,  have  been  small  and 
insignificant. 

^  ReUgious  Art  in  France,  14. 

*  Etymologiarum  XV,  4,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  S45. 

5  The  font  in  the  baptistery  of  Novara  has  been  much  modernized. 

0  I,  130. 


194 


CHAPTER  III.  CARVED  FRAGMENTS 

Aside  from  the  few  capitals  already  described  the  principal 
monuments  upon  which  our  knowledge  of  the  decorative  art  in 
northern  Italy  between  the  j'ears  600  and  1000  depends,  are 
fragments  of  carved  ornament  which  once  belonged  to  church- 
furniture  of  one  kind  or  another.  It  is  comparatively  seldom 
that  an  entire  ciborio  has  come  down  to  us,  and  even  when  this 
has  happened,  the  original  monument — as  is  the  case  with  the 
celebrated  ciborio  of  Cividale — has  generally  been  so  repeatedly 
restored  and  patched  up  that  it  is  apt  to  be  even  more  puzzling 
than  the  isolated  scraps  of  carving. 

The  new  decoration  that  appears  in  the  VIII  century 
clearly  reveals  its  own  derivation.  There  is  comparatively  little 
in  the  ornament  that  can  be  referred  directly  to  a  Roman  origin. 
Much  more  notably  than  in  architectural  structure  the  decoration 
bears  clear  marks  both  of  the  Byzantine  and  of  the  Lombard 
conquest.  The  base  of  the  new  art  is  evidently  the  tradition 
inherited  from  the  Byzantine  monuments  erected  in  northern 
Italy  in  the  VI  century,  but  this  Byzantine  foundation  has  been 
profoundly  modified  by  new  elements  which  could  only  have 
been  introduced  by  the  Lombards. 

It  is,  however,  a  profound  mistake  to  conceive — as  has,  up 
to  the  present,  generalty  been  done — that  the  art  of  the  VIII 
century  was  excessively  crude  and  barbarous.  The  earliest 
extant  monuments  of  the  new  ornament  are  executed  with  a 
delicacy  of  design  and  a  refinement  of  feeling  that  were  hardly 
equalled  subsequently  until  the  second  half  of  the  XII  century. 

One  of  the  very  oldest  monuments  of  the  new  art  has  long 
been  well  known,  and  it  is  singular  that  it  has  not  before  given 
the  clew  to  the  true  character  of  VIII  century  carved  decoration. 
It  is  not  situated  in  Lombardy,  but  in  Campania.     The  portal 

195 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

of  the  baptistery  of  S.  Felice  at  Cimitile,  as  Cattaneo  has  proved 
by  documentary  evidence,  dates  from  early  in  the  VIII  century.' 
In  the  square  columns,  the  square  capitals,  and  the  dainty  con- 
soles we  find  the  Bj'zantine  tradition  already  modified  with  new 
elements  of  a  character  that  we  associate  with  the  name  Carlo- 
vingian.  The  execution,  however,  is  of  the  most  skilful.  The 
design  is  restrained  and  exceedingly  well  composed,  the  propor- 
tions well  studied.  In  this  authentic  monument  we  find  no 
trace  of  the  slovenly  execution,  the  uncouth  design,  the  spirit  of 
barbarity,  usually  associated  with  the  art  of  the  VIII  century. 

Precisely  similar  characteristics  are  revealed  by  the  sar- 
cophagus now  preserved  in  the  Museo  Civico  at  Pavia,  and 
identified  by  the  monogram  as  being  that  of  Teodote,  and  hence 
dating  from  about  720  (Plate  167,  Fig.  1).  Here  again  the 
well  balanced  composition,  the  thoughtful  distribution  of  space 
and  the  elegance  of  the  finish  show  that  the  carvers  of  the  VIII 
centurj^  possessed  technical  skill  and  artistic  feeling  to  an  extent 
which  students  of  that  obscure  age  have  hitherto  quite  failed  to 
grasp.  It  is  only  in  the  extravagance  of  the  gi-otesque  forms, 
in  the  serpentine  tails  of  the  griffins  ending  in  a  flourish  of 
foliage,  in  the  animals'  heads  growing  from  plant  forms,  or  in 
the  fantastic  tails  of  the  peacocks  that  we  detect  the  approach 
of  that  new  spirit  that  was  to  dominate  Italian  carving  in  the 
IX  and  still  more  in  the  XI  century.  It  would  be  hard,  however, 
to  find  a  bead-moulding  more  perfectly  executed  among 
Roman  monuments,  and,  indeed,  the  whole  composition  shows 
extraordinary  skill. 

The  impression  of  the  art  of  the  early  VIII  century 
gathered  from  these  two  notable  and  well  known  monuments  is 
greath'  strengthened  by  a  third,  perhaps  even  more  important 
and  up  to  the  present  entirely  unknown.  It  is  the  tomb  of 
S.  Cumiano  at  Bobbio,  which,  according  to  the  extant  and 
authentic  inscription,  was  certainly  erected  about  the  year  730 
(Plate  24,  Fig.  1) .  The  back,  ornamented  with  square  guilloches 
enclosing  interlaces,  crosses,  trees  in  niches  and  similar  motives 
(Plate  24,  Fig.  1),  is  executed  with  the  greatest  refinement  and 

1  Cattaneo,  77. 

196 


CARVED  FRAGMENTS 

delicacy.  The  opposite  face  is  less  interesting  in  design  but 
technically  of  even  higher  excellence. 

In  addition  to  these  carefully  designed  and  beautifully 
executed  works  the  VIII  century  did  undoubtedly  also  produce 
a  certain  amount  of  carving  of  somewhat  inferior  quality — not 
as  decadent  as  that  produced  in  the  X  or  even  in  IX  century, 
but  still  far  from  having  the  merit  of  the  works  we  have  just 
examined.  It  is  evident  that  not  all  the  artists  were  of  equal 
ability.  Over-emphasis  laid  upon  the  products  of  rural  and 
inferior  workmen  has  resulted  in  giving  an  erroneous  impression 
of  the  art  of  the  VIII  century  as  a  whole.  Of  these  rural 
carvings  perhaps  the  earliest  are  those  of  S.  Abondio  at  Como 
(Plate  59,  Fig.  4,  except  centre  panel).  The  analogies  with 
the  dated  works  we  have  just  examined  and  shall  shortly  consider, 
leave  no  room  for  doubt  that  these  fragments  must  have  been 
carved  about  735;  yet  the  jerkiness  of  the  design,  the  love  of 
grotesque  animals,  and  the  fondness  for  strange  geometrical 
forms,  finds  but  slight  analogy  in  the  works  we  have  so  far 
studied,  and  marks  a  distinct  tendency  towards  the  decline  which 
in  the  next  century  was  to  become  precipitate. 

The  same  tendencies  are  exemplified  and  emphasized  in  the 
over-famous  ciborio  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella,  executed 
during  the  reign  of  Luitprando  (712-743).  S.  Giorgio  is  a 
remote  hamlet  in  the  mountains.  It  is  hence  not  surprising  that 
work  executed  here  should  have  a  crudeness  and  a  barbarous 
quality  lacking  in  contemporary  monuments  executed  in  centres 
of  civilization.  What  is  surprising,  however,  is  to  find  in  the 
S.  Giorgio  ciborio  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4)  motives — such  as  the 
crockets  and  the  volutes  of  the  capitals — which  were  destined  to 
become  characteristic  of  the  art  of  the  IX  century.  These 
peculiar  forms  undoubtedlj'  originated  simply  in  unskilled 
copying  of  better  work.  The  analogy  is  therefore  to  be  explained 
on  the  theory  that  similar  causes  produce  similar  effects,  and  it 
is  not  necessary  to  suppose  direct  influence. 

The  famous  baptistery  of  Cividale  falls  without  the  geo- 
graphical limits  of  this  book,  but  it  is  so  important  and  so 
puzzling  that  it  can  not  be  passed  by  altogether  in   silence. 

197 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Although  Cividale  was  at  tliis  period  a  most  important  city,  the 
art  seems  to  have  heen,  not  as  rough  as  that  of  S.  Giorgio  di 
ValpoHcella,  but  not  nearly  as  refined  as  that  of  Pavia  and 
Bobbio.  The  famous  octagonal  ciborio  of  the  baptistery  was 
first  erected  in  737  by  Callisto,  as  recorded  in  the  extant  inscrip- 
tion. It  was  restored  by  Sigualdo  (762-776),  was  rebuilt  in 
1403,  and  in  1645  was  placed  in  its  present  position  after  the 
building  where  it  formerlj'  stood  had  been  ruined  bj'  an  earth- 
quake. It  therefore  becomes  a  nice  question  for  criticism  to 
determine  what  parts  of  the  existing  structure  are  original  and 
what  belong  to  each  of  the  three  reconstructions,  especially  since 
the  monument  in  its  ])resent  form  is  obviously  fragmentary. 
Two  facts  which  have  hitherto,  I  believe,  escaped  obseryation, 
help  to  establish  the  true  chronology  of  the  monument.  The 
existing  capitals  were  not  made  for  the  baptisterj^  but  were 
taken  from  the  same  building  as  others  used  in  the  XII  century 
reconstruction  of  S.  INIaria  della  Valle  (Plate  121,  Fig.  1),  with 
which  thej'  are  symmetrical.  These  capitals  date  from  not  earlier 
than  the  third  quarter  of  the  VIII  century.  They  were  added 
to  the  ciborio  probably  in  1463.  The  second  significant  fact  is 
that  the  lower  panel  in  the  parapet,  carved  with  the  sj-^mbols  of 
the  four  Evangelists  (Plate  59,  Fig.  3),  is  by  the  hand  of  the 
same  artist  who  carved  the  so-called  altar  of  Ratchis  (Plate  3, 
Fig.  2) .  This  fact  is  proved  by  so  many  and  so  obvious  technical 
peculiarities  that  it  would  be  merely  tedious  to  enumerate 
them.  The  altar  of  Ratchis  must  have  been  erected  between 
744  and  749.' 

Now,  it  is  possible  that  the  artist  who  executed  the  altar 
between  744  and  749  could  have  worked  on  the  baptistery  either 
in  737,  under  Callisto,  or  between  752  and  776,  under  Sigualdo. 
There  is,  however,  direct  evidence  that  the  latter  is  the  case. 
The  inscription  stating  that  Sigualdo  restored  the  ciborio  is 
placed  upon  this  very  panel  (Plate  59,  Fig.  3) ,  which  is  therefore 
b}"  implication  his  work.  Furthermore,  the  style  of  this  panel 
is  sharply  distinguished  from  the  style  of  the  upper  archivolts 

2  Although  the  inscription  is  referred  to  741  by  Troya  (IV,  12). 

198 


CARVED  FRAGMENTS 

which,  by  the  inscription,  are  authentically  designated  as  the 
work  of  CaUisto. 

The  portions  of  the  Cividale  baptistery  executed  under 
CaUisto  are  far  superior  technically  and  artistically  to  those 
executed  under  Sigualdo  a  quarter  of  a  century  later.  Even  the 
latter,  however,  are  superior  to  works  of  the  IX  century. 
Sigualdo's  artist  at  Cividale,  following  in  the  footsteps  of 
Luitprando's  sculptor  at  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  at  Pavia,  carved 
the  human  figure  and  subjects  of  definite  iconographical  import. 
Such  subjects,  with  the  exception  of  a  single  capital  in  the  crypt 
of  Asti,  we  shall  hardly  meet  again  before  the  XI  century. 

The  carved  slab  in  the  altar  of  Villanova  (Plate  241,  Fig.  1) 
was  perhaps  executed  very  shortly  after  the  Carlovingian  con- 
quest. While  retaining  something  of  the  purity  of  VIII  century 
work  in  the  bead-moulding  and  in  the  Latin  cross,  it  is  technically 
far  inferior  to  any  works  we  have  yet  studied.  The  legs  of  the 
peacocks  bend  the  wrong  way,  the  interlaced  ornament  on  either 
side  of  the  cross  is  badly  composed  and  badly  balanced.  The 
niches  above  the  moulding  are  excessivelj;'  crude  and  poorlj' 
executed.  In  this  monument  we  see  a  loss  both  of  technical  skill 
and  of  artistic  feeling.  In  the  famous  ciborio  of  Ravenna 
(Plate  198,  Fig.  6),  executed  between  806  and  816,  we  find  the 
decline  even  more  marked.  The  volutes  of  the  capitals  are 
childish  in  their  formlessness  and  bad  drawing;  the  rosettes  have 
assumed  a  thoroughly  barbaric  character,  and  the  petals  of  the 
acanthus  leaves  are  lumpy  and  formless.  The  same  character- 
istics are  still  more  developed  in  the  fragments  of  S.  Lorenzo  at 
Verona  (Plate  219,  Fig.  4)  dated  c.  840.  Here  w^e  find  again 
surface  scratching  and  inability  to  draw  a  spiral,  or  even  straight 
lines,  in  the  row  of  crockets. 

The  ciborio  of  the  pieve  of  Bagnacavallo  (Plate  198,  Fig.  5) 
is  one  of  the  best  known  examples  of  the  art  of  this  period.  The 
inscription  mentions  a  bishop  Deusdedit,  but  to  whom  this  refers 
has  not  been  determined,  since  there  are  many  bishops  of  this 
name,  and  it  is  not  clear  to  what  diocese  Bagnacavallo  belonged 
at  that  epoch.     Documents  collected  by  Frizzi''  prove  that  the 

3  1,  167. 

199 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

church  was  first  built  in  846,  and  there  can  be  httle  doubt 
that  the  ciborio  was  erected  at  the  same  time.  It  must 
have  been  transferred  into  the  new  building  when  the  pieve  was 
reconstructed  c.  1000. 

The  style  of  the  carving  is  in  perfect  agreement  with 
the  documentary  evidence.  Superficially  the  crockets  seem  to 
bear  some  resemblance  to  those  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella 
(Plate  198,  Fig.  4),  but  they  are  in  reality  of  a  much  simpler 
and  more  decadent  type,  like  those  we  have  already  studied  at 
S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona  (Plate  219,  Fig.  4).  There  is  the  same 
inability  to  draw  a  spiral,  the  same  irregularities,  the  same 
surface  carving,  the  same  decadent  technique.  Analogj^  of  style 
makes  it  certain  that  the  two  fragments  now  at  the  Universita 
of  Ferrara  (Plate  88,  Fig.  4)  and  also  supplied  with  an 
enigmatical  inscription,  must  date  from  about  this  time  or  better 
a  little  later,  since  the  composition  is  even  more  disordered. 

During  the  second  half  of  the  IX  centurj'  the  quality  of 
carved  ornament  steadily  declined  until,  in  the  X  century,  it 
reached  the  lowest  depth  of  abasement.  The  most  extreme  point 
of  decline  is,  perhaps,  shown  by  the  carving  of  the  fragments 
of  "Group  B"  of  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona  at  Milan  (Plate  114, 
Fig.  1,  two  capitals  at  lower  edge  of  photograph).  The  crudely 
drawn  volutes,  the  ornament  scratched  on  the  surface,  the 
acanthus  leaves  of  flaccid  type,  lazilj^  and  flatly  indicated,  all  are 
merely  the  intensification  of  the  tendency  towards  decline  we 
have  already  observed  in  earlier  monuments.  Comparatively 
little  of  this  age  is  extant,  and  the  few  monuments  which  have 
come  down  to  us — mosth'^  capitals — have  already  been  sufficiently 
discussed  in  a  previous  chapter.  In  the  second  half  of  the  X 
century  art  commenced  to  revive,  and  in  the  early  years  of  the 
XI  century  there  was  a  veritable  renaissance  in  the  technique 
of  stone-carving.  Authenticalh'^  dated  slabs  of  1007  coming 
from  Galliano  and  now  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (Plate  59, 
Fig.  2 ;  Plate  59,  Fig.  4,  centre  panel) ,  show  this  movement  imder 
full  headway.  Grace  of  line,  well  composed  ornament,  move- 
ment and  improved  execution  characterize  these  charming  slabs. 
There  is  a  tendencj'  towards  smaller  and  all-over  patterns.    This 

200 


CARVED  FRAGMENTS 

work,  moreover,  is  distinguished  from  earlier  by  the  softness 
and  flaccidness  of  the  technique,  as  well  as  by  the  smoothness  of 
the  decorative  effect.  In  the  carved  slab  of  the  Aosta  cloisters 
(Plate  12,  Fig.  1)  we  find  again  remarkable  movement  combined 
with  a  feeling  for  composition  and  a  notable  improvement  in 
modelling.  The  leaf -forms  in  the  radiating  spokes  of  the  whirl 
are  executed  with  tenderness  and  delicacj',  and  most  charmingly 
varied.  The  crocket  forms  revert  to  the  type  already  familiar 
to  us  at  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4),  but 
abandoned  bj'  the  less  skilful  carvers  of  the  IX  century 
(Plate  198,  Fig.  5).  The  animals  are  no  longer  merely 
grotesque,  but  of  symbolical  import. 


201 


CHAPTER  IV.     ORNAMENTAL  MOTIVES 

That  the  ornament  of  the  VIII  century  was  derived  in  some 
part  from  Lombard  sources  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the 
motive  of  the  conventionalized  fir-tree  is  prominent  in  the  earliest 
examples  of  carved  decoration  extant.  It  is  found,  for  example, 
on  the  tomb  of  S.  Cumiano  at  Bobbio — c.  730 — (Plate  24, 
Fig.  1 ) ,  on  the  Carlovingian  carvings  of  S.  Abondio  of  Como — 
which  date  from  c.  735, — and  on  the  baptisterj'  of  Cividale  in 
the  slab  of  the  lower  parapet  executed  between  752  and  779  by 
order  of  Sigualdo  (Plate  59,  Fig.  3) .  This  motive  of  the  fir-tree 
is,  to  the  extent  of  my  knowledge,  entirely  without  precedent  in 
GrfBco-Roman  and  purely  Byzantine  art.  It  must  have  been 
originated  by  people  who  were  familiar  with  the  flora  of  northern 
or  Alpine  countries. 

The  rope-moulding  may  possibly  also  be  of  barbarian 
origin  although  it  is  one  of  those  simple  conventionalizations 
which  might  well  have  originated  in  any  place  and  at  any  time. 
The  earliest  example  which  I  recollect  in  Lombardy  is  the 
necking  of  a  capital  now  in  the  museum  of  Pavia,  but  which 
comes  from  the  church  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  and  is  authenti- 
call}^  dated  743.  The  motive  continued  in  use  throughout  the 
Romanesque  period,  being  found,  for  example,  at  S.  Lorenzo 
of  Verona— c.  840— (Plate  219,  Fig.  4),  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como 
in  1095,  at  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia  (c.  1105),  at 
Castell'Arquato— 1122-1175— (Plate  48,  Fig.  4),  and  in  the 
cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150). 

It  has  been  supposed  that  crockets  are  derived  from  the 
running-dog  motive  of  Lombard  and  barbaric  art.  But  it  seems 
to  me  much  more  likely  that  the  motive  is  merely  a  corruption 
of  the  GrfEco-Roman  wave-ornament.  It  appears  c.  730  in  the 
ciborio  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4).  In 
the  IX  century,  as  has  already  been  pointed  out,  it  assumes  a 

202 


ORNAMENTAL  MOTIVES 

different  form  which  we  find  fully  developed  at  S.  Lorenzo  of 
Verona  in  840  (Plate  219,  Fig.  4).  The  unique  ornaments  on 
the  abaci  of  the  capitals  of  S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino  (Plate  19, 
Fig.  1,  3)  are  probably  a  development  of  this  motive.  In  the 
XI  century  the  crocket  reverted  to  its  purer,  more  simple  form, 
as  in  the  carving  of  the  cathedral  of  Aosta  of  c.  1010  (Plate  12, 
Fig.  1 ) .  In  the  slightly  earlier  reliquary  of  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona 
the  crockets  are  free-standing,  and  thus  appear  to  be  a  complete 
anticipation  of  the  well  known  Gothic  motive. 

The  great  majority  of  ornaments  of  this  early  Lombard  art 
is  of  purely  Byzantine  origin.  One  of  the  most  conspicuous,  and 
also  the  most  easily  recognized,  is  the  Greek  cross.  This  appears 
in  the  tomb  of  S.  Cumiano  at  Bobbio — c.  730^ (Plate  24,  Fig.  1) 
and  in  the  contemporary  ciborio  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella 
(Plate  198,  Fig.  4).  It  is  given  a  great  variety  of  forms  and 
treated  in  an  infinite  number  of  ways,  sometimes  preserving  its 
type  almost  pure,  as  on  a  capital  of  S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino  dating 
from  c.  875  (Plate  19,  Fig.  1),  sometimes  being  combined  in  a 
decorative  and  almost  playful  manner  with  other  motives. 
Throughout  the  Romanesque  period  it  continued  to  be  exceed- 
ingly popular  in  northern  Italy. 

The  guilloche  is  one  of  the  most  characteristic  and  important 
of  all  ornamental  motives  in  use  before  the  year  1000.  I  suppose 
it  to  have  been  introduced  from  Bj^zantine  art  or  at  least  under 
Byzantine  influence.  It  is  either  circular,  as  in  the  fragments 
of  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona  (Plate  219,  Fig.  4),  or  square,  as  in 
the  tomb  of  Bobbio  (Plate  24,  Fig.  1).  From  the  guilloche  was 
undoubtedljr  derived  the  interlace,  which  is  so  characteristic  a 
motive  of  the  carved  ornament  of  northern  Italy  throughout  the 
Romanesque  period.  As  early  as  c.  730  we  find  the  interlace 
developed  in  its  full  complexity  in  the  archivolt  of  the  ciborio 
of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4).  The  motive 
is  reproduced  in  all  its  wildness  in  the  church  of  Cravant  beyond 
the  Alps  (Plate  198,  Fig.  2),  but  is  somewhat  tamed  in  the  IX 
century  ciborio  of  S.  Eleucadio  at  Ravenna  (Plate  198,  Fig.  6). 
It  becomes  almost  a  criss-cross  in  fragments  of  S.  Abondio  of 
Como  of  735 — (Plate  59,  Fig.  4).     C.  830  it  was  introduced  on 

203 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

a  capital  of  S.  Yincenzo  in  Prato  in  Milan  (Plate  137,  Fig.  5), 
and  in  the  XI  and  XII  centuries  was  much  used  to  ornament 
supporting  members.  It  is  roughly  executed  in  the  fragments 
of  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona,  which  date  from  c.  840  (Plate  219, 
Fig.  4).  It  would  be  merely  tedious  to  enumerate  further  the 
abundant  examples  of  this,  one  of  the  most  characteristic  of 
Lombard  ornamental  motives. 

It  is  difficult  to  say  whether  the  rinceau  is  of  Roman  or 
Byzantine  origin,  since  it  is  found  in  both  arts,  but  it  is  certain 
that  the  Lombard  artists  gave  it  Bj^zantine  character.  It  occurs 
in  the  baptistery  of  Cividale— 752-779— (Plate  59,  Fig.  3),  and 
in  the  XI  and  XII  centuries  it  was  much  used.  It  appears  in 
the  window  decoration  of  S.  Abondio  of  Como  in  1095,  is  found 
in  the  Porta  dello  Zodiaco  at  Sagra  S.  Michele — c.  1120 — 
(Plate  196A,  Fig.  1,  2)  and  in  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130- 
1150),  to  name  a  few  examples  among  many. 

The  egg-and-dart  moulding,  like  the  rinceau,  may  have  been 
derived  either  from  Roman  or  Byzantine  art.  It  appears  c.  730 
in  the  ciborio  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  (Plate  198,  Fig.  4). 
As  is  the  case  also  with  the  bead-moulding,  it  continued  to  be 
used  throughout  the  Romanesque  period,  and  was  particularly 
popular  in  Piemonte  in  the  XII  century. 

Rosettes,  which  must  be  derived  ultimately  from  classical 
art,  were  common  before  the  year  1000.  Thej^  may  be  found, 
for  example,  in  the  ciborio  of  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella 
(Plate  198,  Fig.  4),  on  the  capitals  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro, 
now  in  the  museum  of  Pavia  and  authentically  dated  743,  and 
on  the  capitals  of  S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino,  which  date  from  c.  875 
(Plate  19,  Fig.  1). 

It  would  be  easy,  but  tedious,  to  carry  the  analysis  of  the 
ornamental  motives  in  use  under  the  Lombard  and  Carlovingian 
sovereigns  to  much  greater  detail.  I  believe,  however,  that  the 
result  Avould  be  merely  to  confirm  the  impression  derived  from 
the  cursory  examination  of  a  few  of  the  leading  motives  we  have 
made.  The  basis  of  this  art  was  essentiallj^  Byzantine,  and 
Roman  only  ultimately  and  in  so  far  as  Byzantine  art  itself  was 
derived  from  the  Roman.     Some  imitation  of  classical  models 

204 


ORNAMENTAL  MOTIVES 

there  undoubtedly  was,  but  this  was  a  superficial  and  generally  a 
passing  influence.  The  roots  of  the  art  grew  from  the  stump 
of  Byzantine  tradition,  rudely  cut  down  in  northern  Italy  in  the 
VI  century.  On  tliis  basic  stock  were  engrafted  Lombard  and 
to  a  much  lesser  extent  Roman  influences  affecting  ornamental 
details,  but  not  the  essential  character  of  the  art. 


205 


CHAPTER  V.    WINDOWS 

While  windows  at  all  periods  were  generalh'  of  the  typieally 
Romanesque  round-headed  type,  the  Lombard  builders  delighted 
to  give  their  wall  apertures  fanciful  forms.  The  window  in  the 
form  of  a  Greek  cross  appears  at  Agliate  as  early  as  875.  In 
the  XI  and  XII  centuries  it  was  very  commonly  used,  especially 
in  gables.^  At  Panico  (c.  1145)  is  a  window  in  the  form  of  a 
Latin  cross. 

Circular  windows  or  oculi  were  very  popular,  especially  in  the 
XII  century.''  Circular  oculi  with  crude  tracery  were  built  at 
Vaprio  d'Adda— c.  1115— (Plate  212,  Fig.  5) .  More  developed 
tracery  is  found  in  the  oculi  of  the  cathedral  of  Modena 
(Plate  140,  Fig.  3).  There  is  a  great  difference,  however, 
between  these  Lombard  oculi  and  the  true  rose-windows  imported 
from  France.  In  the  oculi  the  tracery  is  simply  cusping  of  more 
or  less  elaborate  design.  In  the  rose-windows  there  are  bars  or 
spokes  of  tracery  radiating  from  the  centre.  True  rose-windows 
do  not  appear  until  the  last  quarter  of  the  XII  century.  The 
earliest  example  I  know  is  at  Morimondo  (1186-1197),  where 
there  are  four  bars  radiating  from  a  central  circle.  JNIost  of 
the  rose-windows  now  existing  in  Romanesque  churches  have 
evidently  been  added  in  the  XIII  century. 

Square-headed  windows  were  occasionally  used  at  all  epochs. 
They  are  found,  for  example,  at  SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria  of  Verona 
as  early  as  c.  875  and  at  S.  Ruffillo  di  Rologna  as  late  as  1178 
(Plate  203,  Fig.  3). 

1  Examples  at  Cosio  (1078),  S.  Micliele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  CasteU'Arquato  (1117- 
1122),  the  baptistery  of  Arsago  (Plate  15,  Fig.  5),  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro— 1132— 
(Plate  177,  Fig.  3),  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo— 1140— (Plate  11,  Fig.  1),  etc. 

2  They  are  found  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  Agrate  Conturbia  (c.  1125), 
S.  Maria  del  Solario  of  Brescia  (c.  1130),  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia— 1132 — 
(Plate  177,  Fig.  3),  the  baptistery  of  Arsago— c.  1130— (Plate  15,  Fig.  5),  at  SS. 
Faustino  e  Giovita  of  Isola  Comacina  (c.  1140),  Alnienno  S.  Bartolomeo — c.  1140 — 
(Plate  11,  Fig.  1),  etc. 

206 


WINDOWS 

Blind  diamond-shaped  apertures  are  found  at  Galliano  in 
1007  (Plate  96,  Fig.  3),  and  real  diamond-shaped  windows  are 
extant  at  Gallarate,  a  monument  which  dates  from  c.  1145 
(Plate  94,  Fig.  3). 

Windows  in  which  the  bottom  as  well  as  the  top  is  semi- 
circular are  found  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  Priocca 
(c.  1115),  Cascina  S.  Trinita — c.  1130 — (Plate  50,  Fig.  2),  and 
at  Roncoscaglia  (c.  1200).  At  Casale  Monferrato  (1107)  were 
erected  windows  of  peculiarly  fanciful  shape,  consisting  of 
combinations  of  trefoils. 


207 


Book  II.    The  XI  Century 

CHAPTER  I.     CUBIC  CAPITALS 

It  is  recognized  that  the  function  of  a  capital  in  medieval 
architecture  is  to  adjust  a  load  of  one  size  and  section  to  a  support 
of  smaller  size  and,  usually,  of  different  section.  In  the  great 
majority  of  capitals  the  transition  is  accomplished — or,  more 
properly  speaking,  masked — by  the  introduction  of  foliage  or 
ornamental  carving.  It  often  happened,  however,  that  the 
builders,  whether  for  economy  or  some  other  motive,  preferred 
to  omit  this  decorative  ornament  and  produce  the  transition  by 
means  of  purely  geometric  forms.  The  problem  has  been 
answered  in  many  different  ways  at  different  times  and  different 
places.  The  English  Gothic  builders  solved  the  question  by 
introducing  one  of  their  most  characteristic  motives,  the  turned 
or  moulded  capital.  Apparently  the  Byzantine  builders  antici- 
pated the  Lombards  in  creating  the  type  of  capital  which  is 
generally  known  as  cubic,  and  which  is,  all  tilings  considered, 
perhaps  the  most  satisfactory  method  ever  discovered  of  adjust- 
ing without  carved  ornament  a  square  load  to  a  cylindrical 
support.^ 

^^^lether  the  form  was  evolved  over  again  by  the  Lombard 
builders,  or  whether  it  was  borrowed  from  the  Bj'zantine  monu- 
ments is  a  question  which  must  be  left  for  those  more  familiar 
than  myself  with  the  history  of  this  motive  outside  of  Italy.  I 
shall  only  attempt  here  to  show  that  the  cubic  capital  appeared 
in  Lombard  art  much  later  than  is  usually  supposed.  To  do  this 
it  will  be  necessarj'  to  study  the  various  attempts  made  by  the 
Lombard  builders  to  dispense  with  carved  capitals. 

An  obvious  expedient  was  simply  to  omit  the  capital.    This 

1  Choisy,  Hutoire,  II,  26. 

208 


CUBIC  CAPITALS 

was  tried  at  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella  c.  730.  A  plain  rectan- 
gular pier  supports  a  plain  rectangular  archivolt.  The  solution 
has  at  least  the  merit  of  simplicity,  and  continued  in  use  until 
as  late  as  1083  at  S.  Benedetto  di  Lenno  (Plate  102,  Fig.  6). 

The  next  expedient  adopted  was  to  use  a  simple  uncarved 
block  of  stone.  This  is  found  in  the  ambulatorj'-  in  the  eastern 
part  of  the  crypt  of  the  cathedral  of  Ivrea,  dating  from  c.  1000. 
A  hundred  years  later  a  similar  construction  was  used  in  the 
crypt  of  S.  Donato  at  Abbazia  di  Sesto  Calende,  and  persisted 
until  c.  1130  in  the  baptistery  of  Arsago. 

The  third  solution  advanced  was  a  more  subtle  and  peculiar 
one.  The  shaft  was  made  octagonal  and  was  adjusted  to  the 
rectangular  load  by  chamfered  corners,  which  formed  the  capital. 
This  type  of  supporting  member  is  found  in  the  crypt  of  the 
cathedral  of  Aosta  (c.  1010),  at  S.  Pietro  of  Acqui  (c.  1015- 
1023),  at  SS.  Felice  e  Naborre  of  Bologna  (c.  1020),  and  at 
Renno — c.  1100 — (Plate  191,  Fig.  4).  Some  of  the  capitals 
in  the  cathedral  of  Acqui  (c.  1015-1067)  approach  this  type. 
In  the  baptistery  at  Vigolo  Marchese  (c.  1010)  the  shaft  is  made 
cylindrical  instead  of  octagonal,  and  the  rectangular  load  simply 
fades  into  this  cylindrical  form.  A  similar  arrangement  is  found 
at  Sommacampagna — c.  1040 — (Plate  207,  Fig.  3),  Viguzzolo 
(c.  1050)  and  Sasso— c.  1050— (Plate  205,  Fig.  1). 

The  earliest  true  cubic  capitals  extant  in  Lombard}'  are 
those  of  Lomello,  which  date  from  c.  1025  (Plate  109,  Fig.  3,  4) , 
and  closely  resemble  the  type  just  described.  They  are  charac- 
terized by  high,  angidar  cushions  and  by  the  absence  of  necking. 
At  Stradella  some  ten  years  later  other  cubic  capitals  were 
executed  of  slightly  more  advanced  style  (Plate  209;  Plate  210) . 
There  are  no  abaci,  but  necking  is  introduced.  The  angular 
cushions  are  frequently  decorated  with  incised  zigzags.  The 
angular  cushion  is  found  c.  1040  at  Calvenzano,^  1107-1117  in 
a  niche  of  the  gallery  at  Cremona,  and  c.  1140  at  Cerreto.  The 
earliest  extant  cubic  capitals  with  abaci  and  curved  cushions  are 
those  of  Sannazzaro  Sesia,  which  date  from  1040   (Plate  201, 

-  De  Dartein  (Plate  XXXIX)  illustrates  a  cubic  capital  with  angular  cushion, 
said  to  be  in  the  side  aisle  of  S.  Ambrogio.    It  is  not  now  visible  in  the  church. 

209 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Fig.  6;  Plate  202,  Fig.  2).  They  are  low  and  broad,  and  the 
curve  of  the  cushion  is  accentuated  by  an  incised  line.  These 
capitals  are  of  a  new  type,  and  mark  a  radical  advance  upon 
those  described  above. 

The  capitals  of  the  campanile  of  S.  Satiro,  Milan,  which 
date  from  1043  (Plate  132,  Fig.  1),  show  a  new  method  of 
adjusting  the  rectangular  load  to  the  cylindrical  support.  This 
is  accomplished  by  means  of  simple  splaying,  giving  the  capital 
the  form  of  an  inverted,  truncated  pyramid.  The  experiment 
was  not  successful  and  was  not  repeated.  At  S.  Severe  of 
Bardolino  (c.  1050)  the  low  proportions  of  the  capitals  of 
Sannazzaro  Sesia  were  adopted,  but  the  cushions  were  made 
angular,  as  at  Lomello,  Stradella  and  Calvenzano.  In  the  side- 
aisle  responds,  however,  there  are  curved  cushions  with  chamfered 
edges,  but  here  the  proportions  are  high. 

The  earliest  extant  examples  of  cubic  capitals  of  fully 
developed  form  are  those  of  S.  Vincenzo  of  Gravedona,  which 
date  from  1072  (Plate  100,  Fig.  7).  The  weakness  of  the 
execution  and  the  crudeness  of  the  proportions  are  sufficient 
evidence  that  these  are  exceedingly  early  examples  of  the  type. 
The  new  style  of  capital  acquired  a  classic  perfection  of  form  at 
Badia  di  Vertemate— 1083-109.5— (Plate  18,  Fig.  1 ) .  From  this 
time  it  is  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in  Lombard  buildings.''  The 
facts  that  cubic  capitals  of  developed  form  are  found  frequently 
from  the  last  quarter  of  the  XI  century  onward,  and  that  no 
authentic  example  of  earlier  date  is  extant,  whereas,  on  the 
contrary,  there  are  numerous  tentative  and  partially  developed 
types  of  the  second  and  third  quarters  of  the  XI  centurj',  are  a 

3  Examples  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como — 1095— (Plate  59,  Fig.  1),  S.  Giacomo  of 
Bellagio  (c.  1095),  S.  Benedetto  di  Portesana  (1099),  Ciri6  (c.  1100),  Almenno  S. 
Bartolomeo — c.  1100— (Plate  11,  Fig.  3),  S.  Giacomo  of  Como — c.  1105— (Plate  64, 
Fig.  8),  Ivrca  (c.  1105),  S.  Lorenzo  of  Mantova  (c.  1115),  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno 
S.  Salvatore  (c.  1120),  Nonantola  (1121),  Cascina  S.  TrinitA  (c.  1130),  S.  Teodoro  of 
Pavia— c.  1135— (Plate  180,  Fig.  1,  2,  3),  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna  (c.  11.35),  S.  Maria 
del  Tiglio  of  Gravedona  (c.  1135),  Chiaravalle  Milanese  (1135-1221),  S.  Lanfranco  of 
Pavia— c.  1136— (Plate  168,  Fig.  2),  Cerreto— c.  1140— (Plate  52,  Fig.  3),  S.  Pietro 
of  Asti— c.  1160— (Plate  16,  Fig.  4),  Staffarda  (c.  1160),  Viboldone— 1176  and  c.  1195— 
(Plate  239,  Fig.  2),  Rivalta  Scrivia— 1180 — (Plate  192,  Fig.  2),  Morimondo  (1186- 
1296),  Ganaceto  (c.  1200),  Borgo  S.  Donnino  (XIII  century),  etc. 

210 


CUBIC  CAPITAI.S 

sufficient  proof  that  this  tj'pe  of  capital  was  not  understood  in 
Lombardy  before  the  year  1075.  Once  discovered  the  form 
quickly  recommended  itself  to  the  Lombard  builders,  and  was 
constantly  used  during  the  XII  century  and  even — as  is  well 
known — in  the  Gothic  period. 

Although  the  classic  type  of  cubic  capital  became  a  sort  of 
canon  which  was  repeated  with  very  slight  variations  during  the 
entire  XII  century,  certain  developments  and  modifications  of 
the  motive  were  introduced. 

Various  attempts  were  made  to  add  ornament  to  the  cubic 
capital.  One  of  the  earliest  of  these  is  found  at  INIariano 
(c.  1100)  where  there  is  a  cubic  capital  covered  with  an  interlace. 
At  Pieve  Trebbio  (1108)  is  a  cubic  capital  decorated  in  a  some- 
what similar  manner.  At  SS.  Gervasio  e  Protasio  of  Baveno 
(c.  1135)  the  cubic  capitals  were  adorned  with  foliage.  Incised 
lines  following  the  curve  of  the  cushion  were  introduced  in  the 
cubic  capitals  of  the  Atrio  di  Pilato  at  Bologna  (Plate  25, 
Fig.  7),  reviving  a  mannerism  which  had  been  introduced  at 
Sannazzaro  Sesia  a  century  earlier.  Similar  capitals  are  found 
in  the  Confessi  (c.  1150),  part  of  the  same  shrine  of  S.  Stefano 
at  Bologna.  Rosettes,  carved  leaf  patterns  and  grotesques  were 
introduced  on  the  cubic  capitals  of  Panico  c.  1145.  At  Chiara- 
valle  della  Colomba  (c.  1145-1200)  the  cubic  capitals  are 
ornamented  with  leaves  or  other  motives  introduced  in  the  angles 
and  an  incised  line  following  the  curve  of  the  cushion.  In  the 
baptistery  of  Parma  (1196-1214)  certain  cubic  capitals  are 
ornamented  with  wavy  lines. 

In  some  instances  the  cubic  capital  was  given  a  new  effect 
by  reducing  proportionately  the  height  of  the  cushion.  Capitals 
of  this  form  are  found  at  Brusasco — c.  1130 — (Plate  37,  Fig.  4) 
and  are  characteristic  of  the  school  of  Parma  of  the  late  XII 
century.*  An  analogous,  though  different,  variation  is  given  to 
the  capitals  of  Mont'Orfano,  which  assimie  a  peculiar  fan-like 
form.  Splayed  capitals  are  found  at  S.  Ruffillo  di  Bologna 
(Plate  203,  Fig.  5)  and  elsewhere. 

Sometimes  the  cushion  was  made  convex  instead  of  concave, 

*  See  Fornovo,  Vicofertile,  etc. 

211 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

as  at  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo  (Plate  11,  Fig.  3),  S.  Zaccaria 
(c.  1140),  Carpi  (1184),  S.  Pancrazio  (c.  113.5).  Moulded 
imposts  are  characteristic  of  the  Veronese  school — being  found, 
for  example,  at  Porcile— 1143— (Plate  189,  Fig.  4).  This 
motive  was  extended  to  circular  piers,  as  at  Morimondo — 1186 — 
(Plate  154,  Fig.  3).  In  the  western  bays  of  Morimondo, 
executed  after  the  year  1200,  flat  corbel-tables  were  introduced 
beneath  these  imposts  (Plate  154,  Fig.  2).  A  similar  arrange- 
ment is  found  in  the  western  intermediate  piers  of  Rivalta 
Scrivia  (c.  1200).  At  Crescenzago  (c.  1190)  there  are  circular 
imposts  but  no  corbel-tables  (Plate  87,  Fig.  3). 

In  conclusion,  therefore,  we  may  state  that  before  the  third 
quarter  of  the  XI  century  we  find  in  Lombardy  only  undevel- 
oped, or  what  we  may  call  proto-,  cubic  capitals.  While  I  should 
hesitate  to  infer  from  this  that  the  cubic  capital  was  independ- 
ently evolved  in  Lombardy,  the  monuments  are  amply  sufficient 
to  demonstrate  that  the  builders  up  to  this  time  had  only  a  hazy 
and  ill-defined  conception  of  the  true  form  of  the  capital,  and 
that  they  were  experimenting  to  discover  its  possibilities.  About 
the  eighth  decade  of  the  XI  century  the  cubic  capital  in  its 
perfected  form  appears  for  the  first  time.  It  continued  to  be 
repeated  throughout  the  following  centurj^ — and,  indeed,  much 
later — in  the  same  form.  It  is  evident  that  once  the  builders  had 
learned  the  classic  type  they  were  satisfied  with  it  and  adopted  it. 
At  times  efforts  were  made  to  elaborate  it  in  a  purely  decorative 
and  playful  spirit.  Such  capitals  are  in  general  without  great 
historic  importance,  and  are  easily  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
proto-cubic  capitals  of  the  second  and  third  quarters  of  the  XI 
century.  In  the  latter  we  feel  the  builders  attempting  to 
discover  a  solution  to  their  problem.  In  the  former  the  problem 
has  been  solved,  and  the  builders  are  merely  playing  with  the 
external  decoration,  leaving  the  structural  underlying  form 
essentially  unchanged. 


212 


CHAPTER  II.     OTHER  CAPITALS 

Of  the  Roman  orders  it  was  only  the  Corinthian  and  its 
variant  the  Composite  that  deeply  affected  Lombard  architecture.^ 
Many  variations  were  wrought  in  this  type;  the  proportions,  the 
shapes  of  the  leaves  and  the  character  of  the  volutes  were 
frequently  altered,  yet  the  underlying  rudiments  of  the  classic 
capital  are  generally  unmistakablj'  preserved,  and  the  type  is 
ready  to  revert  unexpectedly  to  its  original  classical  forms.  At 
S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano  (Plate  9G,  Fig.  2)  we  have  finely 
executed  Corinthianesque  capitals  of  the  year  1007.  There  is 
only  a  single  line  of  leaves  which  are  uncarved,  as  is  frequently 
the  case  at  all  periods.  The  minor  volutes  have  been  replaced 
by  a  cross.  The  Corinthian  capitals  of  SS.  Xaborre  e  Felice  of 
Bologna,  executed  c.  1020,  are  of  verj'  different  type  (Plate  26, 
Fig.  4> ) .  Here  there  are  two  rows  of  leaves  with  serrated  petals 
and  minor,  as  well  as  major,  volutes.  The  cross  has  reverted  to  a 
fleuron.  In  the  Battistero  of  Lenno  (c,  1085)  the  Corinthian- 
esque capitals  have  a  single  row  of  acanthus  leaves  and  parallel 
incised  lines  of  strongly  Lombard  character.  On  the  other  hand, 
at  JNIonastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte  (c.  1090)  there  are  Corinthian 
capitals  with  acanthus  leaves  of  extremely  classical  character. 
At  S.  Abondio  of  Como,  which  dates  from  1095,  the  Corinthian 
capitals  with  carved  or  uncarved  leaves  are  well  executed  but 
very  simple  in  design.  A  rather  crude,  block  Corinthian  capital 
was  executed  for  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona  in  1110  (Plate  221, 
Fig.  4).  About  the  same  time  capitals  were  being  executed  for 
the  cathedral  of  Modena  which  so  perfectly  reproduce  antique 

1  Ionic  capitals  were  seen  by  Cattaneo  at  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato  of  Vicenza, 
and  are  still  extant  at  S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino  (Plate  19,  Fig.  1,  3).  They  are  also  found 
at  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (HOT)  and  Castell'Arquato  (1117-1122).  Those  of  the 
Madonna  del  Castello  at  Almenno  S.  Salvatore  are  of  the  XVI  century  (see  Vol.  II, 
p.  44).    At  Isola  S.  Giulio  there  is  a  Doric  capital  in  the  ambo. 

213 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

models  that  by  many  writers  they  have  been  mistaken  for 
classical  works.  Thus  we  see  that  tlie  tradition  of  the  Corintliian 
capital  persisted  and  was  never  forgotten,  although  the  form 
was  freely  varied  and  developed. 

The  Lombard  capital  may  not  improbably  have  been  derived 
from  the  Corinthian.  An  early  step  in  the  direction  of  its 
formation  is  preserved  in  a  capital  of  S.  Sofia,  Padova,  which 
dates  from  c.  1010  (Plate  161,  Fig.  4).  We  have  here,  combined 
with  grotesques,  volutes  and  acanthus  leaves  which  appear  clear, 
though  distorted,  reminiscences  of  the  Corinthian  form.  The 
next  step  in  the  evolution  was  to  make  the  capital  compound. 
A  capital  of  this  type  was  seen  by  Cattaneo  at  SS.  Felice  e 
Fortunato  of  Vicenza.  It  probably  dated  from  c.  1030.  The 
capitals  of  Lodi  Vecchio,  which  were  executed  about  the  middle 
of  the  XI  century,  are  also  compound,  and  in  their  ornamentation 
show  a  notable  advance  over  those  of  S.  Sofia  (Plate  105, 
Fig.  1,  2,  4).  In  them  we  find  all  the  essential  characteristics  of 
the  Lombard  capital.  In  the  capitals  of  Brusasco,  which  are 
about  contemporary  (Plate  37,  Fig.  5),  the  vegetable  ornament 
is  especially  developed. 

The  Lombard  capital  reached  its  perfected  form  at  S. 
Ambrogio  of  JNIilan.  The  types  created  in  endless  variety  in 
this  important  edifice  (Plate  118,  Fig.  2;  Plate  120,  Fig.  2,  3,  4; 
Plate  122,  Fig.  2)  were  destined  to  exert  great  influence  upon 
subsequent  art.  As  early  as  1091  they  were  copied  at  S. 
Anastasio  of  Asti.  Soon  after  they  inspired  the  capitals  of 
Rivolta  d'Adda,  S.  Michele  of  Pavia,  the  cloisters  of  Ivrea — 
c.  1105 — (Plate  101,  Fig.  4),  and  a  host  of  other  monuments. 
In  1107  the  Lombard  capital  appeared  splendidly  developed  at 
S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (Plate  186,  Fig.  4,  5,  6,  7).  About  the 
same  time  it  spread  to  Cremona.  C.  1110  the  masons  of  Cemmo 
in  the  Alps  were  imitating  the  capitals  of  the  great  abbey  church 
of  INIilan.  At  Milan  itself  the  type  was  undergoing  but  little 
modification,  as  is  shown  by  the  capital  of  S.  Stefano,  which 
dates  from  1112  (Plate  133,  Fig.  1).  Even  at  Vaprio  d'Adda 
as  late  as  c.  1115  the  capitals  still  betray  the  direct  influence  of 
S.  Ambrogio  (Plate  213,  Fig.  3,  4),  and  the  same  models  were 

214 


OTHER  CAPITALS 

evidently  imitated  in  the  church  of  ^Nladerno,  erected  1120 
(Plate  112,  Fig.  3).  The  type,  however,  gradually  underwent 
a  change.  The  capitals  of  S.  Giorgio  of  ]Milan,  executed  1129, 
are  hard,  coarse  and  hfeless  (Plate  128,  Fig.  5).  Those  of  S. 
Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia  show  notable  refinement  and 
delicacy,  with  a  tendency  towards  more  minute  surface  decoration 
(Plate  178,  Fig.  1,  4).  In  the  cathedral  of  Parma,  Milanese 
influence  was  tempered  by  a  certain  classic  restraint  derived  from 
Modena.  The  result  was  a  new  type  of  decoration  of  which  there 
is  an  excellent  example  in  the  impost  of  ]Montechiarugolo, 
executed  c.  1145  (Plate  148,  Fig.  2).  After  the  third  decade  of 
the  XII  century  the  Lombard  capital  become  less  common, 
yielding  gradually  to  other  types,  though  it  still  occasionally 
lingered  on,  albeit  in  much  altered  and  modified  form,  until  the 
end  of  the  century.  ( See,  for  example,  the  capital  at  Ranverso — 
1188— Plate  190,  Fig.  2). 

A  curious  type  of  capital  which  deserves  at  least  brief 
mention  is  found  in  the  church  of  S.  JMaria  Canale  of  Tortona, 
which  dates  from  c.  1040  (Plate  211,  Fig.  4) .  The  volutes  have 
become  spurs  which  fill  the  angles  of  the  bell.  More  developed 
capitals  of  this  type  occur  in  the  church  of  the  Annunziata  at 
Corneto  (Plate  66,  Fig.  2)  and  in  the  ambulatorj^  of  Aversa. 
The  latter  are  almost  precisely  similar  to  a  capital  wliich  has 
recently  been  discovered  at  S.  Eufemia  of  Isola  Comacina. 


215 


CHAPTER  III.     GROTESQUES 

One  of  the  most  important  elements  in  Lombard  ornament 
is  undoubtedl}^  the  grotesque.  Since  a  vast  deal  of  nonsense  has 
been  written  on  this  subject,  it  will  be  well  to  make  here  the 
emphatic  statement  that  the  great  mass  of  these  decorations  are 
not  symbolic.  Those  who  have  attempted  to  find  in  them  the 
allegorical  representation  of  Virtues  and  Vices  and  other 
abstractions  show  themselves  profoundly  ignorant  of  the  spirit 
of  mediaeval  art.  It  is  rather  curious  that  these  writers,  who 
are  so  intent  upon  finding  a  mystic  meaning  where  it  was  not 
intended,  have  almost  invariably  missed  the  symbolism  which 
does  undoubtedly  exist  in  the  more  serious  figured  work. 

To  lay  aside  any  suspicion  that  the  grotesque  carvings  of 
Lombard  churches  are  symbolical,  the  well  known  and  often 
quoted  passage  from  St.  Bernard  would  in  itself  be  sufficient, 
especially  since  this  seems  to  have  been  written  with  particular 
reference  to  the  Romanesque  art  of  northern  Italy.  To  the 
ornament  of  no  other  region  would  his  description,  which 
explicitly  mentions  fierce  lions,  monstrous  centaurs,  half-men 
(sirens  ?),  fighting  knights,  trumpeting  hunters,  one  head  joined 
to  many  bodies  and  many  bodies  joined  to  one  head,  apply  so 
aptly.'  Fortunately,  however,  in  Lombardy  it  is  not  only  the 
evidence  of  St.  Bernard  which  can  put  us  on  the  right  road.    The 

1  Cseterum  in  claustris  coram  legentibus  f ratribus  quid  facit  ilia  ridicula  mon- 
struositas,  niira  quaedam  deformis  formositas,  ac  formosa  deformitas?  Quid  ibi 
iinmundi  siniiae?  quid  feri  leones?  quid  monstruosi  centauri?  quid  semihomines?  quid 
maculosae  tigrides?  quid  niilites  pugnantes?  quid  venatores  tubicinantes?  Videas  sub 
uno  capite  multa  corpora,  et  rursus  in  uno  corpora  capita  multa.  Cernitur  bine  in 
quadrupede  cauda  serpentis,  illinc  in  pisce  caput  quadrupedis.  Ibi  bestia  praefert 
cquum,  capram  trahens  retro  dimidiam;  hie  cornutum  animal  equum  gestat  posterius. 
Tarn  multa  denique,  tamque  mira  diversarum  formarum  ubique  varietas  apparet,  ut 
magis  legere  libeat  in  marmoribus  quam  in  codicibus,  totumque  diem  occupare  singula 
ista  mirando  quam  in  lege  Dei  meditando.  Proh  Deo !  si  non  pudet  ineptiarum,  cur 
vol  non  piget  expensarum?  (S.  Bernard!  Abbatis  Claraevallensis,  Apologia  ad 
Ovillelmum,  XII,  29,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CLXXXII,  915). 

216 


GROTESQUES 

sculptors  themselves  were  fond  of  adding  inscriptions  explaining 
or  commenting  upon  the  significance  of  their  carvings,  and  very 
frequently  give  us  the  clue  to  underlying  sjTnbolism  when  it 
exists.  In  the  case  of  grotesque  subjects  there  is  not  only  the 
negative  evidence  that  there  is  extant  not  a  single  inscription 
which  hints  at  allegorical  meaning,  but  the  positive  evidence  that 
several  inscriptions  distincth'  indicate  that  such  representations 
are  to  be  taken  in  lighter  vein.  "I  am  here  to  amuse  fools,"  says 
a  man  gravely  stroking  his  beard,  who  is  sculptured  on  a  capital 
of  Montefiascone.  Nicolo,  at  Sagra  S.  Michele  and  Piacenza, 
has  left  inscribed:  "These  sculptures  maj^  be  understood  by  any 
good  man  who  enters  or  leaves  the  church."  At  Sagra  S.  jSIichele 
he  even  goes  on  to  say:  "Thou  seest  flowers  mixed  with  animals." 
The  mock  funeral  of  the  fox  in  tiie  pavement  of  S.  INIaria 
Maggiore  at  Vercelli  was  inscribed  with  the  legend  ad  ridendum. 
At  times  the  inscription  has  a  humorous  qualitj'.  "O  how  I 
sweat  under  this  heavy  load!"  exclaims  a  caryatid  at  Piacenza. 
The  Lombard  grotesques  are,  therefore,  fantastic  creations  of 
the  imagination,  quite  imiocent  of  symbolism,  and  designed 
solely  for  the  purpose  which  they  so  admirably  fill — that  of 
amusing  and  delighting  whoever  sees  them. 

The  Lombard  builders  came  into  their  grotesques  by  honest 
inlieritance.  This  element  was  taken  over  from  the  Romans  by 
the  Early  Christians,  and,  in  fact,  has  never  wholly  disappeared 
from  Western  art.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  extreme 
popularity  of  gi'otesques  in  the  Lombard  period  was  caused — 
at  least  in  part — by  the  fact  that  thej^  were  easier  to  execute  than 
serious  figure  sculptures.  In  the  VIII  century  the  artists  found 
their  skill  hardly  adequate  for  the  representation  of  the  human 
form.  In  the  altar  of  Ratchis  at  Cividale  (Plate  3,  Fig.  2),  in 
the  baptistery  of  the  same  city  (Plate  59,  Fig.  3),  and  in  the 
seven  heads  sculptured  upon  a  capital  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro 
of  Pavia,  now  in  the  museum,  we  see  the  art  of  figure-sculpture 
in  its  death  agony.  Witli  the  exception  of  one  capital  in  a  crypt 
at  Asti,  I  know  of  no  other  figure-sculptures  executed  in  Lom- 
bardy  until  the  Renaissance  of  the  XI  century  was  ushered  in  by 
the  important  capital  of  Acqui  (Plate  3,  Fig.  5).     The  artists, 

217 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

forced  to  abandon  the  human  form,  embraced  the  grotesque 
element  with  double  enthusiasm.  As  early  as  c.  735  it  is 
prominent  in  carved  slabs  of  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (Plate  59, 
Fig.  4). 

It  was,  however,  in  the  second  half  of  the  XI  century  that 
grotesques  attained  their  greatest  popularity,  and  that  the 
artists  succeeded  in  imbuing  them  with  that  barbaric,  fantastic 
character  which  fascinates  us  to-day,  just  as  it  did  the  men  of 
the  XI  and  XII  centuries.  At  Lodi  Vecchio  (c.  1050)  the 
grotesque  element  is  exceedingly  prominent  on  the  capitals 
(Plate  105,  Fig.  1,  4).  Here  we  find  for  the  first  time,  so  far 
as  I  am  aware,  the  motive  of  two  animals  with  a  single  head 
forming  the  volute  of  the  capital — a  motive  destined  to  become 
so  pojivdar  in  Lombard  art.  From  this  time  onward  the 
grotesques  became  more  extravagant  and  more  fantastic,  both 
in  mosaic  and  in  carved  ornament.  The  capitals  of  S.  Ambrogio 
perhaps  mark  the  point  of  highest  development  in  this  type  of 
decoration  (Plate  120,  Fig.  2,  3). 

St.  Bernard  was  not  alone  in  feeling  that  grotesque  ornament 
had  been  carried  too  far  to  be  suitable  for  a  church-building. 
In  this,  as  in  much  else,  he  merely  voiced  the  conscience  of  his 
time.  Long  before  the  abbot  of  Clairvaux  thundered  his  denun- 
ciation there  had  been  noticeable  a  tendency  in  Lombard  art  to 
restrain  and  moderate  the  extravagances  of  the  grotesques.  This 
was  accomplished  in  two  ways — by  the  introduction  of  serious 
figure-subjects  among  the  grotesques,  and  by  taming  the  gro- 
tesques themselves.  As  time  went  on  the  grotesque  element 
became  constantly  less  predominant,  although  it  never  entirely 
disappeared.  Even  at  S.  Ambrogio  some  attempt  was  made  to 
introduce  serious  figure-sculptures.  At  S.  JSIichele  of  Pavia, 
for  all  the  wildness  of  the  grotesques,  there  are  still  represented 
a  number  of  subjects  unmistakably  of  religious  import.  At 
JSIonastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte  (c.  1090)  there  are  introduced  on 
the  capitals,  amidst  extravagant  grotesques  (two  animals  with 
a  single  head,  sirens,  etc.),  eagles,  which,  if  not  symbolical  are 
at  least  more  restrained  and  less  fantastic  than  much  of  the 
earlier  decoration.    Eagle  capitals  subsequently  became  extremely 

218 


I 


GROTESQUES 

popular.  We  find  them  at  Calvenzano  (c.  1095),  S.  Lorenzo 
of  Verona— c.  1110— (Plate  221,  Fig.  2),  S.  Maria  del  Tiglio 
of  Gravedona  (c.  1135),  S.  Maria  of  Bergamo — 1137 — 
(Plate  22,  Fig.  7),  S.  Simpliciano  of  Milan  (1171),  Carpi 
(1184),  S.  Fedele  of  Como— c.  1115— (Plate  63,  Fig.  8). 

At  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (which  was  consecrated  in  1095) 
grotesques  occur  only  in  the  exterior  decoration,  and  in  the 
contemporary  church  of  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna  serious  subjects 
are  mixed  with  grotesques  in  the  capitals  of  the  portal.  In  the 
Chiesa  d'Aurona  of  Milan — 109.5— (Plate  114,  Fig.  1,  2; 
Plate  115,  Fig.  1)  the  grotesque  element  is  distinctlj'  less 
prominent  than  at  S.  Ambrogio.  At  Rivolta  d'Adda,  on  the 
other  hand — c.  1099— (Plate  196,  Fig.  1,  2,  4,  5),  grotesques 
are  freely  used  in  the  capitals.  About  the  beginning  of  the  XII 
centurj'^  they  still  formed  an  important  element  in  the  decoration 
of  mosaic  pavements,  as  at  Acquanegra,  S.  Michele  of  Pavia 
(Plate  174,  Fig.  2),  Pieve  Terzagni,  S.  Salutore  of  Turin,  etc. 

The  grotesque  decoration  at  times  tended  to  degenerate 
into  obscenity.  Such  sculptures  were  probably  once  much  more 
abundant  than  they  are  at  present,  since  many  were  doubtless 
mutilated  by  the  prudery  of  the  XVI,  XVII  and  XVIII 
centuries.  The  earliest  examples  that  I  know  are  at  S.  ^lichele 
at  Pavia,  and  date  from  c.  1100.  At  ]Modena  are  others,  executed 
probably  about  the  middle  of  the  XII  centiu'j'.  As  late  as  1196- 
1207  indecent  sculptures  were  executed  for  the  frieze  of  the 
southern  tower  of  Borgo  S.  Donnino  (Plate  30,  Fig.  2). 

During  the  first  quarter  of  the  XII  century  the  grotesque 
element  in  decoration  was  still  exceedingly  important.  There 
are,  for  example,  grotesque  capitals  at  Castelnuovo  Scrivia — 
c.  1100— (Plate  50,  Fig.  7)  and  at  Cremona  (1107-1117).  In 
the  vaulting  capitals  of  the  latter  edifice  are  introduced  caryatids, 
a  new  element  which  Guglielmo  da  ^Modena  probably  copied 
from  ancient  Roman  monuments,  and  which  was  much  used  by 
his  successors,  especially  Xicolo.  In  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza 
caryatid  statues  were  used  to  replace  columns  in  the  exterior 
galleries.  They  are  frequently  found  supporting  architraves  or 
in  Lombard  porches.     At   Cemmo  the  corbels   of  the   arched 

219 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

corbel-tables  were  carved  with  heads  c.  1110.  The  latter  motive 
was  repeated  at  Denzano.  The  stilt-blocks  of  the  capitals  in  the 
exterior  galleries  are  carved  with  grotesque  heads  at  Cremona, 
Piacenza  and  I^odi. 

It  would  be  merely  tedious  to  trace  in  detail  the  use  of 
grotesques  during  the  XII  century.  They  became  constantly 
less  conspicuous,  although  occasionally  they  burst  forth  with 
a  wildness — -as  at  Cortezzone  d'Asti — c.  1150 — (Plate  82, 
Fig.  2,  4)  or  in  the  pavement  of  Casale  (c.  1140) — which  shows 
the  spirit  of  the  XI  century  was  smothered  rather  than  extinct.^ 

-  Those  who  are  curious  may  trace  the  gradual  passing  of  the  grotesque  clement 
in  the  followin<;  monuments:  S.  Fedele  of  Como — c.  1115 — (Plate  63,  Fig.  8;  Plate  64, 
Fig.  1);  CastcU'Arquato  (1117-1122),  Sagra  S.  Michelc,  Porta  dello  Zodiaco, — c.  1120— 
(Plate  19GA,  Fig.  1,  2),  S.  Fermo  di  Sopra  (c.  1125),  Brusasco  (c.  1130),  Cavana 
(c.  1130),  Cavagnolo— c.  lUO— (Plate  50,  Fig.  6;  Plate  51,  Fig.  4),  Piacenza  (1122- 
c.  1150),  Parma  (c.  1130-1150),  Pavia,  S.  Teodoro,— c.  1135— (Plate  180,  Fig.  4,  5,  6); 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (c.  1138),  pavement  of  S.  Benedetto  Po  (1151),  Ferrara  (1177), 
cloister  of  S.  Stefano  of  Bologna  (c.  1180),  baptistery  of  Parma   (1196-1214). 


220 


CHAPTER  IV.     BASES 

There  appears  to  have  been  but  little  progress  or  develop- 
ment in  the  design  of  bases  throughout  the  entire  Romanesque 
period  in  Lombardy.  Before  the  year  1000 — and,  indeed,  during 
the  XI  and  XII  centuries  as  well — ancient  material  was  very 
frequently  pilfered  to  supply  this  part  of  the  structure,  a  fact 
which  probabl}^  tended  to  establish  the  type  of  moulding 
used  even  when  new  material  was  employed.  The  Attic  base 
inherited  from  the  Romans  continued  to  be  the  standard  form. 
While  its  proportions  were  varied,  the  succession  of  mouldings — 
consisting  of  a  square  plinth,  a  torus,  a  scotia  and  another 
torus — was  generally  preserved  unaltered.  This  type  is  of 
constant  occurrence.^ 

^Nlany  of  the  base  profiles  which  at  first  sight  seem  to  diflPer 
from  the  Attic  upon  analysis  resolve  themselves  into  a  variant 
of  the  standard  form.  Thus  at  Lodi  Vecchio  (c.  1050)  we  have 
bases  in  which  all  the  characteristic  members  of  the  Attic  profile 
are  preserved,  but  flattened  so  that  the  base  loses  entirely  its 
spreading  character,  and  becomes  vertical.  This  type  of  base 
is  frequently  met  with  in  Lombardy.  At  Castelnuovo  Scrivia 
(c.  1100)  and  Porcile  (1143)  the  central  scotia  is  much  developed, 
and  the  two  tori  reduced  in  size,  so  that  the  base  seems  to  have 
a  totally  different  character.  At  Carpi  (1184)  are  Attic  bases 
with  fillets.  At  Stradella  (c.  1035)  the  lower  torus  is  made  a 
quarter-,  instead  of  a  half-,  round,  and  the  scotiae  are  in  some 
cases  decorated  with  a  rope-moulding  (Plate  209;  Plate  210). 
At  INIont'Orfano  (c.  1145)  the  central  scotia  is  replaced  by  a 
long  vertical  member. 

In  many  instances  the  central  scotia  is  replaced  by  a  torus. 

I  It  is  found,  e.g.,  in  the  baptistery  of  Vigolo  Marchese  (c.  1010),  at  Calvenzano 
(c.  1040),  at  CasteU'Arquato  (1117-1122),  in  the  Atrio  di  PUato  of  Bologna  (c.  1143), 
at  Castelnuovo  Scrivia   (1183),  etc. 

221 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

The  profile  then  consists  of  a  plinth  and  three  superimposed  tori. 
There  is  a  base  of  this  sort  at  S.  Satiro  of  JNIilan,  dating  from 
876.  The  type  is  repeated  at  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano  (1072), 
at  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna  (c.  1095),  in  the  crj'pt  of  the  cathedral 
of  Parma  (1117),  at  S.  Giulia  of  Bonate  (1129),  and  at 
Montiglio  (c.  1150).  The  number  of  tori  is  often  varied.  At 
the  Badia  di  Vertemate  (1083-1095)  there  is  a  single  torus  with 
a  fillet  above.  At  S.  Lorenzo  of  ISIantova  the  bases  are  formed 
by  fiat  stones  surmoimted  by  a  moulding.  At  Roffeno  (1104) 
there  are  two  tori.  The  extraordinary  bases  of  Cortazzone 
d'Asti  (c.  1150)  are  similar  (Plate  82,  Fig.  2). 

Griffes,  which  had  been  used  in  Byzantine  architecture,  and 
are  found  at  Aachen,"  do  not,  to  the  extent  of  my  knowledge, 
appear  in  the  Romanesque  architecture  of  northern  Italy  before 
the  XI  century.  According  to  Cattaneo  they  were  found  at  SS. 
Felice  e  Fortunato  of  Vicenza  in  bases  belonging  to  the  church 
rebuilt  c.  1030.  At  Lodi  Vecchio  there  are  extant  fine  examples 
dating  from  c.  1050.  From  that  time  onward  the  griff e  is  of 
very  frequent  occurrence.^ 

There  remains  to  be  noted  one  other  peculiarity  in  the 
design  of  bases  in  Lombard  churches.  I  refer  to  the  habit  of 
using  inverted  capitals  in  this  position.  The  mannerism  might 
appear  to  have  originated  in  the  use  of  second-hand  material, 
but  seems  instead  to  have  been  derived  from  Bj'^zantine  tradition. 
A  reversed  capital  is  used  as  a  base  in  one  of  the  cisterns  at 
Constantinople.*  An  early  example  of  this  construction  in  Italy 
is  preserved  in  the  church  of  S.  Lorenzo  at  INIilan.  Bases  in  the 
form  of  inverted  capitals  are  found  at  S.  Vincenzo  of  Gravedona 
(1072),  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo— 1140— (Plate  11,  Fig.  8), 
S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona  (c.  1110),  Vaprio  d'Adda  (c.  1115), 
Panico    (c.   1145),  S.  Lazaro  of  Pavia    (1157),   S.  Ruffillo  di 

2  Venturi,  III,  26. 

3  Examples  at  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo  (c.  1100),  Castelnuovo  Scrivia — c.  1100 — 
(Plate  50,  Fig.  7),  S.  Giulia  of  Monchio  (c.  1100),  Cemmo— c.  1110— (Plate  51,  Fig.  2), 
Vaprio  d'Adda— c.  1115— (Plate  213,  Fig.  2,  3,  5),  Fontanella  (c.  1130),  S.  Maria  del 
Tiglio  of  Gravedona  (c.  1135),  Chiaravalle  della  ColomI)a  (c.  1145-c.  1200),  S.  Pietro 
of  Asti  (c.  1160),  S.  Lorenzo  of  Cremona  (c.  1195). 

*  Choisy,  Byzantines,  14-15. 

222 


i 


BASES 

Bologna— 1178— (Plate  203,  Fig.  5)  and  Vezzolano,  in  the  west 
gallery  of  the  cloisters— c.  1180— (Plate  237,  Fig.  2),  as  well 
as  in  the  east  gallery  (1189) .  It  is  singular  that  this  mannerism 
was  copied  in  the  Romanesque  architecture  of  Brittany,  where 
it  acquired  great  importance.  It  is  another  proof  that  Breton 
architecture  in  the  XII  century  was  closely  dependent  upon  the 
Lombard  style. 


223 


CHAPTER  V.    ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES 

The  arched  corbel-table  has  been  almost  universallj'^  recog- 
nized as  the  most  tj-pical  and  characteristic  ornament  of  the 
Lombard  style,  as  indeed  it  is.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore, 
that  it  has  attracted  from  archfeologists  a  considerable  amount 
of  attention.  All  the  studies  that  have  been  made  of  this 
ornament,  however,  are  misleading  because  founded  upon  an 
error  Avhich  has  given  a  false  starting-point  for  the  genealogy  of 
the  entire  Lombard  style. 

The  arched  corbel-table  does  not  appear  in  northern  Italy — 
nor  anywhere  else  to  the  extent  of  my  knowledge — before  the 
year  1000.  The  mistaken  conviction  that  it  was  in  use  con- 
tinuously from  the  VI  century  onward  has,  more  than  any  other 
single  misconception,  resulted  in  confusing  and  confounding  the 
true  chronology'  of  Lombard  architecture.^ 

The  cathedral  and  baptistery  of  Ravenna  are  often  cited  as 
examples  of  arched  corbel-tables  dating  from  the  Byzantine 
period.  It  was,  however,  recognized  by  Ricci  that  these  Ravenna 
cornices  have  been  much  rebuilt,  and  an  examination  of  the 
masonry  leaves  no  possible  room  for  doubt  that  the  arched 
corbel-tables  were  added  after  the  year  1000.  In  fact,  there  is 
documentary  evidence  that  the  apse  of  the  cathedral  was  recon- 
structed in  1112,^  and  the  character  of  the  bricks  is  a  sufficient 
indication  that  the  cornice  of  the  baptisterj^  was  remade  a  century 
earlier. 

We  look  through  the  not  meagre  list  of  authentic  extant 
monuments   erected   in   northern    Italy   before   the   year    1000 

1  So  far  as  I  recollect,  Stiehl  is  the  only  archaeologist  who  has  grasped  even 
approximately  the  history  of  the  arched  corbel-tal)le,  and  he  places  its  appearance 
half  a  century  too  late.  "Als  einfache  Wandgliederunp,  ohne  dass  jeder  Bogen  eine 
innere  Oeffnung  urafasste,  komnit  der  fortlaufende  Bogenfries  wohl  vor  den  letzten 
Jahrzehnten  des  elften  Jahrhunderts  in  Italien  kauin  vor"  (Stiehl,  8). 

=  Venturi,  III,  420. 

224 


ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES 

without  finding  a  single  other  example  of  the  arched  corbel-table. 
Those  of  S.  Vincenzo  in  Prato  of  ^Nlilan  were  added  out  of  the 
whole  cloth  bj-  the  XIX  centurj'  restorers,  as  is  happily  proved 
by  ample  documentary  evidence.  Before  1880  this  IX  century 
basilica  possessed  no  arched  corbel-tables.  Similarly  without 
this  ornament  are  all  the  extant  Carlovingian  monuments — 
SS.  Tosca  e  Teuteria  of  Verona  (Plate  223,  Fig.  2),  S.  Giorgio 
di  Valpolicella,  S.  Zeno  of  Bardolino,  etc.  Certain  edifices  with 
arched  corbel-tables  have  been  assigned  to  an  early  date,  which 
in  reality  were  erected  in  the  XI  or  XII  centuries.  A  con- 
spicuous example  is  the  pieve  of  Bagnacavallo,  which  has  been 
usually  attributed  to  the  VI  century,  although  there  is  docu- 
mentary evidence  that  it  was  not  founded  until  the  IX  century, 
and  the  existing  church  is  in  the  style  of  the  XI  centurj\ 

Having  therefore  cleared  our  minds  of  the  misconception 
that  arched  corbel-tables  were  used  before  the  year  1000,  let  us 
seek  light  upon  the  origin  of  the  motive. 

It  has  been  generally  recognized  that  the  prototype  of  the 
arched  corbel-table  is  the  blind  arch  used  in  Byzantine  archi- 
tecture, as,  for  example,  in  the  tomb  of  Galla  Placidia,  or  in  the 
clearstory  of  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe,  both  at  Ravenna.  The 
motive  seems  to  have  been  widely  spread  in  northern  Italy.  It 
is  found  above  the  arcade  of  arches  supported  on  columns  in  the 
ambulatory  of  S.  Sofia  at  Padova,  dating  from  c.  550,  and 
it  occurred  in  the  church  of  S.  Maria  delle  Caccie  at  Pavia, 
a  monument  the  date  of  which  it  is  now  quite  impossible  to 
determine. 

It  appears,  however,  that  it  was  only  at  the  end  of  the  X 
century  that  the  Lombard  builders  took  over  and  revived  the  old 
Byzantine  motive.  In  the  outside  wall  of  the  crypt  of  the 
ambulatory  at  S.  Stefano  of  Verona  is  a  blind  arcade  with  free- 
standing columns  dating  fi'om  c.  990  (Plate  222,  Fig.  2).  At 
Spigno,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  991,  the  church 
was  decorated  externally  with  a  series  of  blind  arches  (Plate  207, 
Fig.  4).  These  arches  were  supported,  not  on  columns,  but  on 
pilaster  strips,  in  the  Byzantine  manner.  It  is  true  that  the  upper 
part  of  the  cornice,  with  the  arches  themselves,  has  disappeared, 

225 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

but  analog}'  with  later  monuments  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the 
original  dispositions.  At  S.  Pietro  in  Valle  (c.  1005)  the  blind 
arches  are  in  perfect  preservation  (Plate  203,  Fig.  2).  At  S. 
Vincenzo  of  Galliano,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1007, 
we  find  blind  arches  used  to  decorate  the  apse  (Plate  99,  Fig.  1) 
and  alternating  with  the  windows  in  the  clearstory  (I'late  96, 
Fig.  3).  At  S.  Giovanni  of  Vigolo  Marchese,  an  authentically 
dated  monument  of  1008,  the  motive  reappears  (Plate  240, 
Fig.  5),  as  it  does  also  in  the  baptistery  of  the  same  place — 
c.  1010—  (Plate  240,  Fig.  3 ) .  In  the  lower  half  of  the  baptistery 
the  blind  arches  are  supported  on  engaged  half  columns.  It  is 
therefore  evident  that  during  the  last  decade  of  the  X  century 
and  the  first  fifteen  years  of  the  XI  century,  the  old  Byzantine 
motive  was  freely  used  by  the  Lombard  builders. 

They  continued  to  use  it  also  in  later  times.  Thus,  in  the 
baptistery  of  Lenno  (c.  1085)  there  are  blind  arches  supported 
on  half  columns  and  pilaster  strips  on  either  side  of  the  portal 
(Plate  102,  Fig.  2).  At  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  there  are  blind 
arches  in  two  orders  dating  from  e.  1106  and  c.  1126  (Plate  161, 
Fig.  3).  At  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno  S.  Salvatore  there  are  blind 
arches  supported  on  pilaster  strips  with  engaged  shafts  (Plate  11, 
Fig.  7).  There  is  a  blind  arch  in  the  facade  of  Maderno,  a 
monument  which  dates  from  c.  1120  (Plate  112,  Fig.  1).  In 
the  cathedral  of  Parma,  which  was  built  between  1130  and  1150, 
blind  arches  were  a  favourite  motive  of  decoration  (Plate  165, 
Fig.  1;  Plate  166,  Fig.  4).  From  thence  they  were  extensively 
copied  in  local  churches  of  the  school  of  Parma,  as,  for  example, 
Vicofertile  (Plate  240,  Fig.  1),  S.  Andrea  of  Parma  (1216), 
S.  Croce  of  Parma  (1222),  Gaione,  Collecchio  and  S.  Ilario  di 
Baganza.  They  found  their  way  also  to  S.  JNIaria  jNIaggiore 
of  Bergamo— 1137— (Plate  22,  Fig.  5).  At  INIodena  blind 
arches  enclosing  galleries  and  arched  corbel-tables  (Plate  140, 
Fig.  1,  3)  formed  a  characteristic  part  of  the  design.  This 
peculiar  decoration  was  copied  at  Ferrara  (Plate  89,  Fig.  3) 
and  Carpi  (Plate  42,  Fig.  6).  The  experienced  eye  finds  no 
difficulty  in  distinguishing  the  later  examples  of  blind  arches 
from  the  rude,  simple,  primitive  type. 

226 


ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES 

Although  Wind  arches  or  arcades  were  not  used  in  an 
architectural  manner  by  the  north  Italian  builders  of  the 
Carlovingian  epoch,  the  tradition  of  the  motive  seems  to  have 
survived  in  decorative  carvings.  Thus,  we  find  something  very- 
similar  represented  in  the  tomb  of  S.  Cumiano  at  Bobbio — 
c.  730— (Plate  24,  Fig.  1),  in  carved  slabs  of  S.  Abondio  of 
Como  (c.  735),  and  numerous  other  examples  that  might  be 
cited.  Even  in  the  XI  and  XII  centuries  blind  arches  or  niches 
continued  to  be  represented  in  decoration.  We  find  them,  for 
example,  in  the  mosaic  pavements  of  Pieve  Terzagni  and  S. 
Benedetto  Po,  and  in  the  sculptured  archivolts  of  the  cathedral 
of  Piacenza  (Plate  181,  Fig.  1;  Plate  182,  Fig.  4). 

Another  motive  admittedly  closely  related  to  the  arched 
corbel-table  is  the  blind  niche  so  characteristic  of  the  cornices  of 
Lombard  half  domes.  The  construction  obviously  originated  in 
the  external  masking  of  the  semi-dome.  The  north  Itahan 
builders  found  that  the  exigencies  of  their  rigorous  climate  made 
impracticable  the  frank  external  treatment  of  the  dome,  such  as 
is  frequently  found  in  more  southern  latitudes.  They  accord- 
ingly covered  the  half  dome  of  their  apses  with  a  simple  lean-to 
roof,  and  continued  the  wall  straight  up  to  meet  the  eaves.  The 
half  dome  was  thus  masked  externally.  In  order  to  obviate  the 
great  waste  of  material  which  would  otherwise  ensue,  and  perhaps 
also  to  make  the  construction  more  truthful,  the  architects 
introduced  blind  niches  occupying  the  space  between  the  eaves 
and  the  springing  of  the  dome.  The  earliest  example  of  such  a 
cornice  that  I  know  is  the  apse  of  S.  Vincenzo  in  Prato  of  ]Milan, 
which  dates  from  about  830  (Plate  137,  Fig.  4).  Although  this 
important  monument  was  most  unfortunately  denatured  in  the 
restoration  of  the  XIX  century,  there  appears  to  be  good  reason 
to  believe  that  the  niches  were  in  two  orders  and  that  the  second 
order  was  supported  on  pilaster  strips.  The  second  order  of 
these  niches  obviously  forms  a  motive  which  closely  resembles  the 
arched  corbel-table. 

Similar  niches,  but  seemingly  of  more  primitive  character- 
since  they  are  of  a  single  order — occur  in  the  apse  of  Agliate 
(Plate  5,  Fig.  7).     The  crude  rubble  used  in  the  construction 

227 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

perhaps  necessitated  that  the  second  order  should  he  ehniinated. 
The  motive  seems  to  have  sj)read  rapidly,  for  niches  much  like 
those  of  Agliate  appear  without  the  limits  of  Lombardy  in  the 
cornice  of  the  apse  of  the  church  of  St.-ISIartin  at  Aune  (Savoie). 
In  the  baptistery  of  Agliate  there  was  originally  a  cornice  of 
niches  similar  to  that  of  the  basilica,  but  a  row  of  arched  corbel- 
tables  Avas  added  below  in  a  later  restoration  (Plate  5,  Fig.  5,  6). 
The  same  thing  has  occurred  in  the  bajitistery  of  Novara,  where 
only  the  original  cornice  of  niches  dates  from  c.  900  (Plate  156, 
Fig.  3) .  The  motive  survived  at  S.  Calimero  in  INIilan — c.  990 — 
(Plate  125,  Fig.  2),  and  in  the  apse  of  S.  Eustorgio,  which  dates 
from  c.  1000  (Plate  127,  Fig.  4),  though  here  the  entire  upper 
part  of  the  cornice,  including  the  second  order  of  the  niches,  is 
modern.  A  cornice  of  blind  niches  is  found  in  the  absidiole  of 
the  southern  campanile  of  the  cathedral  of  Aosta,  a  monument 
which  dates  from  c.  1010.  In  the  baptistery  of  Biella  (c.  1040), 
the  motive  is  repeated  with  a  second  order  carried  on  pilaster 
strips  (Plate  24,  Fig.  2).  In  this  instance  it  is  used  not  only 
in  the  cornices  of  the  half  domes  but  also  in  that  of  the  central 
vault.  In  fact,  from  this  time  onward  we  shall  find  blind  niches 
employed  with  domes  as  Avell  as  with  half  domes.  The  blind 
niches  of  the  apse  cornice  of  Lodi  Vecchio  (c.  1050)  appear 
originally  to  have  been  in  only  a  single  order  (Plate  104,  Fig.  3) . 
At  S.  Nazaro  of  Milan  the  blind  niches  of  the  apse  cornice  are 
still  extant  (Plate  128,  Fig.  3),  but  have  obviously  been  very 
much  rebuilt.  Those  of  the  cupola  which  are  still  in  perfect 
preservation  are  in  two  orders  (Plate  128,  Fig.  1).  In  the 
cupola  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  is  a  cornice  of  blind  niches  not 
earlier  than  c.  1100  (Plate  173,  Fig.  5;  Plate  175,  Fig,  2).  In 
the  clearstory  wall  of  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia^ — c.  1105 — ■ 
(Plate  31,  Fig.  7),  the  blind  niches  are  in  three  orders,  and 
surmounted  by  arched  corbel-tables.  Thej'^  are  also  sm-moimted 
by  arched  corbel-tables  in  the  apse  of  S.  Giacomo  of  Como,  which 
dates  from  c.  1105.  In  the  apse  of  Cemmo — c.  1110 — (Plate  52, 
Fig.  2)  the  blind  niches  are  in  two  orders  and  supported  on 
pilaster  strips.  Similar  niches  are  found  in  the  apse  of  Isola 
S.  Giulio  (c.  1120).    At  Agrate  Conturbia— c.  1125— (Plate  10, 

228 


ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES 

Fig.  3)  the  blind  niches  are  supported  on  columns  with  capitals 
running  back  into  the  wall.  They  have  virtually  become  engaged 
galleries. 

In  certain  monuments  of  the  late  XII  century  of  the  region 
of  Cremona  the  niched  cornice  underwent  a  striking  and  highly 
decorative  development.  The  height  of  the  niches  was  much 
increased.  The  result  was  such  striking  cornices  as  those  of 
S.  Lorenzo  (Plate  86,  Fig.  1)  and  S.  Michele  (Plate  86,  Fig.  3) 
of  Cremona.^ 

While  I  should  be  disposed  to  -believe  that  the  second  order 
of  niched  cornices  exercised  indirectly  considerable  influence  on 
the  evolution  of  the  arched  corbel-table,  the  weight  of  evidence 
seems  to  show  that  the  latter  motive  developed  more  directly  out 
of  the  blind  arch.  We  have  seen  that  the  niched  cornice  continued 
in  use  from  the  IX  to  the  XII  century  without  undergoing  any 
essential  change  or  development.  Blind  arches,  on  the  other  hand, 
appeared  in  Lombard  architecture  for  the  first  time  in  the  last 
decade  of  the  X  and  in  the  early  years  of  the  XI  century.  Now, 
if  we  conceive  of  a  building  such  as,  for  example,  Spigno 
(Plate  207,  Fig.  4),  of  which  the  walls  were  entireh'  decorated 
with  a  series  of  blind  arches  like  those  still  preserved  in  the  apse 
of  Galliano  (Plate  99,  Fig.  1),  we  shall  readily  perceive  that 
the  construction  of  this  surface  ornament  would  be  a  matter  of 
considerable  difficulty  and  expense.  It  could  be  much  simjjlified 
by  omitting,  let  us  saj%  half  of  the  pilaster  strips.  The  result 
would  be  arched  corbel-tables  grouped  two  and  two.  Xow,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  earliest  extant  arched  corbel-tables  are 
grouped  two  and  two,  and  they  appear  c.  1000,  or  about  ten  years 
after  the  motive  of  blind  arches  had  been  revived.  In  the  earliest 
examples,  like  those  of  the  Pieve  of  Bagnacavallo — c.  1000 — 
(Plate  18,  Fig.  5)  or  Montecchia  di  Crosara  (Plate  147,  Fig.  2), 
the  arched  corbel-tables  have  precisely  the  appearance  of  blind 
arches  of  which  half  the  pilaster  strips  have  been  cut  off.  At 
S.  Fedelino  on  the  Lago  di  Mezzola — c.  1000— (Plate  102, 
Fig.    1)    and   in  the  campanile   of   S.    Giorgio   di   Valpolicella 

3  The  evolution  of  these  cornices  may  be  studied  at  Calvenzano — c.  1140 — 
(Plate  39,  Fig.  1)  and  Pizzeghettone  (c.  1170). 

229 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

(c.  1000),  the  motive  has  assumed  more  the  appearance  of 
developed  arched  corbel-tables,  but  the  grouping  is  still  two  and 
two.  It  continues  to  be  two  and  two  in  the  Foresteria  of  Sagi'a 
S.  Michele,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  lOO'i,  and  at 
S.  Ponzo  Canavese — c.  1105— (Plate  203,  Fig.  4).  At  S. 
Giovanni  of  Vigolo  ]Marchese,  an  authentically  dated  monument 
of  1008,  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  also  grouped  two  and  two 
(Plate  240,  Fig.  5).  This  monument  illustrates  with  particular 
clearness  the  evolution  of  the  arched  corbel-table  from  the  blind 
arch.  At  the  cathedral  of  Aosta  (c.  1010)  the  arched  corbel- 
tables  continued  to  be  grouped  two  and  two,  as  they  are  also  in 
the  baptisterj'  of  Galliano,  which  dates  from  c.  1015.  At  S. 
Pietro  of  Acqui,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  c.  1015- 
1023,  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  still  grouped  two  and  two 
(Plate  4,  Fig.  5).  In  the  apse  of  this  monument  we  find  again 
strong  evidence  that  the  arched  corbel-table  was  derived  from  the 
blind  arch  (Plate  4,  Fig.  2).  In  the  apse  of  the  cathedral  of 
Acqui,  a  monument  begun  c.  1015,  but  finished  only  in  1067,  the 
arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped  two  and  tw'o  on  the  absidioles 
(Plate  2,  Fig.  5,  6;  Plate  3,  Fig.  1).  Elsewhere  on  the  edifice, 
however,  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped  in  larger  numbers 
and  are  sometimes  in  two  orders.  This  is  the  beginning  of  the 
evolution  of  the  motive.  Introduced  c.  1000  as  the  direct  develop- 
ment of  blind  arches,  arched  corbel-tables  until  this  time  had 
continued  to  be  grouped  tw'o  and  two. 

At  Piobesi,  erected  c.  1020,  the  apse  cornice  is  adorned  with 
blind  niches  surmounted  by  arched  corbel-tables  grouped  two 
and  two  or  three  and  three  (Plate  188,  Fig.  2).  In  this  monu- 
ment the  arched  corbel-table  proper  and  the  second  order  of  the 
blind  niche  reach  their  point  of  contact.  At  S.  Antonino  of 
Piacenza,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1022,  we  find  the 
first  example  of  true  arched  corbel-tables  grouped  three  and 
three  (Plate  182,  Fig.  5).  At  Mariano  (c.  1025)  the  arched 
corbel-tables  are  grouped  two  and  tw'o  and  three  and  three 
(Plate  113,  Fig.  2).  At  Lomello,  a  monument  built  about  the 
same  time,  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped  two  and  two  or 
three  and  three  (Plate  110,  Fig.  1,  2).     The  presence  of  blind 

230 


ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES 

arches  over  the  clearstory  windows  here  again  proves  the  close 
relationship  between  the  two  motives.  In  the  country  churches 
of  Sparone  and  Cavriana  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped 
two  and  two,  although  these  edifices  are  contemporary  with 
Lomello. 

At  Pombia  (c.  1030)  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped 
two  and  two  or  three  and  three.  In  the  apse  of  SS.  Felice  e 
Fortunato  of  Vicenza  (c.  1030)  the  arched  corbel-tables  are 
groui^ed  two  and  two  (Plate  239,  Fig.  4).  The  motive  was 
repeated  symmetrically  when  the  apse  was  raised  in  1179.  The 
arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped  two  and  two  at  S.  Sepolcro  of 
Milan,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1030  (Plate  133, 
Fig.  2,  6),  and  in  the  contemporary  campanile  of  S.  Stefano  of 
Pavia.  In  other  monuments  of  c.  1030,  however,  we  find  a 
notable  development  of  the  motive.  At  Spinairano  the  arched 
corbel-tables  are  grouped  two  and  two  and  three  and  three.  At 
Oleggio  (Plate  159,  Fig.  5)  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  arranged 
in  one  group  of  two,  three  groups  of  three,  one  group  of  four, 
one  group  of  five,  one  group  of  ten,  and  one  group  of  eleven. 
It  is  evident  that  the  builder  was  developing  the  motive  rapidly. 
Beside  this  there  are  on  the  facade  four  groups  of  three  arranged 
in  a  i^rimitive  and  fantastic  manner  so  as  to  follow  the  slope  of 
the  gable,  as  will  be  clear  from  the  illustration  (Plate  159,  Fig.  5) . 
A  similar  tendency  to  develop  the  motive  is  noticeable  at  Sezze, 
an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1030  (Plate  206,  Fig.  3,  4). 
Here  the  arched  corbel-tables  are,  for  the  most  part,  grouped 
two  and  two,  but  there  is  one  group  of  three  and  one  of  five. 
Similarly,  in  the  contemporary  church  of  ]Mazzone  (Plate  187, 
Fig.  1 )  we  find  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  builders  to  reduce  the 
number  of  pilaster  strips.  There  are  here  twenty  groups  of  three 
and  three,  and  three  groups  of  four  and  four. 

At  Stradella  (c.  1035)  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped 
four  and  four  or  five  and  five  on  the  apses  (Plate  211,  Fig.  1) 
and  fully  developed  on  the  southern  wall  (Plate  211,  Fig.  2). 
At  Susa  (c.  1035)  the}"  are  also  developed.  At  Sannazzaro 
(1040)  we  have  an  example  of  fully  developed  arched  corbel- 
tables  authentically  dated  1040.    From  this  time  onward  arched 

231 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

corbel-tables  grouped  two  and  two,  three  and  three,  or  even  four 
and  four  were  used  with  increasing  rarity,  and  finally  came  to  be 
supi^lanted  almost  entirely  by  the  fully  developed  type,  except 
when  revived,  especially  in  certain  mannered  edifices  of  the  school 
of  Parma,  in  which  thej'  were  frequently  employed  in  conjunction 
with  blind  arches/  Even  in  fully  developed  arched  corbel-tables, 
however,  pilaster  strips,  or,  more  frequently,  shafts,  were  used 
to  support  the  cornice  at  intervals,  so  that  the  arches  occasionally 
continued  to  be  grouped  in  as  small  numbers  as  three  and  three 
or  even  two  and  two/  The  presence  of  shafts,  the  quality  of  the 
masonry  or  other  tell-tale  characteristics  of  the  late  epoch,  make 
it  easy  to  distinguish  such  modifications  of  the  fully  developed 
motive  from  the  early  stages  we  have  just  been  tracing.    There 

*  At  S.  Nicol6  of  Fiona  (c.  1040)  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped  two  and 
two,  three  and  three,  four  and  four,  with  some  fully  developed  (Plate  188,  Fig.  4). 
At  Casalino  (c.  1040)  they  are  grouped  three  and  three,  five  and  five,  seven  and  seven, 
or  in  larger  groups  (Plate  48,  Fig.  1).  At  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (c.  1040)  they  are 
grouped  two  and  two,  three  and  three,  four  and  four  and  in  larger  groups  (Plate  56, 
Fig.  1,  2).  At  Sommacampagna  (c.  1040)  they  are  fully  developed.  Groups  of  four 
and  four  and  larger  numbers  occur  in  the  campanile  of  S.  Stefano  of  Ivrea,  an 
authentically  dated  monument  of  1041.  The  arched  corbel-tables  of  the  campanile  of 
S.  Satiro  of  Milan  (Plate  132,  Fig.  3),  an  authentically  dated  moninnent  of  1043,  are 
fully  developed.  Fully  developed  also  are  those  of  S.  Benedetto  of  S.  Pietro  di 
Civate— c.  1045— (Plate  56,  Fig.  4),  S.  Severo  of  BardoUno  (c.  1050),  Sasso— c.  1050— 
(Plate  205,  Fig.  2),  and  Lodi  Vecchio — c.  1050 — (Plate  105,  Fig.  3).  In  the  campanile 
of  SS.  Gervasio  e  Protasio  of  Baveno  (c.  1050)  they  are  grouped  three  and  three  or 
in  larger  numbers.  The  groups  are  of  two  and  two,  three  and  three,  and  five  and 
five  at  Viguzzolo— c.  1050— (Plate  241,  Fig.  2).  At  Curreggio — c.  1055— (Plate  87, 
Fig.  1)  tlie  arched  corbel-tables  of  the  apses  are  grouped  four  and  four.  S.  Vincenzo 
of  Gravedona,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1073,  has  arched  corbel-tables 
grouped  four  and  four  on  the  southern  wall  (Plate  100,  Fig.  4),  but  six  and  six  on 
the  northern  wall  (Plate  100,  Fig.  5).  Arched  corbel-tables  of  fully  developed  type 
are  found  at  Cosio  (1078),  Fontanella— 1080-1090— (Plate  91;  Plate  93,  Fig.  1),  S. 
Giacomo  of  BeUagio  (c.  1095),  Cappella  del  Ciniitero  at  Sagra  S.  Michele — c.  1100 — 
(Plate  196,  Fig.  3),  S.  Vincenzo  of  Abbazia  di  Sesto  Calcnde  (Plate  2,  Fig.  1),  the 
cathedral  of  Cremona  (1107-1117,  1129-1141),  S.  Fedele  of  Como — c.  1115— (Plate  61), 
Vaprio  d'Adda— c.  1115— (Plate  313,  Fig.  5),  Castell'Arquato  (1117-1133),  Isola  della 
Scala— 1120— (Plate  101,  Fig.  1),  Nonantola  (1131  f.),  Novara— 1125— (Plate  157), 
the  baptistery  of  Arsago — c.  1130— (Plate  15,  Fig.  5),  Fontanella— c.  1130— (Plate  93, 
Fig.  3),  Parma  cathedral— c.  1130-1150— (Plate  166,  Fig.  4),  S.  Maria  del  Tiglio  of 
Gravedona— c.  1135— (Plate  100,  Fig.  1,  3,  3),  ChiaravaUe— 1135-1231— (Plate  54, 
Fig.  1),  ChiaravaUe  della  Colomba — c.  1145-1200— (Plate  53,  Fig.  3),  Cremona  bap- 
tistery—1167— (Plate  83,  Fig.  6),  Rivalta  Scrivia  (1180),  Castelnuovo  Scrivia  (1183), 
Morimondo— 1186— (Plate  154,  Fig.  4),  Varese— 1187— (Plate  214,  Fig.  1),  S.  Maria 
Maggiore  of  Bergamo— 1187— (Plate  33,  Fig.  2),  Crescenzago— 1190— (Plate  87,  Fig.  2), 
Lodi  (c.  1190),  S.  Michele  of  Cremona— c.  1200— (Plate  86,  Fig.  3),  etc. 

232 


ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES 

is  similarly  no  difficulty  in  distinguishing  from  early  examples 
the  arched  corbel-tables  grouped  two  and  two,  revived  in  an 
archaistic  sjiirit  during  the  last  part  of  the  XII  century, 
especially  in  the  province  of  Parma/ 

As  was  natural  with  a  motive  so  constantly  repeated,  the 
arched  corbel-tables  underwent  various  developments  and 
embellishments.  At  Sannazzaro  Sesia  (1040)  open-work 
patterns  are  introduced  beneath  the  arches.  Such  patterns  are 
found  in  fresco  at  IMazzone  (c.  1030).  They  are  found  also 
in  the  Romanesque  campanili  of  the  Val  d'Aosta  (notably  at 
Courmayeur)  and  in  the  campanile  of  Pomposa.  Related  to 
this  motive  are  the  perforated  ornaments  introduced  in  the 
arched  corbel-tables  of  Portocomaro  (c.  1120).  At  Panico 
(c.  1145)  a  criss-cross  is  introduced  under  certain  arches.  At 
Montiglio  (c.  1150)  the  spandrels  are  cut  out.  At  times  the 
arched  corbel-tables  were  adorned  with  elaborate  carvings,  prin- 
cipally of  a  grotesque  nature.  Such  are  found  at  S.  INIaria  di 
Castello  of  Corneto  (1121),  Porcile  (1143),  Montafia— c.  1150— 
(Plate  147,  Fig.  3),  Cortazzone  d'Asti— c.  1150— (Plate  82, 
Fig.  4)  and  Viarigi  (Plate  239,  Fig.  5) .  In  the  school  of  Verona 
the  corbels  under  arched  corbel-tables  were  frequently  heavily 
moulded  as  at  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona  (1123). 

Since  blind  niches  in  two  orders  had  been  executed  from  an 
early  epoch,  it  was  natural  that  a  second  order  should  be  given 
also  to  the  arched  corbel-table.  The  earliest  example  of  this 
embellishment  that  I  know  is  in  the  apse  of  the  cathedral  of 

5  In  the  slender  campanile  of  S.  Andrea  of  Campo  di  Lenno  (c.  1085)  the  arched 
corbel-tables  are  grouped  two  and  two.  They  are  grouped  three  and  three  in  the 
contemporary  baptistery  of  Lenno  (Plate  102,  Fig.  2).  In  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of 
Brescia  (c.  1105)  they  are  grouped  four  and  four  (Plate  31,  Fig.  7).  On  the  flanks 
of  Portocomaro  (c.  1120)  the  arched  corbel-tables  are  grouped  three  and  three.  They 
are  also  grouped  three  and  three  on  the  apses  of  S.  Giovanni  In  Fonte  of  Verona  (1123) 
and  in  the  lower  portions  of  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo — IHO — (Plate  11,  Fig.  1). 

8  Instances  of  arched  corbel-tables  of  late  date  grouped  two  and  two  are  found 
at  SS.  Faustino  e  Giovita  of  Isola  Comacina  (c.  1140),  the  apse  of  S.  Carpoforo  of 
Como  (c.  1145),  Lodi  (c.  1190),  Careno  (c.  1200) — there  are  here  also  arched  corbel- 
tables  grouped  three  and  three, — VicofertUe — c.  1200 — (Plate  240,  Fig.  1),  S.  Andrea 
of  Parma  (1216),  S.  Croce  of  Parma  (1222),  Gaione,  Collecchio  and  S.  Ilario  di 
Baganza.  This  mannerism  is  probably  derived  from  the  interior  arched  corbel-tables 
of  the  cathedral  of  Modena,  which  were  grouped  two  and  two. 

233 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Acqui— c.  1015-1067— (Plate  2,  Fig.  5;  Plate  3,  Fig.  1).  The 
motive  frequently  aiJjjears  in  the  second  half  of  the  XI  and  in 
the  XII  century.' 

One  of  the  most  curious  developments  of  the  arched  corbel- 
table  was  the  triangular  form  sometimes  given  to  the  arches. 
Such  triangular  arched  corbel-tables  appear  to  have  been  erected 
at  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  (c.  1106).  They  reappear  at  S.  Sepolcro 
of  Bologna  c.  1160  and  at  S.  Ruffillo  di  Bologna  in  1178 
(Plate  204,  Fig.  2,  3;  Plate  203,  Fig.  3).  It  is  curious  to  note 
that  this  motive  is  found  in  France  in  the  chapel  of  the  Templars 
at  Laon  ( Plate  204,  Fig.  4 ) ,  which  perhaps  dates  from  about 
1160. 

To  the  extent  of  my  knowledge  the  earliest  example  extant 
of  the  double  arched  corbel-table  is  in  the  chiu-ch  of  Brusasco,  and 
dates  from  c.  1130  (Plate  37,  Fig.  i)."  The  motive  appears  at  S. 
Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  in  1132  (Plate  177,  Fig.  3),  and  from  this 
moment  is  of  very  frequent  occurrence."  It  was  employed  about 
a  circular  lunette  of  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo — c.  1180 — 
(Plate  10,  Fig.  6)  and  about  a  circular  window  at  S.  Michele 
of  Cremona. 

The  flat  corbel-table  appears  in  Lombardy  only  towards  the 
end  of  the  XI  century,  and  therefore  was  introduced  much  later 
than  the  arched  corbel-table.  It  will  be  recalled  that  in  northern 
Europe  flat  corbel-tables  appeared  before  the  arched  corbel- 
table.  There  is  room  for  considerable  doubt  as  to  whether  the 
flat  corbel-table  was  evolved  in  Lombardy  independently  as  a 
natural  and  logical  abbreviation  of  the  arched  corbel-table,  or 

"Examples  at  S.  Benedetto  di  I.enno  (1083),  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (1095),  S. 
Giacomo  of  Bellagio  (c.  1095),  S.  Lorenzo  of  Mantova — c.  1115— (Plate  1112,  Fig.  2), 
Maderno— c.  1120— (Plate  112,  Fig.  1),  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  (c.  1123),  S.  Pietro  of 
ViUanova— 1148— (Plate  241,  Fig.  3),  the  campanile  of  Modena— 1167-1184— (Plate  140, 
Fig.  3),  S.  Marziano  of  Viarigi— c.  1180— (Plate  239,  Fig.  5). 

8  The  ornament  was  found,  however,  in  the  fayade  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of 
Pavia  (Plate  167,  Fig.  4),  which  dated  from  c.  1120. 

0  Examples  in  the  cathedral  of  Parma— 1132— (Plate  166,  Fig.  3),  SS.  Gervasio 
e  Protasio  of  Baveno  (c.  1135),  the  Chiesa  Rossa  of  Milan  (1139),  S.  Maria  Maggiore 
of  Vercelli  (1148),  Marentino — c.  1150— (Plate  113,  Fig.  1);  Montiglio  (c.  1150),  the 
campanile  of  Modena  (1167-1184),  Casorso  (c.  1180),  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo — c.  1180 — 
(Plate  10,  Fig.  6),  Albugnano  (c.  1185),  Vczzolano— 1189— (Plate  235,  Fig.  1,  2),  Lodi 
(c.  1190),  etc. 

234 


ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES 

whether  the  motive  was  imported  from  the  North.  It  is  a  curious 
fact,  and  one  which  rather  tends  to  strengthen  the  latter 
hypothesis,  that  the  earliest  example  of  the  flat  corbel-table 
extant  is  in  the  Cluniac  church  of  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte 
(Plate  14:6,  Fig.  2) .  This  edifice,  erected  c.  1090,  on  the  extreme 
northern  frontier  of  Italj-,  was  peculiarlj^  subjected  to  ultra- 
montane influences  wliich  are  reflected  in  more  than  one  detail 
of  the  architecture.  At  all  events,  the  flat  corbel-table  became 
thoroughly  naturalized  in  Lombardy  by  the  construction 
(c.  1100)  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia,  an  edifice  in  which  flat  corbel- 
tables  are  extensively  used  internally  and  externally  (Plate  173, 
Fig.  5;  Plate  176,  Fig.  5)  and  which  was  widely  copied 
throughout  northern  Italy.  It  is  perhaps  worth  while  to  note 
at  this  point  that  S.  JNIichele  of  Pavia  seems  to  show  close 
analogies  with  the  architecture  of  the  Tyrol  not  only  in  the  use 
of  flat  corbel-tables.  At  Schloss  Tirol,  near  ]Meran,  are  portals 
carved  with  grotesque  animals  which  closely  resemble  those  of 
S.  Michele.  (Compare  Plate  173,  Fig.  1,  with  Plate  173, 
Fig.  2,  8).  I  suppose,  however,  that  the  portals  of  ]Meran  were 
inspired  by  those  of  Pavia  rather  than  vice  versa.  It  is  certain 
that  S.  ]Michele  of  Pavia  was  much  imitated,  even  far  beyond 
the  limits  of  Lombardy.  The  portal  of  the  cathedral  of  Ely 
(Plate  173,  Fig.  4)  seems  stronglj^  reminiscent  of  the  Pavian 
edifice." 

The  engaged  gallerj'  which  became  so  conspicuous  a  motive 
of  the  Lombard  style  of  the  XII  century  was  perhaps  a  develop- 
ment of  the  arched  corbel-table  inspired  by  the  blind  arches 
supported  on  columns  which,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  known 
from  Carlovingian  times.  At  Calvenzano  there  is  extant  a 
fragment  of  cornice  in  which  colonnettes  are  placed  beneath  an 

10  Later  examples  of  flat  corbel-tables  may  be  found  at  Novara — c.'  1125 — 
(Plate  157),  Cremona  (1129-1141),  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia  (1132),  S.  Teodoro 
of  Pavia  (c.  1135),  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo — c.  1140 — (Plate  11,  Fig.  1),  Montechiaro 
d'Asti  (c.  1140),  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba  (c.  1145-1200),  S.  Lazaro  of  Pavia— 1157— 
(Plate  170,  Fig.  1),  StafFarda  (c.  1160),  S.  Pietro  of  Pianezza  (c.  1160),  S.  Sepolcro 
of  Bologna  (c.  1160),  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo — c.  1180— (Plate  10,  Fig.  6),  Albupnano 
(c.  1185),  Chiesa  Rossa  of  Voghera— c.  1185— (Plate  242,  Fig.  1,  2),  Morimondo— 
1186— (Plate  154,  Fig.  4),  Vezzolano— 1189— (Plate  235,  Fig.  1;  Plate  236,  Fig.  1,  4), 
Viboldone  (c.  1195). 

235 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

arched  corbel-table  (Plate  39,  Fig.  2).  Although  of  later  date 
this,  perhaps,  suggests  the  origin  of  the  gallery.  The  apse 
cornice  of  S.  JNIichele  of  Nonantola  on  the  other  hand — 1101 — 
(Plate  150,  Fig.  1)  gives  reason  to  believe  the  gallerj'  may  have 
originated  in  the  niched  cornice — an  hypothesis  strengthened  by 
a  study  of  the  cornice  of  S.  Costanzo  (Plate  23,  Fig.  3).  The 
earliest  example  of  a  true  gallery  that  I  know  is  the  apse  cornice 
of  Rivolta  d'Adda,  which  dates  from  c.  1099.  At  S,  Michele  of 
Pavia  (c.  1100)  the  motive  of  the  gallery  appears  in  its  full  charm 
and  development  (Plate  173,  Fig.  5).  In  the  apse  cornice  of 
S.  Giacomo  of  Como,  which  dates  from  c.  1105,  there  is  a  very 
high  gallery  with  excessively  stilted  arches.  The  galleries  of 
S.  Sofia  of  Padova,  which  date  from  1106  (Plate  161,  Fig.  1), 
are  ponderous  and  supplied  with  moulded  archivolts.  It  was, 
however,  the  type  of  gallery  used  at  S.  ISIichele  that  was  destined 
to  prevail.  This  type  was  reproduced  at  Cremona  (1107-1117, 
1129-1141),  in  the  cupola  of  Isola  S.  Giulio  (c.  1120),  at 
Castell'Arquato  (1117-1122),  at  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of 
Pavia — c.  1120— (Plate  167,  Fig.  4),  at  S.  Maria  in  Betlem  of 
Pavia — e.  1129— (Plate  170,  Fig.  4),  at  S.  Maria  del  Solario 
of  Brescia— c.  1130— (Plate  32,  Fig.  2),  in  the  cathedral  of 
Parma— c.  1130— (Plate  166,  Fig.  3,  4;  Plate  165,  Fig.  1),  at 
S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia— 1132— (Plate  177,  Fig.  3), 
at  S.  Lanfranco  of  Pavia — c.  1136— (Plate  168,  Fig.  3),  at 
Mont'Orfano  (c.  1145),  at  S.  Lazaro  of  Pavia — 1157 — 
(Plate  169,  Fig.  2,  3,  4;  Plate  170,  Fig.  1),  at  the  cathedral  of 
Piacenza  (Plate  181,  Fig.  2;  Plate  182,  Fig.  3),  and  in  many 
other  examples  that  might  be  named. 

Galleries  probably  paved  the  way  for  the  introduction  of 
blind  arcades  as  a  decorative  motive.  This  ornament,  we  have 
seen,  had  been  known  in  northern  Italy  from  early  times.  During 
the  XI  and  XII  centuries  it  acquired  extraordinary  popularity 
both  north  and  south  of  Lombardy,  especially  in  the  Norman, 
Anglo-Norman  and  Tuscan  schools.  It  appears  at  Casale 
c.  1150  in  a  particularly  Norman  form,  that  is  to  say,  as  an 
intersecting  arcade  (Plate  47,  Fig.  1).  The  motive  had  already 
been  used  five  years  before  at  Gallarate  (Plate  94,  Fig.  3,  4), 

286 


ARCHED  CORBEL-TABLES 

but  here  the  colonnettes  were  in  some  cases  placed  under  only 
every  other  corbel-table. 

One  is  apt  to  think  of  arched  corbel-tables  as  an  ornament 
confined  exclusively  to  the  exterior  of  buildings.  The  Lombard 
builders,  however,  used  the  motive  not  infrequently  on  the 
interior.  At  S.  Ambrogio  of  ]Milan  arched  corbel-tables  mark 
the  string-course  of  the  gallery  (Plate  119,  Fig.  3,  4).  At  the 
baptistery  of  Arsago  (c.  1130)  they  are  supported  on  a  system. 
They  are  used  internally  at  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia 
(Plate  178,  Fig.  4),  in  the  baptistery  of  Cremona  and  in  the 
west  wall  of  Lomello  (Plate  109,  Fig.  4).  They  formed  the 
interior  cornice  of  the  nave  and  side  aisles  in  the  cathedral  of 
Modena  before  the  present  vaults  were  erected.  They  are  used 
in  the  apse  of  S.  Celso  of  JNIilan.  Blind  arches  are  employed 
as  an  interior  decoration  at  S.  Zaccaria  and  S.  Michele  of  Pavia. 
A  regular  cornice  is  introduced  in  the  interior  of  the  nave  of 
S.  Pietro  of  Bologna  (Plate  25,  Fig.  6). 

Lombard  cornices  were  not  always  formed  of  arched  corbel- 
tables  or  variants  of  the  motive.  At  ]Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte 
(c.  1090)  the  cornice  of  the  clearstory  is  formed  of  a  simple  cavea 
moulding  (Plate  146,  Fig.  2).  Similar  cornices  are  found  at 
S.  Pietro  of  Acqui  (c.  1023),  Monastero  di  Provaglio — c.  1130 — 
(Plate  147,  Fig.  1),  Panico  (c.  1145)  and  Careno  (c.  1200). 
At  S.  Carpoforo  of  Como  there  was  originally  no  cornice,  the 
arched  corbel-tables  which  at  present  exist  in  the  eastern  part  of 
the  edifice  having  been  added  in  the  recent  restoration  (Plate  60, 
Fig.  4,  5).  Similarly  at  Piobesi  (c.  1020)  the  clearstory  and 
side-aisle  walls  are  without  cornices  (Plate  188,  Fig.  1,  2)." 


237 


CHAPTER  VI.     PILASTER  STRIPS  AND  SHAFTS 

We  have  seen  in  the  preceding  chapter  that  the  pilaster 
strip  is  an  inseparable  adjunct  of  the  arched  corbel-table.  The 
ornament  has  also  been  suspected  of  being  the  germ  from  which 
was  evolved  the  buttress.  It  is  therefore  a  motive  of  considerable 
importance  in  the  Lombard  style. 

Although  there  is  little  to  throw  light  upon  its  origin,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  more  or  less  directly  inspired  by  the 
Roman  respond  or  pilaster.  The  earliest  extant  example  of  the 
motive  that  I  know  occurs  on  the  apse  of  S.  Vincenzo  in  Prato 
of  Milan,  which  dates  from  c.  830.  Here  we  see  pilaster  strips 
supporting  the  second  order  of  the  blind  niches  (Plate  135, 
Fig.  4;  Plate  137,  Fig.  4).  The  motive  reappears  in  the  apse 
of  Agliate — c.  875 — (Plate  8),  but  here  the  blind  niclies  are  in 
a  single  order  and  the  pilaster  strips  are  somewhat  thoughtlessly 
continued  to  the  eaves. 

Pilaster  strips  continued  to  be  used  without  undergoing  any 
essential  development  until  the  XI  century.  In  the  apse  of  the 
cathedral  of  Acqui— c.  1015-1067— (Plate  2,  Fig.  5)  they  are 
in  two  orders.  At  S.  Pietro  of  Acqui— e.  1015-1023— (Plate  4, 
Fig.  2)  and  Piona — c.  1040 — (Plate  188,  Fig.  4)  they  are 
placed  on  a  podium.  In  general,  however,  they  continue  to 
support  blind  arches  or  arched  corbel-tables,  precisely  as  they 
had  supported  the  second  order  of  the  blind  niches  at  S.  Vincenzo. 

In  the  ninth  decade  of  the  XI  century  an  important  inno- 
vation was  introduced.  The  pilaster  strip  was  supjjlanted  by 
an  engaged  semicircular  shaft.  The  earliest  example  of  such 
shafts  that  I  know  is  to  be  found  in  the  Badia  di  Vertemate,  a 
monument  which  was  begim  in  1083  and  consecrated  in  1095. 
In  the  baptistery  of  Lenno,  built  c.  1085,  shafts  alternate  with 
pilaster  strips  (Plate  102,  Fig.  2).  In  the  neighbouring  church 
of  S.  Stefano,  erected  about  five  years  before,  there  are  only 

238 


PILASTER  STRIPS  AND  SHAFTS 

pilaster  strips.  At  Fontanella  al  Monte,  an  authenticalh'  dated 
monument  of  1080-1090,  there  are  shafts  supporting  arched 
corbel-tables  (Plate  93,  Fig.  1). 

After  shafts  had  once  been  introduced  it  was  an  easy  step 
to  engage  the  shaft  upon  a  pilaster  strip.  The  earliest  extant 
example  of  this  motive  is  to  be  found  in  the  apse  of  S.  Benedetto 
di  Lenno,  an  authentically  dated  monument  of  1083  (Plate  102, 
Fig.  5) .  The  shafts  here  terminate  in  cubic  capitals.  From  this 
time  onward  shafts,  or  shafts  engaged  on  pilaster  strips,  came 
to  be  regularly  employed  with  arched  corbel-tables  except  in 
angles,  on  corners,  or  in  buttress-like  positions.  Elsewhere  simple 
pilaster  strips  were  rarely  used.^ 

It  was  a  common  mannerism,  especially  in  the  Monferrato, 
to  sujjply  pilaster  strips  with  capitals  and  bases.  This  feature 
is  found  at  Priocca  (c.  1115),  at  Cortazzone  d'Asti — c.  1150 — 
(Plate  82,  Fig.  4)  and  elsewhere.  Shafts  were  often  made 
octagonal  instead  of  circular  in  section  as  at  the  cathedral  of 
Parma,  or  in  the  fa9ade  of  S.  Lanfranco  of  Pavia — c.  1136 — 
(Plate  168,  Fig.  3).  At  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna  (c.  1160)  the 
exterior  pilaster  strips  folded  around  the  angles  of  the  building 
are  supplanted  by  shafts  in  the  uj^per  portion  of  the  structure. 
In  the  baptistery  of  Serravalle  (c.  1145)  there  are,  in  the  interior, 
pilasters  and  engaged  half  columns,  the  former  recalling  the 
pilaster  responds  at  Sasso  (c.  1050). 

1  Examples  of  pilaster  strips  occur,  however,  at  Monastero  di  Provagllo  (1083), 
S.  Giaconio  of  Como  (c.  1105),  Mergozzo — c.  1130 — (Plate  113,  Fig.  3),  Verona  cathedral 
(c.  1135),  Ganaceto— c.  1200— (Plate  99,  Fig.  3),  etc. 

Shafts,  or  shafts  engaged  on  pilaster  strips,  may  be  found  at  Oggiono — c.  1085 — 
(Plate  159,  Fig.  4),  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte  (c.  1090),  S.  Abondio  of  Como — 1095— 
(Plate  58,  Fig.  2),  S.  Eufemia  of  Isola  Coniacina  (c.  1095),  S.  Benedetto  di  Portesana 
(1099),  Rivolta  d'Adda— c.  1099— (Plate  193),  S.  Fedele  of  Como  (c.  1115), 
Castell'Arquato  (1117-1122),  Maderno— c.  1120— (Plate  112,  Fig.  1),  S.  Giulia  of 
Bonate  (1129),  Mergozzo— c.  1130— (Plate  113,  Fig.  3),  S.  Zaccaria— c.  1120,  c.  1140— 
(Plate  205,  Fig.  3),  Montafia— c.  1150— (Plate  147,  Fig.  3),  CasteU'Alfero  (c.  1155), 
S.  Pancrazio  of  Corneto— c.  1160— (Plate  78),  etc. 


239 


CHAPTER  VII.  MULTIPLE  ORDERS 

Before  the  year  1000  there  is,  I  believe,  extant  only  one 
example  of  a  doubled  order,  and  that  is  the  often  cited  cornice  of 
S.  Vincenzo  at  Milan — c.  830— (Plate  137,  Fig.  4).  Every- 
where else  single  orders  continued  to  be  the  invariable  rule.  Even 
at  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano,  in  1007,  we  find  the  archivolts  of  a 
massive  and  simple  section.  The  earliest  instance  I  know  of  the 
real  use  of  doubled  orders  occurs  at  Lomello  (c.  1025).  Here 
both  the  clearstory  windows  (Plate  107)  and  the  archivolts  of 
the  nave  are  in  two  orders  (Plate  108).  In  the  archivolts, 
moreover,  the  second  order  is  given  a  slightly  higher  curve  than 
the  lower  inaugurating  thus  a  feature  which  was  destined  to 
survive  for  many  centuries,  and  finally  to  become  a  notable 
characteristic  of  the  Italian  Gothic  and  early  Renaissance  stj'les." 
From  this  time  onward  the  archivolts  both  of  windows  and 
arches  were  frequently  in  two  orders.^  At  Lomello  the  trans- 
verse arches  are  also  in  two  orders  (Plate  107).^  The  second 
order  appears  but  little  later  in  arches  opening  into  apses, 
absidioles  and  niches.  It  is  thus  found,  for  example,  at  Biella 
(c.  1040),  at  Sasso  (c.  1050),  at  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (c.  1095), 
at  S.  INIaria  del  Solario  of  Brescia — c.  1130— (Plate  32,  Fig.  3). 
Thus  there  was  a  constant  tendency  towards  greater  richness  and 

1  Among  Romanesque  monuments  it  is  found  at  Viguzzolo  (c.  1050),  Oggiono — 
c.  1085— (Plate  159,  Fig.  4),  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza— 1107— (Plate  185),  Pieve  Trebbio 
(1108),  Monte  S.  Martino  (c.  1120),  Cortazzone  d'Asti  (c.  1150),  etc. 

2  Examples  at  Biella  (c.  1040),  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (c.  1045),  Lodi  Vecchio 
(c.  1050),  Viguzzolo — c.  1050— (Plate  241,  Fig.  2),  Varallo  Pombia  (c.  1070),  Modena— 
1099-1184 — (Plate  140,  Fig.  2),  Nonantola  (1121  f.),  Rubbiano  (c.  1130),  Parma  cathe- 
dral—c.  1130-1150— (Plate  166,  Fig.  1),  ChiaravaUe  deUa  Colomba— c.  1145— (Plate  53, 
Fig.  2),  Morimondo— 1186— (Plate  154,  Fig.  2,  3),  etc. 

3  Transverse  arches  in  two  orders  are  common  in  later  times,  being  found,  for 
example,  at  S.  Maria  del  Popolo  of  Pavia  (c.  1130),  Cerreto— c.  1140— (Plate  52,  Fig.  3), 
ChiaravaUe  deUa  Colomba  (c.  1145),  Aversa  (1134-1160),  Rivalta  Scrivia— 1180— 
(Plate  192,  Fig.  3),  Morimondo— 1186— (Plate  154,  Fig.  2,  3). 

240 


MULTIPLE  ORDERS 

complication  in  the  profiles  of  archivolts  of  all  kinds/  When 
double  orders  had  once  been  introduced,  it  was  an  easy  step  to 
advance  to  triple  or  quadruple  orders.  The  plain  stepping  was 
further  enriched  by  the  addition  of  mouldings.  Thus,  in  the 
Chiesa  Rossa  of  Milan  (1139)  the  windows  of  the  apse  are  in 
three  moulded  orders.  In  other  windows  of  the  same  church 
engaged  colonnettes  of  brick  without  capitals  or  bases  are  intro- 
duced. At  Castelletto  d'Orba  (c.  1130)  the  window  is  in  four 
orders,  moulded.  At  Casorso  (c.  1180)  the  windows  are  in  six 
orders,  shafted  and  moulded.  The  apse  arch  of  Panico  (c.  1145) 
is  moulded,  and  rectilinear  mouldings  are  introduced  into  the 
archivolts  of  Ganaceto  (c.  1200). 

I  do  not  believe  that  it  is  possible  to  determine  the  date  of 
an  edifice  of  the  XII  century  merely  by  the  relative  complication 
of  the  profiles.  From  the  time  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia — c.  1100 — 
(Plate  174,  Fig.  3)  the  utmost  possibilities  of  this  type  of 
decoration  seem  to  have  been  realized.  When  simpler  profiles 
were  preferred,  it  was  probably  for  reasons  of  economj%  or  in 
order  to  give  the  building  an  appearance  of  greater  dignity  and 
repose.  In  this  connection  the  important  part  which  colour 
decoration  jjlaj'cd  in  the  jesthetic  effect  of  the  Lombard  building 
must  never  be  forgotten.  Many  of  the  profiles  which  to-day 
seem  somewhat  heavy  and  cumbersome,  were  undoubtedly  origi- 
nally relieved  by  the  presence  of  painted  ornament. 

<  Occasionally,  however,  archivolts  of  a  single  order  persisted,  even  in  later  times, 
as  at  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona— 1123— (Plate  218,  Fig.  2),  VUlanova— 1167— 
(Plate  241,  Fig.  4),  etc. 


241 


CHAPTER  VIII.     PORTALS 

The  portal  is  justly  one  of  the  most  widely  known  and  most 
frequently  reproduced  portions  of  the  Lombard  church.  The 
evolution  of  the  rich  doorways  so  familiar  at  S.  Ambrogio  of 
JNIilan  and  at  S.  ]Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  173,  Fig.  1;  Plate  174, 
Fig.  3)  is  somewhat  difficult  to  trace  in  detail,  although  the 
general  course  of  development  is  clear  enough.  To  the  simple, 
primitive  openings  of  early  churches  were  first  applied  the 
multiple  orders,  the  genesis  of  which  we  have  tried  to  follow  in 
the  preceding  chapter.  Above  the  square  lintel  which  in  many 
cases  surmounted  such  doorways  was  built  a  relieving  arch  to 
take  the  weight  of  the  superincumbent  wall  from  the  architrave. 
This  relieving  arch  became  a  characteristic  feature  of  the 
developed  portal.  The  extra  orders  were  carried  around  it,  and 
the  lintel  became  merely  a  subsidiary  division. 

The  next  step  we  may  conjecture  to  have  been  the  intro- 
duction of  the  roll-moulding.  This  must  have  appeared  at  least 
as  early  as  the  third  quarter  of  the  XI  century,  since  it  is  found 
in  the  jiortals  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan.  In  this  instance  the 
roll-moulding  is  appropriately  and  logically  supported  by  a 
shaft  with  capital  and  base.^  Sometimes,  however,  the  roll- 
moulding  was  made  continuous,  as  in  the  portal  of  Pallanza 
(c.  1130).  In  the  east  windows  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza 
(c.  1150)  the  roll-moulding  was  completely  undercut.  At  S. 
Maria  Maggiore  of  Vercelli  (1148)  a  roll-moulding  was  applied 
to  the  soffit  of  the  portal  (Plate  215,  Fig.  3),  and  it  was  a2:)plied 
to  the  soffit  of  the  arches  in  the  main  arcade  of  S.  Pietro  of  Asti — 
c.  1160— (Plate  16,  Fig.  4). 

The  shafts,  somewhat  ill  adjusted  to  their  loads  in  the  portal 

1  other  examples  of  roll-mouldings  at  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna  (c.  1095),  Cemmo — 
c.  1110— (Plate  51,  Fig.  2),  S.  Michele  of  Pavia— c.  1100— (Plate  173,  Fig.  1;  Plate  174, 
Fig.  3),  Nonantola  (1121),  etc. 

242 


PORTALS 

of  S.  Ambrogio,  were  improved  in  the  numerous  portals  of  Pavia 
(Plate  167,  Fig.  4;  Plate  168,  Fig.  3;  Plate  169,  Fig.  3;  Plate  170, 
Fig.  2,  3;  Plate  173,  Fig.  1;  Plate  174,  Fig.  3;  Plate  177,  Fig.  3). 
At  S.  JMichele  di  Castelvetro  the  shafts  are  replaced  by  free- 
standing colonnettes  (Plate  199,  Fig.  2).  At  Roncoscaglia 
(e.  1200)  there  are  also  free-standing  colonnettes.  In  the 
baptistery  of  Cremona  (1167)  and  numerous  later  buildings 
the  shafts  are  spiral-fluted. 

The  tradition  of  mouldings  had  doubtless  been  inlierited 
from  the  Byzantine  builders,  and  in  the  case  of  bases  and 
capitals  probably  always  continvied  to  be  known  in  northern 
Italy.  Until  the  end  of  the  XII  century,  however,  such 
mouldings  were  cut  as  little  as  possible  and  in  a  very  crude 
manner.  At  SS.  Naborre  e  Felice  of  Bologna,  for  example 
(c.  1020) ,  we  find  the  moulding  incised  in  the  surface  of  the  shafts 
in  an  almost  childish  fashion.  The  ajiplication  of  mouldings  to 
archivolts — and  especially  to  portals — apjjears  to  have  been  the 
inspiration  of  Lanfranco.  In  the  cathedral  of  ISIodena,  and  in 
those  portions  of  it  built  between  1099  and  1166,  we  find  archi- 
volts carved  with  fine  mouldings  of  subtle  section  (Plate  141, 
Fig.  1 ) .  The  motive,  once  discovered,  spread  quickly.  There 
are  richly  moulded  windows  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100), 
and  moulded  windows  in  four  orders  in  those  portions  of  the 
cathedral  of  Cremona  built  between  1107  and  1117.  In  later 
buildings  we  frequently  meet  with  mouldings  of  ever  increasing 
complication."     Archivolts  with  projecting  mouldings  occur  in 

2  The  portal  of  S.  Vitale  delle  Carpinete  (c.  1110)  is  in  four  orders,  finely 
moulded  and  shafted.  S.  Andrea  of  Carpineti  (1117)  has  a  moulded  portal.  In  the 
southern  portal  of  CasteU'Arquato  (1117-1122)  there  are  elaborate  and  complicated 
mouldings.  There  is  a  moulded  window  at  S.  Zaccaria — c.  1120 — (Plate  205,  Fig.  3). 
The  windows  are  moulded  at  S.  Maria  del  Solario  of  Brescia  (c.  1130).  The  further 
development  of  mouldings  may  be  studied  in  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150), 
at  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia  (1132),  at  S.  Teodoro  of  the  same  city— c.  1135— 
(Plate  180,  Fig.  7),  in  the  portal  of  SS.  Gervasio  e  Protasio  of  Baveno,  at  S.  Maria 
Maggiore  of  Bergamo— 1137— (Plate  22,  Fig.  6,  7),  at  Cerreto  (c.  1140),  at  Chiaravalle 
deUa  Colomba  (c.  1145),  at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  VerceUi— 1148— (Plate  215,  Fig.  3), 
at  Casale  (1107,  c.  1150),  in  the  portal  of  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato  of  Vicenza  (1154), 
at  S.  I.azaro  of  Pavia— 1157— (Plate  169,  Fig.  2;  Plate  170,  Fig.  1),  at  Villanova— 
1167- (Plate  241,  Fig.  3,  4),  in  the  portal  of  Castelmiovo  Scrivia— 1183— (Plate  50, 
Fig.  4),  in  the  portal  of  Monteveglio  (1185),  in  the  portal  of  Varese— 1187— (Plate  214, 
Fig.  1)  and  at  Montechiarugolo— c.  1200— (Plate  148,  Fig.  1). 

243 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Piemonte,  notably  at  Cavagnolo — c.  1140 — (Plate  51,  Fig.  5) 
and  Montiglio— c.  1150 — (Plate  153,  Fig.  1).  They  are  found 
even  as  far  south  as  Monteveglio  (1185). 

Thus,  during  the  XII  century,  mouldings  became  not  only 
constantly  more  elaborate,  but  more  refined.  It  was  natural 
that  the  new  spirit  should  find  its  way  also  into  the  abaci  and 
bases  of  capitals.  As  early  as  1129,  at  S.  Giulia  of  Bonate,  the 
abaci  and  bases  are  carved  with  fine  mouldings  evidently  inspired 
by  Lanfranco's  portals. 

The  multiple  orders  and  roll-mouldings  of  portals  were 
probably  first  covered  with  carved  ornamentation  in  the  last 
quarter  of  the  XI  century.  The  earliest  extant  examples  are 
at  S.  Ambrogio  and  S.  Nazaro— c.  1075-c.  1093— (Plate  128, 
Fig.  2)  of  Milan.  At  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100)  the  motive 
is  developed  in  all  its  barbaric  splendour  (Plate  173,  Fig.  1; 
Plate  174,  Fig.  3).  It  was  after  that  repeated  in  numerous 
churches  of  Pavia  (Plate  167,  Fig.  4;  Plate  170,  Fig.  3;  Plate  179, 
Fig.  5) .  But  at  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro,  a  monument  consecrated 
in  1132,  the  spirit  of  this  carving  has  imdergone  a  change 
(Plate  177,  Fig.  1).  It  is  more  restrained  and  refined.  The 
relief  is  confined  more  strictly  to  two  planes.  There  is  less 
ornamentation.  From  this  time  onward  the  taste  of  the  XII 
century  becoming  ever  less  barbaric,  more  subtle,  turned  away 
from  this  exuberant  type  of  ornamentation,  and  finally  substi- 
tuted for  the  entrance-way  of  the  XI  century  a  more  simple  and 
monumental,  if  less  pictorial,  type  of  portal.  The  foundations 
for  this  new  style  were  laid  by  Lanfranco  in  the  portals  of 
Modena,  and  by  Nicolo  at  Piacenza  (Plate  181,  Fig.  1).  Even 
when  deprived  of  their  culminating  beauty,  the  Lombard  porch, 
these  portals  are  at  once  rich  and  yet  characterized  by  a  certain 
restraint  and  largeness  lacking  in  the  more  primitive  type.  The 
new  portal  was  carried  to  its  highest  development  by  Benedetto 
at  Borgo  S.  Donnino  (Plate  27,  Fig.  3),  where  the  central 
entrance-way  deserves  to  rank  among  the  greatest  achievements 
of  mediaeval  art.  This  splendid  doorway  is  the  direct  descendant 
of  the  portals  of  S.  Simpliciano  of  Milan  and  S.  Antonino  of 
Piacenza,  both,  as  it  happens,  dated  monuments  of  1171.    It  also 

244 


PORTALS 

bears  close  relationship  to  the  southern  portal  of  S.  jSIaria 
Maggiore  of  Bergamo. 

It  is  rather  curious  that  the  motive  of  jamb  sculptures 
introduced  bj^  Guglielmo  da  Modena  at  Cremona  (Plate  83, 
Fig.  8)  and  developed  by  his  follower,  Xicolo,  at  Ferrara 
(Plate  89,  Fig.  1,  4)  and  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  1,  3,  5)  was 
abandoned  by  Benedetto  and  the  later  artists  of  the  XII  century^ 
in  Lombardy,  although  it  was  destined  to  inspire  the  builders 
of  northern  France  in  some  of  their  most  splendid  achievements. 

Very  few  examples  of  the  actual  doors  of  Lombard  churches 
have  come  down  to  us.  The  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  will  be 
studied  in  another  connection.  Bronze  doors  were,  however, 
doubtless  exceptional,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  great  majority 
of  churches  had  wooden  doors.  There  is  extant,  to  the  extent 
of  my  knowledge,  only  one  example  of  such  doors,  those  preserved 
in  the  Museo  d'Antichita  at  Parma.  They  come  from  the  church 
of  S.  Bertoldo,  and  are  ornamented  with  rich  carvings. 


246 


CHAPTER  IX.     OTHER  ORNAMENTS 

Certainly  one  of  the  most  familiar,  and  probably  one  of  the 
most  eliaracteristic,  of  Lombard  ornaments  consists  of  the  plates 
inserted  in  facades.  I  must  leave  it  to  scholars  more  versed  than 
myself  in  the  history  of  pottery  to  discover  whether  these  plaques 
were  manufactured  in  Lombardy,  or  whether  they  were  imported 
from  abroad.  The  facts  that  the  character  of  the  design  is 
strongly  Saracenic  and  that  they  seem  to  be  real  plates  not 
merely  plaques  expressly  made  as  architectural  ornaments,  lead 
me  to  suspect  that  they  may  have  been  imported  from  some 
JNIoorish  country.  The  study  of  the  question  is,  however,  difficult, 
owing  to  the  circumstance  that  but  very  few  of  the  original 
plates  are  still  extant.  In  the  great  majority  of  cases  we  know 
that  they  were  present  only  because  of  the  holes  in  the  masonry, 
which  have  frequently  been  filled  with  modern  potter}^ 

The  earliest  example  of  inlaid  plates  that  I  can  cite  is  the 
well  known  facade  of  S.  ]Michele  of  Pavia,  erected  c.  1100.  At 
Castelletto  d'Orba,  c.  1130,  there  is  extant  an  ancient  plate  which 
is  now  used  as  a  holy-water  basin,  and  may  hence  be  studied  at 
closer  range  than  is  generally  the  case  with  plates  still  in  their 
original  position.  In  the  side  gables  or  transept  facades  of  S. 
Maria  del  Popolo,  Pavia,  pottery  plaques  are  inlaid;  this  is  the 
only  instance  I  know  where  this  ornament  is  applied  except  in  the 
west  facade.  The  effect  of  the  decoration  may  be  judged  in  the 
restored  facade  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  (1132).  The  best 
preserved  plaques  in  Lombard}^  are  perhaps  those  of  S.  Lan- 
franco  of  Pavia— c.  1136— (Plate  168,  Fig.  3).  Those  of  S. 
Lazaro — 1157 — (Plate  170,  Fig.  1)  also  deserve  mention.  The 
ornament  was  used  outside  of  Pavia,  although  never  as  freely. 
Inlaid  plaques  are  extant  at  Porcile  (1143)  and  in  the  narthex 
of  Casale  (c.  1150). 

246 


OTHER  ORNAMENTS 

Less  interesting,  but  more  constantly  used,  is  the  saw-tooth 
moulding,  a  favourite  motive  in  Lombard  cornices  and  almost  as 
indispensable  an  adjunct  of  the  Italian  Romanesque  church  as  the 
arched  corbel-table  itself.  The  earliest  example  of  the  saAv  tooth 
that  I  know  occurs  in  the  cathedral  of  Acqui,  an  authentically- 
dated  monument  c.  1015-1067  (Plate  2,  Fig.  5;  Plate  3,  Fig.  1). 
The  ornament  is  extremely  simple  in  character,  consisting  merely 
of  a  course  of  bricks  with  the  angles  placed  diagonally  outwards. 
It  continued  in  use  throughout  the  XI  and  XII  centuries.' 

Possibly  related  to  the  saw  tooth  is  the  zigzag  in  open-work 
which  is  found  not  infrequently  in  Lombard  buildings  especiallj^ 
of  the  XI  century.  The  motive  has  a  Carlovingian  appearance, 
but  I  know  of  no  facts  which  would  serve  to  establish  its  origin. 
The  earliest  example  which  has  come  to  my  notice  is  in  the  apse 
of  the  cathedral  of  Acqui,  a  building  which  was  consecrated  in 
1067  (Plate  2,  Fig.  5;  Plate  3,  Fig.  1).  It  subsequently  occurs 
in  the  campanile  of  Pomposa  and  in  two  Cluniac  churches — 
Cosio  (1078)  and  Fontanella  al  Monte— 1080-1090— (Plate  93, 
Fig.  1).  It  is  also  found  at  S.  JNIichele  of  Xonantola — 1101 — 
(Plate  156,  Fig.  1),  and  at  the  Duomo  Vecchio  of  Brescia — 
c.  1105 — (Plate  31,  Fig.  7).  The  latest  examples  of  the  orna- 
ment with  which  I  am  acquainted  occur  in  the  cathedrals  of 
Parma  (c.  1130-1150)  and  Cremona  (1129-1141),  the  latter 
executed  in  polychrome. 

The  diamond  pattern  was  used  chiefly  in  the  XII  century. 
The  only  example  of  the  XI  century  with  which  I  am  acquainted 
is  inlaid  on  the  archivolts  of  Varallo  Pombia,  a  monument  which 
dates  from  c.  1070.  In  the  XII  century  we  find  it  chipped  upon 
the  abaci  at  Rocca  S.  Maria  c.  1140.  Ten  years  later  it  occurs 
at  S.  Lorenzo  of  ^Slontiglio  and  at  S.  Michele  di  Castelvetro. 

1  Examples  of  saw-tooth  mouldings  may  be  found  at  Stradella — c.  1035 — 
(Plate  211,  Fig.  1),  S.  Benedetto  di  Lenno— 1083— (Plate  102,  Fig.  4),  Oggiono— 
c.  1085— (Plate  159,  Fig.  4),  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona  (1123),  S.  Benedetto 
of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (c.  1045),  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (1095),  the  Duomo  'Vecchio  of 
Brescia— c.  1105— (Plate  31,  Fig.  7),  Vaprio  d'Adda— c.  1115— (Plate  212,  Fig.  4,  5), 
S.  Babila  of  Milan  (c.  1120),  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno— c.  1120— (Plate  11,  Fig.  7), 
S.  Maria  del  Popolo  of  Pavia  (c.  1130),  S.  Lazaro  of  Pavia— 1157— (Plate  169,  Fig.  3,  4; 
Plate  170,  Fig.  1),  VUIanova— 1167— (Plate  241,  Fig.  3),  Casorso  (c.  1180),  Vezzolano— 
1189— (Plate  236,  Fig.  1,  4),  Gazzo  Veronese  (e.  1190),  I.odi  (c.  1190). 

247 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

At  Fontanella  inverted  and  unmeaning  letters  are  scratched 
as  ornaments.  This  same  motive  is  found  in  the  mosaic  of  Ivrea 
(Plate  101,  Fig.  6),  as  well  as  in  other  mosaics  and  sculptures. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  Lombard  ornament  in  the  XI 
century  a  word  should  be  said  upon  a  habit  of  design  common, 
I  believe,  throughout  the  Middle  Ages.  Columns  were  freely- 
placed  upon  axis  when  convenience  or  necessity  dictated.  In 
fact  the  architects  do  not  seem  to  have  felt  that  such  a  construction 
was  awkward.  There  is  a  column  on  axis  in  the  western  interior 
narthex  of  S.  Lorenzo  of  Verona.  There  are  pilaster  strips  on 
axis  at  Montemagno  (Plate  152,  Fig.  7)  and  Crescenzago. 
Many  other  instances  might  be  cited. 


248 


Book  III.    Ornament  in  the  XII  Century 

CHAPTER  I.     earlier  TYPES  OF  CAPITALS 

It  has  been  seen  in  a  previous  chapter^  that  in  the  cathedral 
of  Modena  the  Corinthian  capital  was  brought  to  a  high  degree 
of  perfection.  At  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (1138)  and  Rocca  S.  Maria 
(c.  1140)  we  find  capitals  sculptured  with  equal  skill.  It  was 
only  rarely,  however,  that  the  XII  century  produced  accessory 
ornament  of  such  technical  perfection. 

Even  in  the  cathedral  of  Modena  certain  Corinthianesque 
capitals  departed  widely  from  the  classical  norm.  Among  these 
deserve  especial  mention  those  with  widelj^  projecting  acanthus 
leaves,  here  first  tried  in  the  crypt  and  Lombard  porches  by 
Guglielmo,  and  later  reproduced  at  Cremona  and  Nonantola 
(Plate  155,  Fig.  5) .  Many  other  variants  of  the  Corinthian  type 
were  later  introduced.  At  Cemmo  c.  1110  the  acanthus  leaves  of 
ancient  capitals  were  recarved.  The  Corinthian  capitals  of  S. 
Fedele  of  Como  (c.  1115)  are  crude  when  executed  in  granite 
(Plate  63,  Fig.  6),  of  better  quality  when  executed  in  soft  stone 
(Plate  63,  Fig.  7;  Plate  64,  Fig.  3).  Notwithstanding  strong 
classical  influence,  the  capitals  of  the  ambo  of  Isola  S.  Giulio  have 
a  peculiar  adamantine  quality  (Plate  100,  Fig.  8).  The  Corin- 
thianesque capitals  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150) 
show  Milanese  influence.  At  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno  (c.  1120) 
the  Corinthian  capitals  have  a  single  row  of  uncarved  leaves  and 
in  some  cases  volutes  of  a  handle-like  quality."  At  S.  Vittore 
of  Arsago  (c.  1120)  are  Corinthianesque  capitals  which  are  of 
a  type  common  in  southern  Italy,  and  notably  at  La   Scala 

1  See  above,  p.  213. 

-  These  capitals  should  be  compared  with  those  of  the  crypt  of  the  cathedral 
of  Ivrea,  and  those  of  the  crypt  of  S.  Vincenzo  at  St.-Vincent  (Torino). 

249 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

(Salerno).  The  acanthus  leaves  m  the  capitals  at  S.  Maria 
INIaggiore  of  Bergamo  have  a  peculiarly  feathery  quality 
(Plate  22,  Fig.  6).  At  Casale  the  capitals  are  of  a  very  classic 
type  derived  perhaps  from  Provence.  Many  are  still  unfinished. 
Those  of  S.  !Maria  INIaggiore  of  Vercelli  (1148)  are  of  similar 
character  (Plate  21.5,  Fig.  3),  while  those  of  Montiglio  show 
a  mixture  of  Lombard  and  Proven9al  forms.  Corinthian  capitals 
with  uncarved  leaves  are  of  frequent  occurrence  as,  for  example, 
at  Castell'Alfero,  Staff arda,  Vezzolano  and  the  baptistery  of 
Parma.  At  Castelnuovo  Scrivia  (1183)  is  a  Corinthianesque 
capital  with  a  single  row  of  acanthus  leaves  stiffly  carved  with  flat 
surfaces  and  deep  incisions  as  in  decadent  Roman  work.  Another 
capital  of  this  same  church  has  a  row  of  anthemia  mixed  with 
the  acanthus  leaves.  At  Ferrara  are  Composite  capitals.  Many 
other  variations  were  introduced  in  the  Corinthian  type  which 
during  the  XII  century  remained  undoubtedly  the  most  popular 
capital.^ 

Closely  related  to  the  Corinthian  capital  is  the  anthemion 
capital,  particularly  characteristic  of  the  local  school  of  the 
province  of  JModena.  The  earliest  example  with  which  I  am 
acquainted  is  to  be  foimd  in  the  church  of  S.  Giulia  of  Monchio 
which  dates  from  c.  1100.  Other  examples  exist  at  Roffeno 
(110-1),  S.  Vitale  delle  Carpinete  (c.  lllO),  and  Rubbiano 
(c.  1130).  Only  once  so  far  as  I  know  is  this  type  of  capital 
found  in  the  North,  and  that  is  in  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta 
(Plate  14,  Fig.  2). 

Side  by  side  with  Roman  tradition  as  witnessed  by  the 
Corinthian  capital  there  existed  the  Byzantine  tradition  which 
found  expression  in  numerous  capitals  clearly  derived  from  such 
buildings  as  those  erected  at  Ravenna  in  the  V  and  VI  centuries. 
Such  are  found  in  the  crypt  of  the  cathedral  of  Modena  (1099- 
1106).  Byzantine  influence  is  probably  accountable  for  the 
whirled  acanthus  leaves  of  the  cylindrical  piers  of  S.  Eustorgio 
of  Milan.     Byzantine  influence  combines  with  the  Corinthian- 

3  For  examples  see  S.  Maria  del  Tiglio  of  Gravedona,  Almenno  S.  Salvatore 
(Plate  11,  Fig.  2),  S.  Trinity  of  S.  Stefano  of  Bologna,  Rivalta  Scrivia  (Plate  192, 
Fig.  3),  etc. 

250 


EARLIER  TYPES  OF  CAPITALS 

esque  type  of  capital  at  S.  Giulia  of  Bonate  and  at  S.  Trinita 
of  S.  Stefano  of  Bologna.  Capitals  of  Byzantine  basket  type 
rather  unhappily  exaggerated  were  executed  at  Villanova 
(1167) .  C.  1180  whirled  leaves  are  found  in  the  capitals  of  Lodi. 
Certain  capitals  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma  (1196-1214)  are 
strongly  Byzantinesque  in  character. 

We  have  already  seen*  that  the  true  Lombard  capital  soon 
lost  its  popularity  in  the  XII  century.  New  and  modified  types, 
however,  quickly  arose.  As  early  as  1108  were  executed  capitals 
like  those  of  Pieve  Trebbio  (Plate  187,  Fig.  4,  5)  which  depart 
completely  from  any  types  known  in  the  XI  century.  Other 
modifications  of  Lombard  capitals  are  to  be  found  at  Corneto 
Tarquinia,  near  Rome,  where  Lombard  types,  although  modified 
by  local  influences,  continued  to  exist  after  they  had  ceased  to  be 
used  in  the  North  (Plate  76,  Fig.  3,  5;  Plate  77,  Fig.  1,  3,  4, 
5,  6;  Plate  81,  Fig.  1).  Curiously  coarse  are  the  capitals  of 
Castell'Arquato  (1117-1122).  Those  of  Gallarate  (c.  1145), 
which  are  not  more  refined,  appear  to  have  been  influenced  by 
S.  Giorgio  in  Palazzo.  The  capitals  of  S.  Ilario  di  Baganza 
(c.  1140)  show  the  influence  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma.  Entirely 
sui  generis  is  the  capital  of  c.  1145  at  Panico  with  a  row  of 
uncarved  acanthus  leaves,  and  winged  grotesques  in  the  angles 
(Plate  162,  Fig.  4). 

In  the  narthex  of  Casale  (c.  1150)  and  in  the  west  gallery 
of  the  cloister  at  Vezzolano  the  abaci  are  given  the  section  of  the 
loads. 

The  earliest  example  I  know  of  a  capital  continued  as  a 
string-course. is  to  be  found  at  S.  Stefano  of  Pavia  c.  1120.  The 
motive  reoccurs  in  the  side  (c.  1135)  and  central  (1184-1196) 
portals  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino.  It  is  also  found  in  the  southern 
portal  at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Bergamo  (Plate  23,  Fig.  4),  in 
the  southern  porch  of  Castell'Arquato  (c.  1185),  at  S.  SimpU- 
ciano  of  Milan  (1171),  and  at  Berceto  (c.  1200). 

Sculptured  capitals  continued  to  be  used  throughout  the 
XII  century.  Those  of  Castell'Arquato  (1117-1122)  are 
extremely  crude  (Plate  48,  Fig.  4),  but  those  of  S.  Salvatore 

*  See  above,  p.  315. 

251 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

of  Brescia  (c.  1160)  are  among  the  finest  extant  examples  of 
Lombard  decorative  art  (Plate  36,  Fig.  4,  6,  7,  8). 

Wreatlicd  capitals,  which  may  be  considered  a  modification 
of  the  cubic  type,  arc  found  at  Fontanella  al  INIonte  (Plate  92), 
at  S.  Giorgio  of  Almenno,  and  at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of 
Bergamo.  They  seem  to  be  characteristic  of  the  local  school 
of  the  province  of  Brescia. 

Circular  abaci  are  found  at  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan  (c.  1120), 
at  Mont'Orfano  (c.  1145),  in  the  portal  of  SS.  Felice  e 
Fortunate  of  Vicenza  (1154),  at  Castell'Alfero  (c.  1155),  and 
at  Ferrara  (1177).°  In  the  portal  of  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato 
of  Vicenza  and  in  the  catliedral  of  Piacenza  the  bases  are  also 
circular.  At  Ferrara  (1177)  are  lathe-like  capitals  very  similar 
to  certain  ones  of  the  Gothic  period  in  England. 

5  For  the  circular  abaci  in  the  piers  of  Cistercian  edifices,  see  above,  p.  91. 


262 


CHAPTER  II.     CAPITALS  TRANSITIONAL 
TO  GOTHIC 

The  infiltration  of  French  influences  into  northern  Italy, 
and  the  gradual  triumph  of  the  foreign  Gothic  over  the  native 
Romanesque,  can  nowhere  be  studied  to  better  advantage  than 
in  the  development  of  the  capital.  It  is,  nevertheless,  not 
altogether  easy  to  say  at  just  what  moment  Gothic  influence 
first  made  itself  felt  in  Lombardy.  The  truth  is,  that  the  archi- 
tectures of  France  and  Italy  had,  for  long  centuries,  been  so 
closely  related  to  each  other,  and  had  been  bound  together  by 
so  many  currents  of  influence  and  counter-influence,  that  it  is 
not  always  easy  to  say  which  originated  and  which  followed. 

The  broad-leaved  capital  is  undoubtedly  derived  from  a 
Corinthian  capital  of  which  the  acanthus  leaves  were  left 
uncarved.  Such  unfinished  Corinthian  capitals  had  been  common 
at  all  times  since  antiquity,  and  in  at  least  some  cases  the  builders 
had  probably  purposely  left  them  unfinished,  preferring  the 
greater  quiet  and  restfulness  of  the  unpetalled  leaves.  This  had 
notably  been  the  case  very  frequently  in  Lombardy.  It  may 
very  likely  have  been  from  Lombardy  that  the  builders  of 
northern  France  derived  their  earliest  broad-leaved  capitals, 
which  are  rather  crude  and  clumsy  affairs.  It  was  only  towards 
the  fourth  decade  of  the  XII  century  that  the  masters  of  the 
royal  domain,  inspired,  it  is  said,  by  the  natural  forms  of  water- 
plants,  commenced  to  develop  the  broad-leaved  capital  in  a  new 
spirit,  and  to  lend  it  that  surpassing  beauty  which  makes  it  at 
once  the  most  dignified,  and  the  most  graceful  of  all  supporting 
members. 

The  earliest  broad-leaved  capitals  in  Italy  are  probably 
independent  of  French  influence.  Those  of  S.  Fedele  of 
Como,  for  example — c.  1115 — (Plate  63,  Fig.  1),  are  formed 

253 


LOiMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

merely  of  iincarved  acanthus  leaves.  In  certain  capitals  of 
Castell'Arquato,  however,  there  appears  to  be  indubitable 
Gothic  influence;  this  is  surprising  because  the  monument  in 
question  is  an  authentically  dated  structure  of  1117-1122.  We 
have,  therefore,  Gothic  influence  permeating  a  remote  corner 
of  northern  Italy  before  it  had  become  predominant  even  in 
France,  unless  it  be,  as  is  perhaps  more  probable,  that  the 
apparent  resemblances  between  the  capitals  of  Castell'Arquato 
and  those  of  the  Xorth  are  due  to  coincidence. 

However  this  may  be,  there  is  no  room  for  doubt  that  there 
is  genuine  French  influence  foimd  in  certain  broad-leaved  capitals 
of  those  portions  of  the  cathedral  of  Cremona  which  were  erected 
between  1129-1141.  The  same  influence  is  observable  in  similar 
capitals  of  Fontanella  and  possibly  in  one  of  S.  ISIaria  del  Popolo 
of  Pavia  (Plate  171,  Fig.  4),  both  monuments  which  date  from 
c.  1130.  Also  distinctively  French  are  certain  broad-leaved 
capitals  of  S.  INIaria  INIaggiore  of  Bergamo  dating  from  1137. 

A  new  stage  in  the  progress  of  French  influence  is  marked 
by  the  church  of  Cavagnolo  erected  c.  1140  and  situated  in 
Piemonte  not  far  from  the  passes  leading  over  the  Alps.  The 
structure  of  this  church,  as  has  already  been  observed,  shows  the 
influence  of  southern  France,  probably  Provence,  but  the  capitals 
are  distinctly  northern.  One  with  broad,  flat  leaves  and  crudely 
executed  volutes  would  seem  to  have  been  inspired  by  the  Norman 
style  (Plate  51,  Fig.  5) ;  another  has  Gothic  crockets  which 
undoubtedly  show  the  direct  influence  of  the  Ile-de-France. 

From  this  moment  the  indications  of  French  influence  are 
multiplied.  At  Cerreto  are  broad-leaved  capitals  of  purely 
French  transitional  type  dating  from  c.  1140,  while  the  even 
more  Gothic  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza  must  be  about 
contemporary.  French  are  the  capitals  of  Gallarate  (c.  1145) 
and  one  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Carpoforo  of  Como  dating  from  about 
the  same  time  (Plate  60,  Fig.  3).  In  the  narthex  of  Casale 
(c.  1150)  we  find  a  bulbous  and  perfectly  crocketed  capital. 
Crockets  appear  also  in  a  capital  of  Montiglio  dating  from 
c.  1150.  The  broad-leaved  capitals  of  S.  Lazaro  of  Pavia  are 
authentically  dated  1157    (Plate  170,  Fig.  2).     Other  broad- 

254 


CAPITALS  TRANSITIONAL  TO  GOTHIC 

leaved  capitals  of  unmistakably  French  type  may  be  found  at 
Denzano  (c.  1160)  and  S.  Bernardo  of  Vercelli  (1164).  French 
influence  is  even  visible  in  the  capital  of  S.  JNIaria  Canale  of 
Tortona,  dating  from  c.  1165  (Plate  211,  Fig.  6).  At  S. 
Antonino  of  Piacenza  crockets  nestle  among  the  Lombard 
acanthus  leaves  ( 1171 ) . 

In  the  last  quarter  of  the  XII  century  the  French  influence 
became  continually  stronger  and  more  unmistakable.  We  find 
it  in  the  broad-leaved  capitals  of  Ferrara  (1177),  in  the  crockets 
of  the  capitals  of  Lodi  (1180),  and  in  numerous  capitals  of  the 
cloister  of  S.  Stefano  (c.  1180).  The  broad-leaved  capitals  of 
Morimondo  of  1186  might  possibly  be  explained  as  developments 
of  Lombard  prototypes,  but  the  crocketed  capitals  of  Varese, 
authentically  dated  1187,  are  indubitably  of  French  origin 
(Plate  214,  Fig.  4) .  They  are  the  earliest  example  of  a  peculiar 
type  of  crocket  which  became  extremely  popular  in  the  last 
decade  of  the  XII  centurj^  especially  in  Piemonte,  as,  for 
example,  at  Ranverso  and  Sagra  S.  Michele. 

The  capitals  of  Vezzolano,  authentically  dated  1189,  show 
all  the  variations  from  pure  Lombard  to  pure  Gothic  (Plate  236, 
Fig.  1,  4;  Plate  237,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  238,  Fig.  1),  and  are 
evidently  the  work  of  a  Lombard  master  who  had  studied  in  the 
Ile-de-France. 

The»capitals  of  Brebbia  (c.  1190)  and  of  the  contemporary 
portions  of  the  cathedral  of  Lodi  are  entirely  French,  as  are  the 
earlier  capitals  of  S.  Ruffillo  di  Bologna — c.  1180 — (Plate  204, 
Fig.  1)  and  Rivalta  Scrivia— 1180— (Plate  192,  Fig.  3).  At 
Voltorre— c.  1180-1190— (Plate  244,  Fig.  2,  3,  5,  6)  the  capitals 
are  almost  entirelj^  Lombard  in  character.  There  is  a  mixture 
of  the  two  elements  at  Chiaravalle  della  Colomba  (c.  1180-1200) . 
Gothic  influence  is  visible  at  Castelnuovo  Scrivia  (1183)  in  the 
restored  capital  of  the  portal  (Plate  50,  Fig.  4)  and  in  the  twin 
shafts  (Plate  50,  Fig.  7)  which  resemble  those  of  Ste.-Croix 
of  Quimperle  (Plate  50,  Fig.  3).  The  capitals  of  c.  1185  at 
S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan  show  French  influence  in  the  broad,  flat 
leaves,  the  crockets,  the  elaborate  mouldings  and  other  distinctly 

255 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Gothic  motives.  The  broad-leaved  capitals  of  S.  Lorenzo  of 
Cremona  date  from  c.  1195. 

I  can  detect  no  trace  of  French  influence  in  those  capitals 
of  the  baptistery  of  Parma  which  were  executed  between  1196 
and  1214,  but  in  the  contemporarj^  portals  of  Chiaravalle  (1196- 
1221)  and  Cerreto  (c.  1200),  the  capitals  are  completely  of 
French  Gothic  type.  At  Fornovo  (c.  1200)  are  capitals  with 
naturalistic  Gothic  crockets,  and  others  with  uncarved  acanthus 
leaves  almost  Norman  in  character.  A  capital  of  Vicofertile 
(c.  1200)  has  Gothic  crockets.  The  capitals  of  the  cloister  of 
Montechiarugolo  (c.  1200)  are  generally  Gothic  (Plate  148, 
Fig.  1). 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  in  northern  Italy  the  capitals 
show  traces  of  the  influence  of  the  Ile-de-France  as  early  as 
the  third  decade  of  the  XII  century,  and  that  this  influence 
became  steadily  stronger,  although  it  never  succeeded  in  entirely 
supplanting  the  native  Lombard  forms. 

Only  rarely  do  capitals  show  the  influence  of  Proven9al 
models,  except  indirectly  in  the  closer  imitation  of  the  antique, 
as  in  certain  capitals  formed  of  classical  mouldings  crowning  the 
exterior  pilaster  strips  at  Gazzo  Veronese  (c.  1190). 


266 


CHAPTER  III.     FOREIGN  MOTIVES  OF 
DECORATIOX 

It  has  already  been  observed  that  the  influence  of  Provence 
upon  the  architecture  of  northern  Italy  is  to  be  noticed  chiefly 
in  the  revived  taste  for  classical  motives  of  decoration.  This 
influence  began  to  appear  at  an  earlier  date  than  that  at  which 
it  is  possible  to  trace  imitation  of  the  art  of  the  Ile-de-France. 
In  the  ambo  of  Isola  S.  Giulio,  a  mommient  which  dates  from 
c.  1120,  and  is  in  most  respects  thoroughly  Lombard,  the 
exuberance  of  the  classical  ornament  portrays  the  influence  of 
the  ProA^en^al  school.  At  Nonantola  in  1121  we  find  the  heart- 
leaf  motive  in  a  peculiarly  Provencal  form.  The  dentils  used 
so  excessively  in  the  necking  of  the  columns,  in  the  apse  (Plate  50, 
Fig.  2),  and  in  the  fa9ade  of  Cascina  S.  Trinita  (c.  1130)  are 
undoubtedly  of  the  same  origin.  At  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of 
Vercelli  in  1148  we  find  again  the  heart-leaf  ornament;  in  this  case 
it  is  associated  with  the  egg  and  dart  which  is  repeated  c.  1150  at 
Montiglio  (Plate  153,  Fig.  4).  At  JNIontiglio  was  also  used  the 
bead-moulding.  The  latter  found  its  way  as  far  south  as  S. 
Michele  di  Castelvetro  (c.  1150).  The  horizontal  line  so  charac- 
teristic of  Provencal  architecture  is  imitated  in  Benedetto's 
baptistery  at  Serravalle,  built  c.  1175  (Plate  206,  Fig.  1),  and  in 
the  same  building  the  cornice  is  broken  around  the  pilasters  and 
half  columns  in  quite  the  classical  manner.  The  influence  of 
Proven9al  design  may  similarly  be  traced  in  the  string-course 
of  the  Chiesa  Rossa  of  Voghera— c.  1185— (Plate  242,  Fig.  1) 
and  in  the  fa9ade  of  Vezzolano  (Plate  235,  Fig.  1).  It  appears 
also  in  the  string-course  resembling  a  pilaster  strip  set  horizon- 
tally of  S.  RufSllo  di  Bologna— 1178— (Plate  204,  Fig.  2)  and 
in    the    entire    exterior    design    of    the    baptisterj^    of    Parma 

267 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

(Plate  1G3,  Fig.  1).  At  Borgo  S.  Donnino  (1184-1196)  there 
is  a  fret  eomjjletely  Provencal  in  character  (compare  Plate  30, 
Fig.  1,  2,  with  Plate  27,  Fig,  2)  as  well  as  other  motives  such  as 
the  egg  and  dart  and  the  bead-moulding  which  are  patently  of 
the  same  derivation.  At  Borgo,  however,  we  find  also  influence 
of  the  Ile-de-France  in  the  voussoir  sculptures  of  the  central 
portal.  (Compare  this  portal — Plate  27,  Fig.  3 — with  the 
portals  at  St.-Denis — Plate  27,  Fig.  4 — and  Chartres — Plate  27, 
Fig.  1). 

The  influence  of  the  Ile-de-France  makes  itself  felt  onljj^  at 
a  comparativeh'  late  epoch.  II  is  true  that  there  are  star-flowers 
at  Castell'Arquato,  an  authenticallj^  dated  monument  of  1117- 
1122,  but  like  the  Gothic  capitals  of  the  same  edifice,  the  appear- 
ance of  this  motive  at  so  early  a  date  is  entirely  unparalleled. 
At  Gallarate  Gothic  influence  is  unmistakably  present  c.  1145 
in  the  flattened  upper  scotia  of  the  base  moulding.  Gothic 
influence  is  similarly  evident  at  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna  (c.  1160) 
in  the  mouldings  of  the  portal  and  the  undercut  bases. ^  The 
base  moulding  of  the  baptistery  at  Varese  (1187)  has  a  distinctly 
Gothic  profile  (Plate  214,  Fig.  4).  The  profiles  of  the  jube  of 
Vezzolano  (1189)  are  thoi:oughly  French  (Plate  237,  Fig.  1; 
Plate  238,  Fig,  1).  At  Montechiarugolo  (c,  1200)  the  pyramid 
flower  blossoms  in  all  its  Gothic  luxuriance  (Plate  148,  Fig,  1), 
and  the  bases  of  the  colonnettes  are  likewise  thoroughly  Gothic, 
At  Iloncoscaglia  (c,  1200)   is  a  clumsy  hood-moulding. 

However,  the  most  important  of  all  the  northern  French 
motives  introduced  into  Lombard  decoration  was  the  billet.  This 
is  found  perhaps  for  the  first  time  in  the  cathedral  of  Parma 
(c.  1130-1150),  but  was  soon  repeated  on  the  archivolts  of 
Cavagnolo  (c.  1140),  where  it  is  found  in  the  triple  form 
(Plate  51,  Fig.  5).  It  subsequently  became  very  popular  in 
Piemonte.  At  JSIontafia  (c.  1150)  there  is  a  quadruple  billet 
cornice  (Plate  147,  Fig.  3).  There  are  triple  and  quadruple 
billets  at  jNIontiglio  (Plate  153,  Fig.  1)  and  billets  single,  double 
and  multiple   at  Cortazzone  d'Asti    (Plate  82,   Fig.   4),  both 

1  Compare  the  cornice  of  triangular  arched  corbel-tables  of  "this  edifice  with  that 
of  the  chapel  of  the  Templars  at  Laon  (Plate  204,  Fig.  4). 

268 


'  FOREIGN  MOTIVES  OF  DECORATION 

edifices  which  date  from  c.  1150.  The  ornament  is  also  found 
at  Viboldone  (c.  1195),  in  the  cathedral  of  Modena  and  at  S. 
Lorenzo  (c.  1195),  and  S.  Michele— c.  1200— (Plate  86,  Fig.  1) 
of  Cremona.    In  the  two  latter  instances  the  billets  are  round. 


259 


CHAPTER  IV.     OTHER  MOTIVES  OF 
DECORATIOX 

There  remain  several  motives  of  decoration  developed  in 
Lombardy  during  the  XII  century  which  merit  at  least  passing 
notice.  Conspicuous  among  these  are  the  twisted  and  spiral- 
fluted  columns  frequently  associated  with  Lombard  portals. 
The  idea  of  sj^iral  columns,  although  not  a  particularly  happy 
one  from  an  architectural  standpoint,  has  been  popular  with 
decorators  ever  since  antiquity.  It  is  foimd  in  numerous 
Roman  monuments  of  the  decadence;  from  them  it  was  copied 
bj'  the  Cosniati  artists  of  the  XII  century  in  Rome  and  by  the 
barocco  architects  of  the  XVI  centur}\  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  Lombard  builders  derived  it  from  the  same  source.  The 
earliest  example  of  its  use  is  in  the  cathedral  of  INIodena  (1099- 
1106).  It  is  well  established  that  Lanfranco  had  at  his  disposal 
a  vast  amount  of  material  dug  from  the  ruins  of  the  ancient 
Roman  city  of  INIodena,  and  that  he  used  this  material  not  only 
to  employ  bodily  in  the  new  cathedral,  but  also  as  a  source  of 
inspiration  for  numerous  details  of  his  design.  It  was  imdoubt- 
edly  in  this  way  that  spiral-fluted  columns  were  introduced  into 
Lombard  art. 

Nicolo,  ever  ready  to  continue  and  develop  the  new  traditions 
created  at  Modena,  introduced  spiral  columns  into  several  of 
his  best  known  works — in  the  Porta  dello  Zodiaco  at  Sagra  S. 
Michele  (Plate  196 A,  Fig.  2),  and  in  the  portals  of  the  cathe- 
drals of  Ferrara  (Plate  88,  Fig.  2)  and  Verona  (Plate  217, 
Fig.  1,  3).  From  this  time  onward  they  became  typical  of  the 
Lombard  manner,  and  were  reproduced  in  the  portals  of  SS. 
Felice  e  Fortunato  of  Vicenza  (1154),  at  S.  Simpliciano  of 
Milan  (1171),  at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Bergamo  (Plate  23, 
Fig.  4),  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino  (Plate  27,  Fig.  3),  and  in  many 
other  edifices. 

260 


OTHER  MOTIVES  OF  DECORATION 

Another  typical  Lombard  mannerism  was  the  habit  of 
inlaying  sculptures  at  irregular  intervals  in  the  facade.  This 
method  of  building  doubtless  originated  in  the  habit  of  mixing 
stone  and  brick  somewhat  irregularly  in  the  masonry.  It  was 
then  determined  to  ornament  the  stone  blocks  Avith  sculptures. 
The  most  splendid  and  typical  example  of  this  type  of  decoration 
is  the  facade  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  174,  Fig.  3).  The 
motive  persisted  as  late  as  c.  1135  at  S.  Maria  del  Tiglio  of 
Gravedona;  possibly  it  inspired  the  sculptured  keystones  of 
Morimondo  (1186). 

Engaged  pediments  or  false  gables  appear  to  have  been 
employed  in  Lombardy  earlier  than  in  France.  There  is  one 
over  the  portal  of  S.  Stefano  of  Verona  which  dates  from  c.  1120. 
Another  formerly  existed  above  the  portal  at  S.  Maria  del 
Popolo  of  Pavia,  a  monument  of  c.  1130.  At  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel 
d'Oro  of  the  same  city  there  is  above  the  portal  a  false  pediment 
enclosed  in  an  engaged  field — 1132 — (Plate  177,  Fig.  3).  In 
the  portal  of  S.  Maria  jMaggiore  of  Vercelli  (1148)  there  is  an 
engaged  gable  resting  on  two  colonnettes  (Plate  215,  Fig.  3). 
As  late  as  c.  1200  we  find  an  engaged  gable  over  the  portal  of 
Cerreto. 

Possibly  some  engaged  pediment  insjjired  the  singular  and, 
I  believe,  unparalleled  triangular  arch  of  the  eastern  portal  of 
S.  Fedele  of  Como  (c.  1115). 

In  the  last  half  of  the  XII  century  important  decorations 
in  stucco  were  executed  in  Lombardy.  Of  these  the  earliest  is 
the  archivolt  of  the  crypt  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia,  which  dates 
from  c.  IIGO,  although  it  has  been  rather  curiously  mistaken  for 
a  work  of  Carlovingian  epoch  (Plate  37,  Fig.  1).  This  is 
possibly  by  the  hand  of  the  same  artist  who  evidently  executed 
all  of  the  remaining  stucco  decorations  in  northern  Italy.  These 
are  situated  at  Cividale  (Plate  57,  Fig.  6;  Plate  121,  Fig.  4), 
S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (Plate  57,  Fig.  1,  2,  4,  5),  and  S.  Ambrogio 
of  Milan  (Plate  121,  Fig.  2,  3).  The  ornament  itself  consists 
of  the  repetition  of  typical  Lombard  motives,  but  owing  to 
the  quality  of  the  medium  acquires  a  peculiar  richness  and 
exuberance. 

261 


PART  III.     ACCESSORY  ARTS 


Book  I.    Sculpture 

CHAPTER  I.     SCULPTURE  BEFORE  1100 

As  has  already  been  recognized  by  Cattaneo,  the  barbarian 
invasions  resulted  in  almost  completely  exterminating  the  art 
of  figin-e-sculpture  in  northern  Italy.  From  the  VII  to  the  XI 
century  representations  of  the  human  figure  in  stone  worthy  to 
be  classed  as  high  art  do  not  exist.  The  few  figure-sculptures 
of  this  epoch  that  are  still  extant,  bear  witness  to  the  complete 
decadence  of  sculpture.  The  altar  of  Ratchis  (744-749)  at 
Cividale  (Plate  3,  Fig.  2)  and  the  baptisterj^  in  the  same  city 
(Plate  59,  Fig.  3),  although  executed  at  the  flood  tide  of  the 
Lombard  renaissance  and  admirable  from  a  decorative  stand- 
point, reveal  childish  incompetence  in  all  that  pertains  to  the 
representation  of  the  human  form.  AVlien  in  the  IX  and  X 
centuries  even  decorative  sculpture  fell  into  decline,  the  artists 
ceased  for  the  most  part  even  to  attempt  figure-sculptures. 
When  in  rare  instances  they  did  assay  this  most  difficult  of  tasks, 
the  result  was  in  the  highest  degree  lamentable — witness  the  two 
figures  of  saints  sculptured  on  capitals  of  S.  Giovanni  of  Asti 
in  885. 

During  these  ages  truly  dark  for  the  art  of  figure-sculpture 
in  stone,  the  traditions  of  a  better  epoch  were  doubtless  kept  alive 
by  plastic  works  in  ivorj^,  and  possiblj'  also  in  metal.  The  bronze 
eagle  and  saint  (Plate  122,  Fig.  2)  of  the  pulpit  of  S.  Ambrogio 
of  jNIilan,  which  date  from  e.  800,  show  that  the  metal  smiths, 
while  far  from  possessing  the  skill  of  earlier  and  later  times,  had 
still  not  fallen  as  low  as  the  stone  sculptors.  The  inlaid  orna- 
ments of  the  Palio  d'Oro  of  S.  Ambrogio,  apparently  part  of 
the  altar  erected  by  Angilberto  in  840,  give  us  a  high  idea  of  the 

266 


LOMBARD  ^VRCHITECTURE 

skill  of  the  goldsmith  and  enameller  Volvinio  (Plate  122,  Fig.  3; 
Plate  123,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  124,  Fig.  1,  2). 

The  year  1000  which  ushered  in  so  notable  a  revival  in  the 
art  of  architecture,  witnessed  something  of  an  awakening  in  that 
of  figure-sculpture  as  well.  The  first  monument'  of  this  reawak- 
ening of  the  XI  century  is  the  Resurrection  Capital  (Plate  3, 
Fig.  5)  of  the  cloister  of  Acqui  (c.  1015-1067) .  Notwithstanding 
obvious  crudities  this  work  presents  not  only  a  definite  icono- 
graphic  purport  but  a  positive  feeling  for  beauty  evidenced,  for 
example,  by  the  effective  lines  of  the  draperj'^  of  the  standing 
figure  to  the  left  of  Christ.  This  sculpture  marks  a  notable 
advance  over  the  figure  art  of  the  Lombard  period  as  exemplified 
by  the  altar  of  Ratchis  (Plate  3,  Fig.  2). 

A  still  more  notable  step  in  advance  is  marked  by  the  bronze 
doors  of  S.  Zeno  at  Verona,  the  earliest  portions  of  which  date 
from  c.  1030  (Plate  231,  Fig.  1;  Plate  232,  Fig.  1;  Plate  233, 
Fig.  1 ;  Plate  234,  Fig.  1 ) ."  Not  only  do  these  reliefs  represent 
a  sustained  iconographical  narrative,  but  from  the  point  of  view 
of  technique  they  are  vastly  superior  to  anj'  sculptures  we  have 
hitherto  found  in  northern  Italy.  So  little  is  there  in  existence 
which  would  seem  in  any  way  to  pave  the  road  for  these  remark- 
able products  of  plastic  art  that  critics  have  almost  universally 
agreed  that  they  must  have  been  inspired  by  some  foreign 
influence;  and  this  influence  it  was  natural  to  find  in  the  bronze 
doors  of  Hildesheim  authenticallj^  dated  1015  by  an  extant  and 
entirely  reliable  inscription,  and  showing  undoubted  analogies 
of  style  with  the  S.  Zeno  doors.  The  matter  seemed  to  be 
clinched  by  documentary  evidence  proving  that  the  S.  Zeno  doors 
were  executed  imder  German  influence.  Recently,  however,  this 
supposed  documentary  evidence  has  been  demonstrated  to  be 
erroneous.  While  the  analogies  between  S.  Zeno  and  Hildesheim 
remain,  our  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  art  of  metal  sculpture 
in  the  XI  centurj^  is  at  present  too  vague  and  fragmentary  to 
make  it  safe  to  assume  that  S.  Zeno  was  inspired  by  German 

1  Except  possibly  the  crucifix  of  the  Carrocclo  of  the  Duomo  at  Milan. 

2  For  an  analysis  of  the  style  of  these  doors  showing  which  panels  date  from 
c.  1030  and  which  from  1138,  see  VoL  III,  pp.  535  f. 

266 


SCULPTURE  BEFORE  1100 

influence.  The  quaint  and  charming  style  of  the  sculptor  of  the 
Verona  doors  offers,  for  example,  almost  as  many  and  as  close 
analogies  with  the  bronze  sculptures  of  S.  Ambrogio  of  ^Milan 
(Plate  122,  Fig.  2),  an  Italian  work  of  800,  as  with  the  bronze 
works  of  Hildesheim.  It  has  already  been  observed  that  the 
Italian  metal  smiths  were  far  in  advance  of  the  sculptors  in  stone. 
It  may  possiblj^  be,  therefore,  that  the  resemblances  between  the 
sculptures  of  Hildesheim  and  S.  Zeno  are  to  be  explained  on  the 
supposition  that  both  are  derived  from  some  common  prototype 
now  lost,  and  that  that  prototype  was  Italian. 

The  doors  of  S.  Zeno  seem  to  have  been  the  starting  point 
for  a  long  series  of  similar  doors  executed  in  various  parts  of 
Italy,^  which  form  undoubtedly  one  of  the  best  known  achieve- 
ments of  Romanesque  art  in  the  peninsula.  In  Lombardy, 
however,  there  is  extant  only  one  other  work  of  this  character — 
the  later  portions  of  the  same  doors  of  S.  Zeno,  executed  in  1138. 

The  second  half  of  the  XI  century  was  singularly  barren 
of  works  of  sculpture  in  northern  Italy.  The  artists  in  their 
enthusiasm  for  the  grotesque  appear  but  very  seldom  to  have 
attempted  subjects  of  iconographic  purport.  Gradually,  how- 
ever, such  came  to  be  introduced  among  the  grotesques.  A  few 
are  noticeable  at  S.  Ambrogio  of  INIilan;  others  may  be  found 
at  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna — c.  1095 — (Plate  25,  Fig.  3),  and  many 
at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia— c.  1100— (Plate  173,  Fig.  1;  Plate  174, 
Fig.  1,  8:  Plate  175,  Fig.  1,  4;  Plate  176,  Fig.  1,  2,  3,  4,  6). 
These  semi-serious  sculptures  show  a  striking  improvement  in 
technique,  which  soon  results  in  the  formation  of  an  individual 
manner,  strong,  virile  and  powerful  if  still  somewhat  crude 
(Plate  173,  Fig.  1;  Plate  174,  Fig.  1).  It  is  open  to  doubt 
whether  this  art  was  entirely  of  native  origin,  or  whether  it  was 
influenced  from  without,  either  by  means  of  ivory-carvings,  or 
by  direct  contact  with  foreign  sculptors.  Certain  iconographical 
resemblances  between  the  sculptures  of  S.  Michele  and  those 
of  southern  France  give  some  reason  to  suppose  that  the  Lombard 
school  from  its  earliest  beginnings  was  under  French  influence. 

3  See  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  535  f. 

267 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Compare,  for  example,  the  detail  of  S.  Michele  (Plate  175, 
Fig.  4)  with  the  similar  subject  at  St.-Gilles  (Plate  175,  Fig.  3). 
Nevertheless  the  Proven9al  monument  is  in  all  probability  later 
than  the  Lombard,  and  there  is  the  possibility  that  the  influence 
may  have  flowed  from  Lombardy  to  France. 


I 


268 


I 


CHAPTER  II.     GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA 

The  dawn  of  the  XII  century  found  three  distinct  schools 
of  sculpture  active  in  Lombardy.  The  first  and  most  easily 
accounted  for  is  the  Pavese  school,  the  origins  of  which  we  have 
already  traced,  and  to  the  further  development  of  which  we  shall 
return  in  a  subsequent  chapter.  The  second  was  the  school  of 
Cluny,  as  we  may  call  it  for  convenience,  wliich  produced  notable 
works  at  Pontida  and  Calvenzano,  and  of  which  the  study  must 
also  be  deferred.  The  third  and  most  important  was  the  art 
founded  by  Guglielmo  da  Modena. 

There  is  something  mysterious  in  the  appearance  of  this 
artist  who  by  the  sheer  force  of  his  personalitj^  and  of  his  genius 
established  in  Italy  a  new  style  destined  to  yield  so  rich  a  harvest 
through  the  following  centuries.  There  is  but  little  to  explain 
Guglielmo.  We  look  in  vain  among  the  puerile  works  of 
sculpture  produced  in  Lombardy  during  the  XI  century  for 
prototypes  to  his  creations.  His  art  bursts  upon  us  in  all  its 
vigour  and  freshness,  unaccounted  for  by  those  laws  of  evolution 
and  development  which  we  have  come  to  believe  inseparable  from 
artistic  attainment. 

Since  the  artistic  personality  of  Guglielmo  has  recently  been 
strangely  confused,  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  the  artist  himself 
from  his  followers  and  assistants  before  discussing  the  derivation 
of  his  art.  What  is  definitely  known  of  him  resolves  itself  into 
ver}^  little.  On  the  cathedral  of  Modena  is  a  sculptured  plaque 
with  a  relief  of  the  prophets  Enoch  and  Elijah,  and  an  inscription 
praising  the  merits  of  the  sculptor  Guglielmo  (Plate  142,  Fig.  2) . 
It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  sculptures  of  the  two  prophets 
are  the  work  of  the  artist.  A  comparison  of  the  style  of  these 
with  that  of  the  other  reliefs  of  the  facade  confirms  the  inference 
naturally  drawn  from  the  inscription  that  the  latter  are  also  by 

269 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Guglielmo   (Plate  142,  Fig.  3;  Plate  143,  Fig.  1;  Plate  144, 
Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  145,  Fig.  3). 

At  the  cathedral  of  Cremona  are  certain  sculptures  which 
close  analogies  make  it  evident  are  by  the  same  hand.  In  the 
sacristy  is  a  sculpture  of  Enoch  and  Elijah  supporting  an 
inscription  as  in  the  similar  relief  of  INIodcna;  closer  resemblances 
of  style,  iconograph}'  and  technique  could  hardlj'  be  desired. 
There  is,  moreover,  at  Cremona  a  broken  caryatid  precisely 
similar  to  the  one  supporting  the  altar  in  the  familiar  relief  of 
Modena  (Plate  144,  Fig.  2),  and  supplied  with  a  fragment  of 
an  inscription  evidently  the  same  as  that  which  exists  in  the 
Modena  relief.  Numerous  analogies  of  style  (on  which  it  is 
unnecessary  here  to  insist,  since  they  have  been  analyzed  in  detail 
below)'  make  it  evident  that  the  four  prophets  of  the  jambs 
(Plate  83,  Fig.  8),  the  symbols  of  the  Evangelists,  the  rinceau, 
and  certain  vaulting  capitals  of  Cremona  are  all  undoubtedly 
also  works  of  Guglielmo. 

A  close  study  of  the  style  of  these  sculptures  is  sufficient  to 
give  a  clear  idea  of  the  artistic  personality  of  the  artist.  No 
competent  critic  could  have  confoimded  Guglielmo  da  jNIodena 
as  revealed  by  these  works  with  the  other  Guglielmo  who  signed 
the  reliefs  to  the  left  of  the  principal  portal  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona 
(Plate  229,  Fig.  3,  4;  Plate  230,  Fig.  1,  3),  unless— as  has 
actually  happened — he  had  been  misled  by  a  peculiar  tangle  of 
supposed  documentary  evidence. 

The  sculptor  Nicolo  (whom  we  shall  study  in  the  next 
chapter)  was  a  pupil  and  follower  of  Guglielmo.  He  has  left 
signed  works  at  Sagra  S.  INIichele,  at  the  cathedrals  of  Ferrara 
and  Verona,  and  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona.  At  S.  Zeno,  as  we  have 
seen,  he  worked  in  company  with  Guglielmo  da  Verona.  It  was 
long  supposed  that  he  worked  with  Guglielmo  also  in  the  cathe- 
dral of  Ferrara;  this  misinformation  was  derived  from  an 
inscription  incorrectly  restored,  which,  in  reality,  as  is  now  clearly 
demonstrated,  referred  not  to  Guglielmo  the  sculptor  but  to 
Guglielmo  degli  Adelardi,  a  noble  who  in  large  part  bore  the 
expense  of  the  construction  of  the  cathedral  of  Ferrara.'    Misled 

1  See  Vol.  II,  pp.  386  f.  2  See  Vol.  II,  pp.  408  f. 

270 


GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA 

by  the  supposed  documentary  evidence,  critics  felt  themselves 
obliged  to  find  the  style  of  Guglielmo  in  certain  sculptures  of 
Ferrara,  although  the  latter  are  clearly  the  work  of  Xicolo  alone. 
This  led  to  such  confusion  of  the  artistic  personalities  of 
Guglielmo  da  Verona  and  Nicolo  and  Guglielmo  da  JNIodena  that 
the  two  Guglielmos  were  identified,  and  almost  all  the  Roman- 
esque sculptures  of  northern  Italy  came  to  be  assigned  to  one 
man  and  his  assistant. 

Recent  studies  upon  the  inscription  of  Ferrara,  and  an 
analysis  of  the  style  of  the  various  sculptures  in  question,  clear 
up  all  this  misunderstanding.  It  is  no  longer  possible  to  confuse 
the  artistic  personality  of  Guglielmo  da  Modena  with  that  of 
Nicolo  or  of  Guglielmo  da  Verona. 

Basing  ourselves  upon  the  authentic  works  of  Guglielmo 
da  IModena,  therefore,  let  us  seek  the  little  light  that  it  is  possible 
to  obtain  upon  the  origin  of  his  art.  It  has  already  been  observed 
that  his  style  bears  no  relationship  to  previous  works  of  sculpture 
in  Lombard}^  at  least  in  so  far  as  they  have  come  down  to  us. 
It  is  as  distinctly  and  totally  different  from  the  semi-grotesque 
sculptures  of  S.  Ambrogio  of  JSIilan  or  of  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna 
(Plate  25,  Fig.  3)  as  it  is  from  the  quaint  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno 
(Plate  231,  Fig.  1;  Plate  232,  Fig.  1),  or  the  Resurrection 
Capital  (Plate  3,  Fig.  5)  of  Acqui.  How,  therefore,  did  this 
art  come  into  being? 

Since  there  is  no  indication  that  it  was  derived  normally 
from  earlier  works  in  Emilia,  it  is  natural  to  assume  that  it 
must  have  been  imported  from  abroad.  Of  foreign  schools 
of  sculpture  there  was  at  this  period  only  one  which  could 
have  been  capable  of  inspiring  such  an  art  as  that  of  Guglielmo, 
and  that  was  Languedoc.  Now  it  is  certain  that  the  influence 
of  Languedoc  was  persistently  exerted  upon  the  sculpture  of 
Lombardy  throughout  the  XII  century.  In  the  works  of  Nicolo, 
of  the  sculptor  of  S.  Antonino  of  Piacenza  and  of  Lodi,  and  of 
Benedetto  and  his  school  we  shall  have  to  observe  the  continued 
imitation  of  southern  French  models.  It  moreover  happens  that 
certain  striking  analogies  exist  between  the  works  of  Guglielmo 
and  the  earliest  products  of  the  school  of  Languedoc.    The  habit 

271 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

of  representing  the  folds  of  drapery  by  two  parallel  incised  lines, 
which  we  find  frequently  in  the  works  of  Giiglielmo — for 
example,  on  the  sleeve  of  the  figure  seen  to  the  extreme  right  in 
Plate  142,  Fig.  3 — is  found  also  in  the  sculptures  of  the  cloister 
at  Moissac  (Plate  142,  Fig.  1).  Nor  does  the  resemblance  stop 
there.  The  short  proportions,  the  heavy  type  of  face,  the  vertical 
folds  of  the  drapery,  the  feet  shown  as  it  were  in  plan,  and  the 
strongly  accentuated  cords  of  the  toes  are  all  common  to 
Guglielmo  and  the  master  of  the  Moissac  cloister. 

The  whole  question  is  rendered  exceedinglj^  obscure  by  the 
fact  that  the  sculptures  of  southern  France  have  never  been 
subjected  to  careful  study  and  arch.Tological  analysis.  When 
the  monuments  come  to  be  fully  described,  and  the  documentary 
sources  studied  as  they  deserve,  we  shall  doubtless  receive  a  very 
different  impression  from  that  which  we  now  have  of  this  most 
important  of  all  Romanesque  schools  of  sculpture.  As  it  is,  the 
sculptures  of  Moissac  form  almost  the  only  firm  and  reliable 
starting-point  for  comparison.  The  cloister  is  authentically 
dated  1100  by  an  inscription.  The  sculptures  of  which  we 
reproduce  an  example  (Plate  142,  Fig.  1)  must  therefore  be  of 
this  epoch.  It  is  generally  assumed  that  the  sculptures  of  the 
porch,  although  of  a  totally  different  style  (Plate  94,  Fig.  5; 
Plate  104,  Fig.  2),  are  contemporar}\  The  latter  are  more 
typical  of  the  manner  usually  associated  with  the  name 
Languedoc  and  exemplified  by  the  sculptures  of  Toulouse, 
Cahors  and  numerous  churches  of  the  Pyrenees  and  Spain;  the 
former  present  points  of  contact  with  the  much  later  sculptures 
of  Maguelonne.  It  remains  to  be  demonstrated  that  the  two 
styles  of  sculpture  at  IMoissac  are  in  reality  contemporary,  and 
if  so,  to  explain  how  two  such  radically  different  manners  could 
have  coexisted  in  the  same  church.  The  origin  of  this  surprising 
art  also  remains  entirely  obscure. 

Until  these  matters  are  investigated  it  would  be  in  the  highest 
degree  dangerous  to  assert  that  the  art  of  Guglielmo  was  derived 
from  the  cloister  of  jMoissac.  In  point  of  time  the  two  are 
contemporary;  the  cloister  at  Moissac  was  finished  in  the  year 
1100;  Gughelmo  worked  at  Modena  from  1099  to  1106. 

272 


i 


GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA 

It  must  moreover  be  remembered  that  ivory-carvings 
frequently  exercised  a  very  direct  and  important  influence  upon 
sculpture  in  the  IVIiddle  Ages.  Indeed,  it  is  probable  that  artistic 
ideas  were  transmitted  from  one  part  of  Europe  to  another  by 
'  ivory-carvings  more  frequently  than  by  actual  travelling  under- 
taken by  the  sculjDtor.  There  are  numerous  indications  that  such 
was  the  case.  In  a  dijDtych  of  the  Morgan  collection,^  called  a 
Spanish  work  of  the  X  century  and  representing  the  journej'^  to 
Emmaus,  the  figures  are  shown  wearing  caps  of  a  curious  type 
which  we  shall  later  find  to  be  characteristic  of  the  art  of 
Benedetto.  In  this  carving  is  also  represented  a  cane  of  a  peculiar 
form  which  reappears  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  and  in  the 
sculjitures  of  the  ambo  of  Isola  S.  Giulio.  It  seems  entirely 
probable  that  both  Benedetto  and  the  sculptor  of  the  Isola  ambo 
drew  their  inspiration  from  some  such  ivory-carvings.  The 
Byzantine  casket  ascribed  to  the  X  century,  formerly  the 
property  of  Pope  Innocent  IV  and  of  the  Fieschi  family,  now 
also  in  the  ]\Iorgan  collection,*  has  at  the  corners  figures  which 
bear  so  close  a  resemblance  to  the  sculptures  of  Notre-Dame- 
du-Port  at  Clermont-Ferrand  that  it  can  not  be  due  to  coin- 
cidence. The  elongated  figure  of  Christ  in  an  ivory  crucifixion 
of  the  Morgan  collection^  shows  close  analogj^  with  sculptiu'es  of 
Ile-de-France.  A  fragment  of  a  reliquary  of  champleve  Limoges 
enamel  also  in  the  Morgan  collection**  and  ascribed  to  the  XIII 
century,  has  ivory  figures  which  in  style  are  very  like  contem- 
porary sculptures  in  stone.  The  capital  on  which  stand  the  souls 
awaiting  judgment  in  the  tomb  of  S.  Alberto  (Plate  189,  Fig.  2) 
is  strikingly  similar  to  the  tree  on  which  stands  a  figure  with  a 
palm  in  a  Byzantine  ivory-carving  of  the  same  collection.'  There 
is,  therefore,  no  doubt  of  the  close  interdependence  of  ivory- 
carving  and  sculpture. 

Now  I  observe  that  the  most  striking  analog}^  between  the 
manner  of  Guglielmo  and  that  of  the  sculptor  of  the  cloister  of 

3  From  the  Guilhon  and  Hoentschel  collections,  catalogue  of  the  latter  No.  11. 
"  Case  G.  5  Case  G.  «  Case  H. 

"  According  to  the  catalogue  this  is  a  Russian  ( !)  work  of  the  IX  or  X  century. 
The  subject  is  the  entry  into  Jerusalem. 

273 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Moissac — that  is  to  say,  the  use  of  two  parallel  incised  lines  to 
represent  folds  in  the  draper}- — is  a  mannerism  which  had  been 
common  in  ivory-carvings  from  a  very  early  period.  It  is  found, 
for  example,  in  a  converted  diptych  of  the  Morgan  collection 
representing  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  apparently  a  work  of  the 
IV  century.'  I  note  furthermore  that  in  this  carving  the  figures 
are  placed  in  a  niche,  a  mannerism  which  forms  a  striking  point 
of  contact  between  the  sculptor  of  the  cloister  of  Moissac 
(Plate  142,  Fig.  1)  and  Guglielmo's  successor  Nicolo  (Plate  181, 
Fig.  1),  as  well  as  the  master  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  174, 
Fig.  1).  Two  parallel  incised  lines  indicating  the  folds  of  the 
drapery  occur  on  a  fragment  of  Byzantine  ivory-carving  probably 
of  the  VIII  or  IX  century  representing  Christ  in  an  aureole 
supported  by  angels  and  now  in  the  JNIorgan  collection."  The 
same  mannerism  is  foxnid  in  another  carving  of  the  same  col- 
lection'" representing  the  Deity  with  His  right  hand  raised  in 
benediction.  It  is  found  in  still  a  third  carving  of  the  same 
collection  representing  Christ  in  a  niche  surrounded  bj'^  the 
sj'mbols  of  the  four  Evangelists."  In  this  case  the  parallels  are 
used  even  to  form  a  spiral  on  the  abdomen. 

In  view  of  all  these  examples,  and  many  others  which  might 
be  cited,  it  seems  evident  that  the  analogies  between  the  manner 
of  Guglielmo  and  that  of  the  sculptor  of  the  cloister  of  Moissac 
are  to  be  explained,  at  least  in  large  part,  as  derived  from  ivory- 
carvings  which  must  have  been  frequently  in  the  possession  of 
mediaeval  monasteries  and  churches,  and  were  constantly  being 
carried  from  one  part  of  Europe  to  another.  Whether  the  art 
of  Ciuglielmo  is  derived  directly  from  such  ivorj^-carvings,  or 
whether  he  had  predecessors  in  stone  sculpture  there  is  not 
sufficient  evidence  to  determine. 

In  either  event,  his  importance  for  the  history  of  the  develop- 
ment of  sculpture  in  Lombardy  is  equallj-  great.  With  Guglielmo 
for  the  first  time  in  Italian  art  we  meet  an  individual  genius,  an 
artistic  personality  emerging  from  the  current  of  tradition  and 
of  uniform  progress.  Guglielmo  marks  a  distinct  breaking  with 
the  past.    Impatient  of  architectural  restraints,  he  sought  to  make 

8  Case  L.  »CaseF.  loCaseG.  "  Case  L. 

274 


GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA 

of  sculpture  not  an  accessory  but  an  independent  art.  His  works 
are  eminently  unarchitectural,  essentially  plastic.  At  a  period 
when  the  architects  and  sculptors  of  northern  France  were 
learning  to  subordinate  sculpture  to  architecture,  and  by  that 
means  attain  perhaps  the  highest  artistic  unity  that  has  ever 
been  achieved,  Guglielmo  the  individualist,  the  true  Italian, 
impatiently  pushed  aside  all  restraints  imposed  by  architectural 
unitj\  His  sculptures  were  sufficient  in  themselves.  He  sought 
no  higher  significance  either  artistic  or  intellectual.  It  is,  never- 
theless, a  strange  fact  that  in  the  cathedral  of  Cremona  he 
instituted  the  motive  of  jamb  sculptures  (Plate  83,  Fig.  8) 
destined  to  inspire  northern  artists  with  one  of  their  most 
characteristic  and  corhpletely  architectural  motives.  In  the 
hands  of  the  masters  of  the  western  portal  of  Chartres,  of  the 
west  fa9ade  of  Amiens,  or  even  of  St.-Trophime  of  Aries,  these 
jamb  statues  undoubtedly  became  charged  with  an  architectural 
character,  with  an  intellectual  and  spiritual  significance,  with  a 
solemnity  of  rh\i;hm  and  with  a  sweetness  that  were  far  beyond 
the  power  of  Guglielmo.  Nevertheless  his  four  prophets  of 
Cremona  must  always  be  numbered  among  the  great  masterpieces 
of  mediteval  sculpture,  unforgettable  for  their  austerity,  their 
dignity,  their  Assyrian-like  grandeur. 

The  art  of  Guglielmo  paved  the  way  not  only  for  the  masters 
of  mediaeval  sculpture  in  the  Ile-de-France,  but  also  for  the 
artists  of  the  Italian  Renaissance,  for  Giotto  and  INIichelangelo. 
As  the  first  figure  in  the  long  dynasty  of  Italian  artists 
Guglielmo  for  all  his  faults  acquires  singular  interest. 

A  true  forerunner  of  the  Renaissance,  he  threw  off  the 
restraints  of  the  Church  and  of  religion  as  impatiently  as  he  did 
those  of  architecture.  We  find  in  his  works  but  faint  and  half- 
hearted traces  of  that  beautiful  symbolism  in  which  mediseval 
artists  so  often  found  their  inspiration.  Biblical  scenes  he  treats 
in  a  familiar,  often  a  semi-comic,  manner.  Adam  and  Eve  appear 
as  matter-of-fact  and  rather  stupid  peasants;  even  the  Deity  is 
represented  with  uncompromising  realism  and  absolute  lack  of 
idealization.  The  sculptor  is  evidently  interested  primarily  in 
illustration,  in  the  telling  of  a  story  clearly  and  distincth',  and 

275 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

this  he  succeeds  in  doing  in  admirable  fashion,  at  times  even  with 
an  amazing  touch  of  psj-chologj-,  as  when,  for  example,  the  two 
sons  of  Noah  gossip  together  as  they  come  out  from  the  ark 
(Plate  145,  Fig.  3). 

There  is  something  very  pagan  in  this  spirit  of  Guglielmo, 
as  there  is  in  that  of  his  successors  of  the  XV  century.  Indeed 
we  can  not  doubt  that  Guglielmo,  both  in  the  spirit  and  technique 
of  his  works,  fell  strongly  under  the  influence  of  Roman  sculpture 
quite  as  much  as  did  the  artists  of  the  Quattrocento.  It  is  known 
that  ancient  ruins  were  dug  up  to  supply  material  for  the 
cathedral  of  iVIodena.  The  lions  which  supjiorted  the  columns 
of  the  Lombard  porch  were  found  in  such  excavations.  Other 
sculptures  must  have  come  to  light  as  well,  and  these  must  have 
jjowerfuUy  influenced  Guglielmo.  The  proof  is  to  be  found  not 
only  in  the  spirit  of  his  work,  but  in  two  reliefs  of  the  fac^ade  of 
the  cathedral  of  JNIodena  representing  Cupids  with  reversed 
torches  (Plate  142,  Fig.  2),  obviously  literal  copies  from  some 
Roman  sarcophagus. 


276 


CHAPTER  III.     NICOLO  AND  THE  SCHOOL  OF 
GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA 

The  art  of  Guglielmo  da  Modena  is  undoubtedly  the  domi- 
nating force  in  the  development  of  sculpture  in  Lombardy  in  the 
XII  century.  His  was  a  root  stock  upon  which  was  merely 
grafted  the  native  Lombard  or  Languedoc  cross  tendencies  which 
bore  fruit  in  Nicolo,  Benedetto  and  the  other  sculptors  the  XII 
century  produced  in  such  abundance.  The  school  of  Guglielmo, 
therefore,  embraces  the  important  line  of  development  of  Lom- 
bard sculpture  for  nearly  a  century.  The  artists  who  failed  to 
fall  under  his  influence  constitute  numericallj^  but  a  small 
minority,  and  one  of  slight  importance  for  the  art  of  the  future. 

Of  all  the  followers  of  Guglielmo  da  Modena  the  most 
prolific  and  the  most  famous  was  undoubtedly  Xicolo.  By  his 
hand  we  have  a  signed  work  at  the  Porta  dello  Zodiaco  of  Sagra 
S.  Michele,  which  on  its  style  may  be  set  down  with  considerable 
confidence  as  a  youthful  production  executed  c.  1120.  We  have 
signed  and  dated  works  at  the  cathedral  of  Ferrara  (1135),  at 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (1138) ,  and  at  the  cathedral  of  Verona  (1139) . 
Analogies  of  style  leave  no  doubt  that  the  sculptures  of  the 
western  facade  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza  begun  in  1122  are 
also  by  the  same  artist. 

These  works  are  amply  sufficient  to  give  a  clear  idea  of  the 
artistic  personality  of  the  sculptor,  and  of  his  development  during 
a  period  of  twenty  years.  Upon  studying  them  it  becomes 
immediately  clear  that  Nicolo  must  have  been  a  pupil  of 
Guglielmo  da  Modena,  although  there  is  extant  no  work  in  which 
the  two  artists  collaborated.  From  Guglielmo,  Nicolo  adopted 
the  entire  foundation  of  his  art:  the  short  stocky  figures,  the 
heavy  proportions,  the  type  of  draperies  and  numerous  details 
of  technique.  From  Guglielmo  he  derived  his  caryatids  and  the 
Lombard  porch,  both  so  characteristic  of  his  manner.     From 

277 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Guglielmo  he  took  over  the  motive  of  jamb  sculptures,  and  even 
the  inscriptions  which  he  places  upon  the  scrolls  of  his  prophets. 
It  would  be  merely  tedious  to  catalogue  the  many  other  resem- 
blances between  the  two  artists;  the  fact  that  they  have  been  so 
often  confounded,  even  by  competent  critics,  is  sufficient  proof 
of  their  close  relationship. 

It  is  indeed  perhaps  more  important  to  insist  upon  their 
differences,  since  these,  though  great,  have  hitherto  been  generally 
overlooked.  We  notice  first  of  all  that  the  sculptures  of  Nicolo 
are  more  architectural.  His  reliefs  are  never  inserted  as  a  band 
running  across  the  facade  like  those  of  Guglielmo  at  INIodena 
(Plate  140,  Fig.  1).'  At  Sagra  S.  :Michele  (Plate  196 A, 
Fig.  1,  2)  they  are  treated  in  a  purely  architectural  manner,  as 
they  are  also  in  the  cathedrals  of  Piacenza  (Plate  181,  Fig.  1; 
Plate  182,  Fig.  4),  Ferrara  (Plate  88,  Fig.  1,  2,  3;  Plate  89, 
Fig.  1,  4,  .5),  and  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  1,  3,  5).  Only  at 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  are  plaques  inlaid  in  the  wall  (Plate  230, 
Fig.  2),  and  even  here  some  attempt  is  made  to  save  the  archi- 
tecture by  grouping  the  reliefs  between  pilaster  strips.  A 
comparison  of  the  story  of  Genesis  as  sculptured  by  Guglielmo 
at  Modena  (Plate  142,  Fig.  3;  Plate  143,  Fig.  1;  Plate  144, 
Fig.  1,  2)  with  that  sculptured  by  Xicolo  at  S.  Zeno  (Plate  230, 
Fig.  2)  wiU  serve  to  establish  the  sharp  difference  between  the 
two  sculptors.  Guglielmo  is  simple,  direct,  straightforward; 
Nicolo  is  less  powerful  but  more  tender.  Guglielmo's  back- 
grounds are  severely  plain,  those  of  Xicolo  tend  to  be  over-ornate 
and  restless.  Guglielmo  places  a  simple  frieze  of  arched  corbel- 
tables  above  his  figures;  Nicolo  places  them  instead  in  blind 
arches,  not  only  at  S.  Zeno,  but  at  Ferrara  (Plate  88,  Fig.  1,  2) 
and  Piacenza  (Plate  181,  Fig.  1;  Plate  182,  Fig.  4)  as  well. 
Comparing  the  jamb  sculj^tures  of  Guglielmo  at  Cremona 
(Plate  83,  Fig.  8)  with  those  of  Nicolo  at  Verona  (Plate  217, 
Fig.  1,  3)  and  Ferrara  (Plate  89,  Fig.  1,  4)  we  feel  even 
more  keenly  the  greater  austerity,  dignitj^  and  power  of  the 
more  archaic  artist;  the  grace,  softness  and  tendency  to  over- 
elaboration  of  the  younger. 

1  Guglielmo's  reliefs  at  Cremona  were  probably  similarly  disposed. 

278 


SCHOOL  OF  GUGLIELMO  DA  MODEXA 

There  are,  moreover,  strongly  present  in  the  art  of  Xicolo 
certain  definite  influences  entirely  lacking  in  that  of  Guglielmo. 
It  is  not  open  to  doubt  that  Xicolo  had  come  in  direct  contact 
with  the  school  of  Languedoc.  The  prophets  of  Verona 
(Plate  217,  Fig.  3)  and  Ferrara  (Plate  89,  Fig.  1)  both  stand 
with  crossed  legs ;  this  is  a  characteristic  mannerism  of  the  school 
of  Languedoc,  and  wherever  it  is  found,  it  is  certain  that  we  have 
the  influence  of  that  powerful  centre.  At  Piacenza  (Plate  182, 
Fig.  4)  and  at  Ferrara  (Plate  89,  Fig.  5)  as  well  as  in  numerous 
other  works  of  Xicolo,  the  lower  edge  of  the  draperies  falls  in 
a  curious  zigzag  line  ("Japanese  wave-movement")  also  char- 
acteristic of  the  art  of  Languedoc.  At  Sagra  S.  ^Nlichele  is 
represented  a  woman  whose  breasts  are  eaten  by  serpents.  This 
subject,  unusual  in  mediaeval  iconography,  appears  to  be  derived 
from  the  porch  of  JNIoissac  where  the  vice  Luxury  is  depicted 
in  this  manner  (Plate  94,  Fig.  5).  Xumerous  details  of  the 
decorative  carving  at  Sagra  S.  Michele  (Plate  196A,  Fig.  1) 
show  clearly  the  influence  of  southern  French  models.  It  is 
evident  therefore  that  Xicolo  fell  much  more  strongly  than 
Guglielmo  under  the  influence  of  Languedoc. 

On  the  other  hand  he  also  appears  to  have  been  more 
strongly  influenced  by  the  decorative  art  of  the  school  of  IMilan 
than  was  Guglielmo.  The  Porta  dello  Zodiaco  (Plate  196 A, 
Fig.  1,  2)  appears  to  have  been  inspired  by  the  portal  of  Cemmo 
(Plate  51,  Fig.  2),  erected  c.  1110.  The  lions  in  relief,  the 
engaged  columns,  the  type  of  decoration  are  so  strikingly  similar 
as  to  justify  the  inference  of  direct  influence.  ]Moreover,  certain 
capitals  of  the  Porta  dello  Zodiaco  representing  respectively  a 
siren,  eagles,  and  an  animal  with  its  tail  between  its  legs 
(Plate  196A,'  Fig.  1)  clearly  belong  in  style  to  the  school  of 
Milan,  and  this  same  ^Milanese  influence  is  traceable  even  in  the 
later  works  of  Xicolo,  while  it  is  completely  lacking  in  the  art 
of  Guglielmo. 

Xumerous  other  mannerisms  of  Xicolo  serve  to  distinguish 
his  art  from  that  of  Guglielmo.  One  of  the  most  striking 
peculiarities  of  his  manner  is  his  habit  of  constructing  Lombard 
porches  of  characteristic  form.    At  Piacenza  (Plate  182,  Fig.  3; 

279 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Plate  181,  Fig.  1),  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  5),  Ferrara 
(Plate  88,  Fig.  3)  and  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  225,  Fig.  2) 
such  porches  exist.  On  the  archivolt  are  carved  a  series  of 
medallions,  and  on  either  side  of  the  gable  the  figures  of  the  two 
Johns.  This  latter  peculiarity  of  iconography  seems  to  have 
been  Nicolo's  own,  and  not  suggested  by  the  Church.  There  was 
no  reason  other  than  the  childish  one  of  the  name,  for  placing 
the  Baptist  and  the  Evangelist  opposite  each  other,  nor  was  this, 
so  far  as  I  know,  done  elsewhere  in  medijeval  art.  It  would 
certainly  not  have  been  desired  independentlj'  by  the  clergy  of 
four  distinct  churches.  Nicolo  indeed  was  evidently  a  man  of 
unusual  learning.  He  was  able  to  write  Latin  verses,  and  prided 
himself  upon  the  fact,  since  he  took  pains  to  record  it  in  an 
inscription  at  Sagra  S.  Michele.  He  displayed  a  greater  knowl- 
edge of  astronomy  than  that  shown  bj^  any  other  artist  of  the 
jNIiddle  Ages.  Only  once  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  does  he  content 
himself  with  an  ordinary  zodiac  such  as  was  customarily  repre- 
sented in  his  time.  At  Piacenza  and  Sagra  S.  Michele  he  flowers 
out  with  subjects  revealing  amazing  astronomical  erudition. 
Nevertheless  Nicolo  was  hardly  more  deeply  versed  than 
Guglielmo  in  scholastic  philosophy.  In  his  works  there  is 
scarcely  a  trace  of  the  symbolical  and  mystic  interpretation  of  the 
Scriptures  with  which  medieval  art  is  commonly  so  deeply  tinged. 

Nicolo,  although  the  most  conspicuous,  was  far  from  being 
the  only  artist  to  continue  the  tradition  of  Guglielmo.  It  is  true 
that  most  of  the  other  followers  of  the  great  Modenese  are 
nameless,  but  their  works  still  survive,  and  it  is  occasionally 
possible  to  determine  something  of  their  artistic  personalities. 

One  of  the  earliest  is  the  sculptor  who  collaborated  with 
Guglielmo  in  the  Porta  della  Pescheria  at  INIodena.  It  is  evident 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  archivolt  and  the  jambs  of  this  most 
interesting  doorway  (Plate  144,  Fig.  3)  are  by  a  hand  quite 
distinct  from  that  of  the  master.  This  same  hand  reappears 
in  the  sculpture  of  Berta  (Plate  29,  Fig.  3)  and  the  tympanum 
of  the  northern  portal  (Plate  29,  Fig.  5)  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino. 
The  artist,  only  to  a  very  small  extent,  fell  under  the  influence 
of  Guglielmo.    His  style  has  about  it  something  mysterious  and 

280 


SCHOOL  OF  GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA 

archaic,  akin  to  that  of  the  primitive  sculptor  of  the  doors  of 
S.  Zeno  at  Verona  (Plate  234,  Fig.  1),  He  was  perhaps  an 
older  man,  trained  in  metal  work,  who  was  unable  to  free  himself 
from  the  traditions  of  an  earlier  time.  He  appears  to  avoid 
subjects  of  religious  import,  but  to  have  a  passion  for  the  popular 
stories  dear  to  the  people.  Notwithstanding  the  bird-like  faces 
he  gives  his  figures  and  his  fondness  for  stiff  and  rigid  sj-mmetry, 
he  is  an  artist  of  power,  possessing  more  sense  of  composition 
than  Guglielmo  himself,  and  indeed  than  any  artist  of  the  first 
half  of  the  XII  century  in  Lombardy.  His  sculptures  have 
about  them  alwaj's  something  heraldic,  something  splendidlj- 
decorative.  His  animals  are  particularly  successful,  notablj'  the 
horses  in  the  JNIodena  archivolt  (Plate  144,  Fig.  3),  and  the 
winged  and  chained  griffins  of  the  Berta  (Plate  29,  Fig.  3). 

The  other  sculptor  who  executed  the  Porta  de'  Principi 
(Plate  142,  Fig.  4)  at  Modena,  evidently  also  under  the 
direction  of  Guglielmo,  is  distinctly  less  interesting.  His  seems 
to  be  the  indistinctive  and  uninteresting  art  of  the  plodding 
imitator;  he  nevertheless  possesses  mannerisms  of  his  own  that 
make  it  possible  to  determine  that  the  architrave  of  S.  Celso  at 
jNIilan  (Plate  126,  Fig.  1)  was  executed  by  some  one  who  had 
fallen  directly  under  his  influence  as  well  as  under  that  of  Nicolo. 

It  must  have  been  an  artist  of  considerable  power  who 
executed  the  charming  tympanum  of  Torre  dei  Piccenardi  now 
in  the  Museo  Archeologico  of  Milan  (Plate  115,  Fig.  3).  It  is 
obvious  that  his  insjiiration  was  drawn  in  part  from  Guglielmo, 
in  part  from  the  school  of  Languedoc.  The  influence  of  the 
former  is  revealed  by  the  faces,  especially  by  that  of  the  upper 
angel  to  the  left,  that  of  the  latter  by  the  transparent  draperies 
indicated  by  parallel  lines  and  the  contorted  position  of  the 
figiu'es.  Notwithstanding  the  crudity  of  the  execution,  the 
composition  of  this  relief  is  extraordinarily  fine,  and  gives 
reason  for  regret  that  no  other  works  by  the  same  master  have 
come  down  to  us. 

The  ambo  sculptures  of  Quarantoli  (Plate  190,  Fig.  1), 
authentically  dated  1114,  were  evidently  executed  under  the 
direct  inspiration  of  the  style  of  Guglielmo.      The  figure  we 

281 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

reproduce  (Plate  190,  Fig.  1)  would  seem  to  be  a  conscientious 
copy  of  the  Enoch  at  jModena  (Plate  14-2,  Fig.  2),  at  least  as 
far  as  regards  the  drapery  and  the  position  of  the  figure. 
Although  a  slavish  imitator,  and  possessed  of  no  strong  individual 
style,  this  artist  seems  nevertheless  to  have  shown  a  considerable 
degree  of  technical  skill. 

As  much  can  hardly  be  said  for  the  artist  who  sculptured, 
about  this  same  time,  the  ambo  now  reconstructed  in  the  church 
of  Bellagio  (Plate  22,  Fig.  1,  2).  It  is  true  that  it  is  hardly  fair 
to  blame  the  sculptor  for  the  worst  fault  which  this  pulpit  now 
possesses,  that  is,  absence  of  composition,  for  the  ancient  sculp- 
tures have  been  arbitrarily  and  evidently  erroneously  pieced 
together.  The  amazing  part  is  not  that  the  technique  is  crude, 
for  that  is  characteristic  of  the  region  of  Como  at  this  period, 
but  that  the  influence  of  Guglielmo  da  JModena  is  distinctly  to 
be  traced  in  the  draperies  of  the  angel  ( Plate  22,  Fig.  1 ) .  It 
is  an  eloquent  testimony  to  the  great  diffusion  and  rapid  spread 
of  his  style. 

Of  far  greater  artistic  value  are  the  sculptures  of  Nonantola 
(Plate  155,  Fig.  1,  3,  5)  ;  indeed,  so  excellent  are  these,  that  there 
are  critics  who  do  not  hesitate  to  assign  them  to  the  hand  of 
Guglielmo  himself.  We  must  in  fact  acknowledge  that  they  are 
the  work  of  a  sculptor  who  had  studied  so  carefully  Guglielmo's 
works  at  JModena  that  he  at  times  rejjroduces  certain  figures 
almost  exactly.  The  draperies  of  the  Modena  Enoch  (Plate  142, 
Fig.  2),  for  examjjle,  which  seem  to  have  impressed  so  pro- 
foundly contemporary  artists,  are  almost  exactly  reproduced  in 
the  Astolfo  (the  figure  seen  to  the  left  below  in  Plate  155,  Fig.  1 ) . 
Guglielmo's  arched  corbel-tables,  like  innumerable  other  details 
of  his  style,  are  faithfully  and  accurately  copied.  The  sculptor 
of  Xonantola,  however,  had  certain  mannerisms  and  charac- 
teristics which  distinguish  his  work  from  that  of  Guglielmo.  In 
authentic  sculptures  of  the  latter  we  never  find  head-dresses  such 
as  those  of  Marj^  and  Elisabeth  in  the  Visitation  (Plate  155, 
Fig.  3)  or  of  Astolfo  (Plate  155,  Fig.  1).  The  Nonantola 
sculptures  are,  moreover,  more  restless  and  crowded,  less  well 
composed  than  anj'^  bj'^  Guglielmo.    We  must  admit,  nevertheless, 

282 


SCHOOL  OF  GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA 

that  they  are  by  the  hand  of  a  very  close  follower,  and  an  artist 
of  great  excellence. 

By  the  hand  of  another  follower  of  Guglielmo  are  the 
sculptured  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma.  This  artist,  who 
was  powerfully  influenced  by  that  assistant  of  Xicolo  who 
executed  the  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza,  has  left  us 
also  notable  works  in  the  ambo  sculptures  at  Sasso  (Plate  205, 
Fig.  4).  The  draperies  of  the  donor  represented  on  the  Sasso 
ambo  (Plate  205,  Fig.  4)  seem  to  be  inspired  in  part  by  the 
sculptor  of  Torre  dei  Piccenardi  (Plate  115,  Fig.  3).  At  other 
times,  however,  our  artist  imitates  closely  the  draperies  of 
Guglielmo.  He  never  tires  of  placing  in  the  hands  of  his  figures 
a  purse  always  sculptured  in  a  peculiar  way  ( Plate  205,  Fig.  4 )  ; 
his  figures  are  badly  proportioned  with  thick  necks,  over-large 
heads  and  hands.  By  a  hand  closely  related,  if  not  identical, 
are  the  important  sculptures  of  Cavana. 

The  sculptured  capital  of  S.  Abondio  now  in  the  museum 
of  Como  is  evidently  the  work  of  a  follower  of  Guglielmo  who 
was  influenced  by  Nicolo  and  the  master  of  the  Porta  dei 
Principi  at  JNIodena.  The  unknown  master  who  sculptured  the 
ambo  of  the  JNIadonna  del  Castello  of  Almenno  S.  Salvatore — 
c.  1130 — (Plate  11,  Fig.  6),  and  two  capitals  at  Almenno  S. 
Bartolomeo — c.  1140 — (Plate  10,  Fig.  7)  imitated  Guglielmo 
as  well  as  the  master  of  Bellagio.  The  sculptor  Avho  worked  at 
Borgo  c.  1135  shows  strongly  the  influence  of  Xicolo  whose 
porches  (Plate  29,  Fig.  4,  5),  whose  medallions  on  the  archi- 
volts  (Plate  29,  Fig.  4,  5),  whose  caryatids  (Plate  29,  Fig.  5), 
and  whose  mouldings  (Plate  29,  Fig.  4,  5)  he  reproduces.  There 
is  no  indication  that  this  artist  fell  directly  under  the  influence  of 
Guglielmo. 

Similarly  Guglielmo  da  Verona,  who  is  known  to  us  only  by 
the  familiar  reliefs  at  S.  Zeno  (Plate  230,  Fig.  1,  3;  Plate  229, 
Fig.  3,  4 ) ,  betrays  no  characteristics  which  prove  immediate 
contact  with  Guglielmo  da  Modena.  His  style  was  evidently 
formed  entirely  under  the  influence  of  Nicolo.  From  Nicolo  he 
derived  his  restlessness,  his  tendencj^  to  overcrowd  his  space  with 
figures  and  decoration.    He  lacks  entirely  the  power  and  dignity 

283 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

of  Guglielmo  da  INIodena.  His  treatment  of  draperj'^  suggests 
that  he  may  have  come  in  contact  with  southern  French  (Pro- 
ven9al  rather  than  Languedoc)  models  directly.  Compare,  for 
example,  the  treatment  of  the  folds  of  the  cloth  of  the  Virgin's 
couch  at  S.  Zeno  (Plate  230,  Fig.  3)  with  the  draperies 
in  the  sacrifice  of  Cain  and  Abel  at  St.-Gilles  (Plate  230, 
Fig.  5).  Nicolo  himself,  however,  may  possibly  have  undergone 
this  Proven9al  influence.  (Compare  his  hunt  of  Theodoric  at 
S.  Zeno — Plate  229,  Fig.  2 — with  the  hunting  centaur  of  St.- 
Gilles — Plate  229,  Fig.  1 ) .  Guglielmo  da  Verona  may  conse- 
quently have  derived  these  characteristics  not  from  Provence 
directly  but  from  Nicolo.  The  star  in  his  relief  of  the  Nativity 
(Plate  230,  Fig.  3)  is  precisely  similar  to  an  ornament  employed 
in  the  cathedral  of  Cahors. 

Several  sculptures  of  the  cathedral  of  Cremona  were 
executed  by  imitators  of  Guglielmo  da  INIodena.  Conspicuous 
among  these  are  the  Berta  and  Giovanni  Baldesio  (Plate  83, 
Fig.  7)  now  under  the  western  portico.  The  architrave  of  the 
northern  transept  (Plate  83,  Fig.  4)  also  shows  clearly  the 
influence  of  the  Modenese  master.  Something  in  the  crouching 
attitude  of  the  apostles  recalls  the  much  later  sculptures  of 
jNIaguelonne.  Either  both  are  derived  from  a  common  southern 
French  prototype,  or  else  influence  flowed  at  times  from 
Lombard}^  into  Provence  as  well  as  in  the  opposite  direction. 

The  influence  of  Guglielmo  da  JModena  continued  to  be 
predominant  in  northern  Italy  until  the  ninth  decade  of  the  XII 
century.  The  reliefs  which  the  master  Alberto  executed  at 
Castelnuovo  Scrivia  as  late  as  1183  (thej^  are  signed  and  dated) 
show  merely  a  crude  aping  of  the  style  of  Nicolo  (Plate  .50, 
Fig.  4). 

About  the  same  time  at  Castell'Arquato  there  were  executed 
by  an  unknown  sculptor  who  evidently  w^orked  under  the  strong 
inspiration  of  Guglielmo  da  IModena,  a  lunette  (Plate  48,  Fig.  3) 
and  ambo  sculjitures  (Plate  49)  which  must  be  ranked  among 
the  highest  artistic  achievements  of  the  plastic  art  of  the  XII 
century  in  Lombardy.     Romanesque  sculpture  in  no  country 

284. 


SCHOOL  OF  GUGLIELMO  DA  MODENA 

produced  works  in  which  grace  of  line,  poetic  content  and 
admirable  composition  are  blended  in  higher  degree. 

While  the  base  of  the  art  of  the  admirable  sculptor  of 
Castell'Arquato  was  evidently  the  manner  of  Guglielmo,  he 
underwent  many  other  influences,  some  of  which  are  evidently 
exotic.  The  lower  fringe  of  his  drajieries  showing  a  strong 
tendency  to  the  "Japanese  wave-movement"  is  evidently  derived 
ultimately  from  Languedoc.  So  also  the  crossed  legs  of  the 
beautiful  angel  in  the  Annunciation.  Did  he  receive  this 
influence  directly,  however,  or  through  the  medium  of  Nicolo? 
The  transparent  draperies  might  seem  to  indicate  that  the  former 
was  the  case,  and  yet  these  draperies  in  turn  might  have  been 
inspired  by  the  ambo  sculptures  of  Sasso  (Plate  205,  Fig.  4)  or 
the  tympanum  of  Torre  dei  Piccenardi  (Plate  115,  Fig.  3)  with 
both  of  which  thej^  possess  the  closest  analogies. 

Even  more  puzzling  are  the  analogies  which  the  Castell'Ar- 
quato sculptures  present  with  works  of  art  executed  somewhat 
earlier  in  the  Ile-de-France.  The  streaming  drapery,  for 
example,  that  floats  to  the  left  of  the  Madonna  in  the  lunette 
(Plate  48,  Fig.  3)  or  to  the  right  of  the  marvellous  angel  of 
St.  Matthew  (Plate  49)  is  a  typical  French  motive  repeated 
almost  as  persistently  by  the  sculptors  of  the  royal  domain  as 
by  our  artist.  The  figure  of  the  angel  of  St.  Matthew  (Plate  49) , 
which  for  sheer  beauty  is  perhaps  not  unentitled  to  rank  with 
the  finest  masterpieces  of  Greek  sculpture,  reproduces  line  for 
line  an  angel  sculptured  upon  the  portal  of  Le  Mans.  Even 
more  extraordinary,  an  almost  precisely  similar  figure  is  found 
in  a  VI  century  mosaic  of  the  Duomo  at  Parenzo.  I  do  not, 
therefore,  believe  that  the  sculptor  of  Castell'Arquato  neces- 
sarily fell  under  the  direct  influence  of  the  Ile-de-France.  It  is 
more  probable  that  both  he  and  the  French  sculptors  were 
influenced  by  ivory-carvings  in  which  were  preserved  Byzantine 
traditions  of  an  early  date. 

However  this  may  be,  the  sculptures  of  Castell'Arquato 
remain  priceless  gems  of  Romanesque  art.  Although  it  must 
be  conceded  that  the  execution  is  inferior  to  the  conception  and 

285 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

content,  these  reliefs  are  nevertheless  certainly  worthy  from 
every  point  of  view  of  the  highest  admiration. 

Almost  equally  fine  are  the  contemporary  sculptures  of 
the  ambo  of  Carpi  (Plate  43,  Fig.  2).  Indeed,  in  view  of  the 
excellence  of  the  work,  it  is  almost  tempting  to  try  to  identify 
the  sculptors  of  Carpi  and  Castell'Arquato,  but  numerous 
distinctions  of  style  make  it  impossible  that  they  should  have 
been  the  same.  The  sculptor  of  Carpi  is  also  a  follower  of 
Guglielmo  da  Modena,  and  he  also  shows  a  strong  Languedoc 
influence  which  also  may  have  been  derived  through  the  art  of 
Nicolo.  He  is  psj-chological  to  an  extraordinary  degree,  and 
knows  how  to  lend  to  his  creations  space,  repose  and  poetic 
atmosphere  (Plate  43,  Fig.  2).  He  handles  his  draperies  far 
more  skilfully  than  the  sculptor  of  Castell'Arquato,  but  lacks 
the  mastery  of  line  possessed  by  the  latter. 

A  sculptor  named  Pellegrino  executed  a  piece  of  church- 
furniture — probably  the  ciborio  of  a  reliquary — for  the  cathedral 
of  Verona  at  about  this  same  time  (Plate  217,  Fig.  4) .  Although 
signed  in  pompous  verses,  this  is  an  inferior  work.  Pellegrino 
is  obvioush'  a  late  and  awkward  imitator  of  Xicolo,  Avith  whose 
sculptures  on  the  cathedral  of  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  1,  3)  he 
was  doubtless  familiar.  Something  in  the  draper}^  of  his  figin-es 
recalls  also  the  sculpture  of  the  donor  at  Sasso  (Plate  205, 
Fig.  4). 

Finally  at  Varese  in  the  year  1187  was  begim,  but  never 
finished,  a  baptismal  font  by  an  unnamed  sculptor,  who  even  at 
this  late  date  based  his  art  upon  that  of  Guglielmo  da  INIodena 
(Plate  214,  Fig.  3).  The  figure  of  John  in  the  Baptism 
(Plate  214,  Fig.  3),  for  example,  shows  close  imitation  of  the 
JNIodenese  master.  The  draperies  in  the  loin-cloth  of  Christ 
strongly  recall  those  of  the  donor  of  Sasso  (Plate  205,  Fig.  4). 
The  Varese  artist  is,  however,  far  inferior  to  the  sculptors  of 
Castell'Arquato  and  Carpi.  His  figures  are  badly  proportioned, 
the  body  of  the  Christ  is  too  long,  the  legs  too  short,  the  hands 
too  large  (Plate  214,  Fig.  3),  the  expressionless  eyes  stare 
vacuously  straight  ahead,  the  composition  is  lacking  in  grace 
and  originality. 

286 


SCHOOL  OF  GUGLIELMO  DA  MODEXA 

Before  leaving  the  art  of  Guglielmo  da  ]Modena  a  word 
should  be  said  upon  its  influence  outside  of  the  limits  of  Lom- 
bardj'.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  was  very  great.  We 
have  already  seen  that  the  artists  of  the  Ile-de-France  did  not 
hesitate  to  borrow  from  him  one  of  their  most  important  motives, 
that  of  jamb  sculptures.  The  sculptured  capital  of  Ile-Bouchard 
(Plate  145,  Fig.  2)  might  almost  be  mistaken  for  a  work  by  the 
hand  of  the  master  himself.  When  the  Romanesque  art  of 
southern  France  comes  to  be  more  thorouglily  explored  we  shall 
doubtless  find  that  Guglielmo  was  known  and  copied  in  Provence 
and  Languedoc.  He,  and  especially  his  pupil  Xicolo,  exercised 
a  profound  influence  upon  the  Romanesque  art  of  Spain  and 
especially  upon  that  of  the  pilgrimage  churches  on  the  road  to 
Campostelle.  As  far  away  as  England  the  font  of  Winchester 
(Plate  83,  Fig.  3)  seems  to  shows  traces  of  the  influence  of 
his  school. 

In  central  and  southern  Italy  this  influence  was  also  felt. 
The  sculptor  of  Fossacesia  in  Tuscany  (Plate  143,  Fig.  2)  must 
have  known  the  art  both  of  Guglielmo  (Plate  143,  Fig.  1)  and 
of  Nicolo  (Plate  280,  Fig.  3).  The  influence  of  the  school  of 
Guglielmo  is  unmistakable  in  the  archivolt  of  S.  Salvatore  at 
Lucca  (Plate  83,  Fig.  5).  Even  in  Apulia  it  may  be  traced  in 
the  sculptures  of  Bari  (Plate  143,  Fig.  3),  Bitonto  (Plate  143, 
Fig.  4)  and  possibly  Barletta  (Plate  83,  Fig.  1).  A  more 
careful  examination  would  doubtless  result  in  revealing  further 
evidences  of  the  influence  of  this  master  to  whom  it  was  given 
as  to  few  others  to  direct  the  destinies  of  art,  and  who  is 
undoubtedly  the  most  commanding  figure  in  the  history  of 
sculpture  in  the  XII  century. 


287 


CHAPTER  IV.    THE  SCHOOLS  OF  CLUNY  AND 

PAVIA 

The  term  'school  of  Cluny'  which  I  have  ventured  to  employ 
to  designate  a  group  of  sculptures,  few  in  number  but  of 
extraordinary  artistic  value,  is  perhaps  misleading.  There  are 
only  two  monuments  which  can  be  included  under  this  head — 
the  tomb  of  S.  Alberto  at  Pontida  (Plate  189,  Fig.  1,  2)  and 
the  archivolt  of  the  western  portal  of  Calvenzano  (Plate  42, 
Fig.  7).  Both  are  the  work  of  the  same  hand,  so  that,  strictly 
speaking,  we  have  to  do  not  with  a  school  at  all  but  with  an 
individual  genius.  Moreover  this  sculptor,  at  least  as  far  as  I 
am  able  to  establish,  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  French  monastery 
of  Clun}'.  He  merely  worked  for  the  Cluniac  monks  of  Lom- 
bardy,  and  his  art,  in  so  far  as  it  shows  ultramontane  tendencies, 
is  related  to  the  sculpture  of  Languedoc  rather  than  to  that  of 
Burgundy. 

As  far  as  it  is  possible  to  judge,  he  perhaps  slightly  antedates 
Guglielmo  da  Modena.  S.  Alberto  died  in  1095.  His  tomb  was 
consequently  in  all  probability  executed  soon  after  tliis  date 
(Plate  189,  Fig.  1,  2)  and  therefore  before  Guglielmo  began 
work  upon  the  cathedral  of  Modena  in  1099.  The  archivolt  of 
Calvenzano  which  is  probably  even  earlier  than  the  tomb  of 
S.  Alberto  may  have  been  executed  c.  1095  (Plate  42,  Fig.  7). 

The  artistic  personality  revealed  in  these  two  sculptures  is 
in  the  highest  degree  extraordinary  and  interesting.  Before  the 
time  of  Guglielmo  da  Modena,  and  apparently  quite  indei^endent 
of  him,  we  find  another  artist  who  was  his  equal  in  strong  and 
rapid  narration,  his  superior  in  delicacy  of  technique.  In  the 
architecture  of  the  Calvenzano  portal  we  find  a  feeling  for 
perspective  and  for  realistic  representation  that  almost  makes 
us  think  of  the  great  artists  of  the  Renaissance.    The  towers  and 

288 


THE  SCHOOLS  OF  CLUNY  AND  PA  VIA 

turrets  foreshadow  Giotto,  the  loggia,  in  wliich  sits  the  Virgin  of 
the  Adoration,  Fra  AngeHco  and  Ghiberti.  Whence  did  this 
admirable  master  derive  his  beautiful  art? 

I  can  throw  no  light  on  the  question.  Analogies,  and  even 
close  analogies,  certainly  exist  between  his  work  and  the  works 
of  Guglielmo,  Nicolo  and  their  school.  I  very  much  doubt, 
however,  whether  these  are  the  result  of  direct  contact  and  not 
rather  to  be  explained  on  the  theory  that  both  are  derived  from 
common  prototj^pes,  such  as  ivory-carvings  or  earlier  Italian 
sculptures  now  lost.  Other  analogies  equally  unmistakable 
connect  the  works  of  our  artist  with  the  school  of  Languedoc. 
But  here  again  there  is  little  to  indicate  in  which  direction  the 
influence  flowed.  There  remain,  moreover,  to  be  explained  the 
extraordinary  iconographic  peculiarities  so  striking  in  both 
sculptures  the  Cluniac  master  has  left  us.  I  know  of  no  other 
representation  in  medifeval  art  of  the  death  of  Herod  depicted 
at  Calvenzano  (Plate  42,  Fig.  7),  nor  have  I  found  elsewhere 
any  scenes  like  those  of  the  tomb  of  S.  Alberto  (Plate  189, 
Fig.  1,2).^ 

Notwithstanding  his  extraordinary  merits,  the  Cluniac 
sculptor  exerted  but  little  influence  upon  his  time.  He  affected 
the  school  of  Guglielmo  da  Modena  as  little  as  he  did  that  of 
Pavia. 

The  latter  we  have  left  with  the  splendid  but  barbaric 
decoration  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  executed  c.  1100.  After  this 
the  school  was  not  slow  to  attain  its  full  maturity.  In  Pavia 
itself  we  can  trace  its  development  in  the  sculptures  of  S.  Stefano 
(Plate  179,  Fig.  2,  3,  4,  5),  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  (Plate  167, 
Fig.  2),  S.  Gervasio  and  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro.  The  figure 
of  a  bishop  from  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  (Plate  167,  Fig.  2)  may 
be  taken  as  exemplifying  the  characteristics  of  this  school  at  its 
best.  Notwithstanding  the  obvious  faults,  the  stiffness,  the  poor 
drawing,  the  lack  of  anatomy  and  the  unpleasant  hardness,  the 
statue  nevertheless  possesses  a  sweeping  dignity  and  an  hieratic 
quality  that  entitle  it  to  admiration.    It  is  obvious  that  the  school 

1  For  a  detailed  study  of  the  iconography  see  below,  Vol.  II,  p.  231;  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  294  f . 

289 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

of  Pavia  remained  until  the  fourth  decade  of  the  XII  century 
entirely  uninfluenced  by  the  work  of  Guglielmo  da  ^lodena. 

Outside  of  Pavia  other  sculptures  were  executed  equally 
without  the  influence  of  Guglielmo  and  in  a  style  which  resembles 
that  of  Pavia  in  its  general  stiffness  and  barbaric  feeling,  if  not 
in  actual  details  of  technique.  At  S.  Fedele  of  Como  (c.  1115) 
were  executed  reliefs  singularly  wild  both  in  composition  and  in 
execution.  Although  figure-sculptures  are  attempted,  these 
productions  leave  us  with  much  the  same  imjiression  of  splendid 
barbarism  as  does  the  facade  of  S.  ISIichele  at  Pavia. 

In  the  cathedral  of  Lodi  are  preserved  sculptures  of  a  bishop 
and  a  saint,  and  a  Last  Sujjper,  all  brought  to  their  present  site 
from  Lodi  Vecchio,  where  they  were  executed  probably  about 
111.5.  The}'  show  numerous  close  points  of  contact  with  works 
of  the  Pavese  school,  and  especially  with  the  archbishop  of 
S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  (Plate  167,  Fig.  2).  The  sculptures  of 
Lodi  appear  to  have  exercised  a  notable  influence,  especially 
upon  the  sculptors  who  subsequently  worked  upon  the  ambo 
of  Isola  S.  Giulio,  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta,  the  ambo  of 
S.  Ambrogio  at  ]\Iilan  and  the  portal  sculptures  of  Lodi  and 
S.  Antonino  of  Piacenza.  The  most  marked  characteristic  of 
the  style  is  an  adamantine  hardness,  and  this  quality,  not  lacking 
even  before  in  the  Pavese  school,  became  from  this  time  onward 
the  strongest  note  in  its  products. 

Such  hardness  is  very  conspicuous  in  the  sculptures  of  the 
ambo  of  Isola  S.  Giulio  (Plate  100,  Fig.  8)  executed  c.  1120. 
These  curious  works  were  nevertheless  strongly  influenced  also 
by  the  school  of  Guglielmo  da  INIodena  and  by  direct  contact  with 
Roman  antiquities.  The  admirable  capitals  of  the  cloister  of 
S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (Plate  12,  Fig.  6;  Plate  13,  Fig.  1,  3;  Plate  14, 
Fig.  1,  2,  3;  Plate  15,  Fig.  3)  are  evidently  derived  directly  from 
the  ambo  of  Isola  S.  Giulio.  They  retain  Avith  especial  emphasis 
the  hardness  we  have  already  .noted  as  so  characteristic  of  the 
products  of  the  Pavese  school.  In  the  second  remove  the 
influence  of  Guglielmo  da  jNIodena  has  almost  totally  disap- 
peared, but  on  the  other  hand  the  classical  influences  of  Isola 
still  persist.    The  artist  was  evidently  an  original  genius,  and  his 

290 


THE  SCHOOLS  OF  CLUNY  AND  PAVIA 

style  has  a  strongly  individual  character  which  lends  it  a  peculiar 
fascination,  notwithstanding  the  crudity  of  the  technique. 

Yerj'  coarse  grotesque  sculptures  recalling  those  of  S. 
Michele  of  Pavia  were  executed  at  Gallarate  c.  1145.  Even  as 
late  as  the  eighth  decade  of  the  XII  century  the  school  of  Pavia 
still  lived  on,  not  entirelj'  conquered  by  the  ever  growing  influence 
of  Guglielmo  da  ]Modena.  This  fact  is  witnessed  bj-  the  sculp- 
tures of  S.  Simpliciano  of  Milan  executed  in  1171.  Although 
the  influence  of  Guglielmo  da  Modena  is  doubtless  present,  and 
notwithstanding  the  evident  refinement  which  is  certainly  not 
one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  Pavese  manner,  these  sculptures 
nevertheless  are  fundamentally  Lombard  in  feeling. 

Equally  Lombard  was  the  sculptor  who  in  this  same  year 
1171  executed  the  figures  of  Adam  and  Eve  at  S.  Antonino  of 
Piacenza  (Plate  182,  Fig.  1).  Though  he  could  hardly  have 
failed  to  have  seen  the  sculptures  of  Xicolo  at  the  cathedral  of 
Piacenza  (Plate  182,  Fig.  4) ,  he  seems  to  have  drawn  from  them 
but  singularly  little  profit.  The  lower  folds  of  the  draperies  and 
certain  details  of  the  decorative  carving  are  the  most  notable 
traces  of  this  influence  to  be  found.  His  roots  seem  to  have 
sprung  from  the  Last  Supper  at  Lodi.  Some  nine  years  later 
this  same  artist  worked  upon  the  western  portal  of  the  cathedral 
of  Lodi  (Plate  104,  Fig.  1).  So  notable  is  the  difference  in  his 
manner,  so  striking  the  introduction  of  Languedoc  mannerisms 
such  as  crossed  legs,  transparent  draperies  and  figures  bent  in 
S-shaped  curves  (compare  Plate  104,  Fig.  1,  with  Plate  104, 
Fig.  2),  that  we  are  justified  in  assuming  he  had  in  the  interim 
made  a  journej^  to  Languedoc. 


291 


CHAPTER  V.     BENEDETTO  MISCALLED 
AXTELAMI 

With  Benedetto  dawns  a  new  era  in  Lombard  sculpture. 
As  Guglielmo  had  brushed  away  the  traditions  of  the  XI  century, 
Benedetto  brushed  away  those  of  the  XII  century.  He  founded 
a  school  less  important  only  than  that  of  Guglielmo  himself, 
while  his  artistic  productions  undoubtedly  have  a  more  imme- 
diate aesthetic  appeal,  and  possiblj^  a  higher  artistic  value  than 
those  of  the  more  archaic  sculptor. 

Like  Guglielmo,  Benedetto  appears  to  have  but  slight 
connection  with  what  had  gone  before.  If  we  search  Lombardy 
for  precedents  to  his  manner,  we  shall  find  only  two  works  of 
plastic  art  that  seem  to  prepare  the  way  for  his  coming.  These 
are  the  admirable  prophets  belonging  to  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza, 
and  now  in  a  museum  of  that  city  (Plate  181,  Fig.  3,  4) .  Indeed 
so  close  is  the  relationship  between  these  sculptures  and  the  work 
of  Benedetto  that  we  may  pronounce  them  with  considerable 
confidence  to  be  by  the  hand  of  his  master  (Plate  181,  Fig.  3,  4) . 

The  Piacenza  prophets  appear  on  their  face  to  have  been 
born  from  the  meeting  of  two  divergent  traditions.  The  first  is 
obviously  the  influence  of  Guglielmo  da  Modena.  This  is  to 
be  noticed  in  the  rigid  form  of  the  statues  which  seem  to  be  carved 
out  of  a  thin  slab  of  stone,  like  the  jamb  sculptures  of  Cremona 
(Plate  83,  Fig.  8).  There  is  the  same  constrained  attitude,  the 
same  suppressing  of  all  protruding  members,  the  same  air  of 
mystery.  The  long  scrolls  with  inscriptions  of  the  Piacenza 
prophets  are  also  evidently  derived  from  the  Cremona  figures 
as  are  also  numerous  details  of  technique,  such  as  the  ej'es 
(compare  Plate  181,  Fig.  4,  with  Plate  83,  Fig.  8)  and  the  feet 
seen,  as  it  were,  in  plan  from  above  and  with  accentuated  cords 
(compare  again  Plate  181,  Fig.  4,  with  Plate  83,  Fig.  8). 

Notwithstanding  all  these  resemblances,  however,  the  statues 

292 


BENEDETTO  MISCALLED  ANTELAMI 

of  Piacenza  depart  widely  from  the  manner  of  Guglielmo.  They 
show  a  new  spirit,  and  this  spirit  is  derived  from  Languedoc. 
The  draperies  instead  of  being  heavy  and  wooden,  as  in  the  work 
of  Gughelmo  (Plate  83,  Fig.  8),  are  transparent,  clinging, 
marvellously  graceful  and  beautiful  (Plate  181,  Fig.  3,  4),  like 
those  in  that  most  exquisite  of  all  Romanesque  sculptures,  the 
never-to-be-forgotten  Annunciation  of  jSIoissac  (Plate  104, 
Fig.  2 ) .  From  Languedoc,  too,  comes  the  attenuation  of  the 
figures,  the  spirit  of  refinement  and  delicacy  which  they  breathe, 
as  well  as  numerous  details  of  the  technique,  such  as  the  "Japanese 
wave-movement"  of  the  draperies. 

Now  this  unknown  sculptor  who  combined  the  art  of 
Guglielmo  with  the  spiritual,  imaginative  forms  of  Languedoc, 
is  the  only  artistic  predecessor  of  Benedetto,  knowledge  of  whom 
has  come  down  to  us,  and  of  him  are  extant  onlj'  the  two  statues 
we  have  described.  In  the  art  of  Benedetto  there  enter,  beside 
his  influence,  clear  traces  of  contact  with  the  art  of  Provence 
and  the  Ile-de-France. 

The  former  is  so  evident  that  it  has  been  recognized  by 
practically  all  critics.  Zimmermann,^  Voge,'  and  Venturi, 
however  discordant  their  views  upon  other  details  of  Benedetto's 
art,  are  agreed  in  conceding  the  strength  of  this  Provencal 
influence,  as  indeed  must  be  whoever  compares  Benedetto's 
works  in  Lombardy  with  the  sculptures  of  Aries  and  St.-Gilles. 

Did  Benedetto  also  come  under  the  direct  influence  of  the 
Ile-de-France,  as  Zimmermann  affirms  and  Voge  denies?  The 
numerous  points  of  contact  do  not  leave  the  issue  in  doubt. 
Benedetto's  fondness  for  symbolism  and  scholastic  philosophy 
was  a  new  note  in  the  sculpture  of  Lombardy,  but  one  which  the 
sculptors  of  the  royal  domain  had  already  carried  to  splendid 
development.  Certain  subjects  like  the  Last  Judgment  Bene- 
detto introduced  apparently  for  the  first  time  in  Lombardy, 
although  they  had  long  been  developing  in  France.  The  free- 
standing colonnettes  of  Benedetto's  portals,  the  banding  of  his 
shafts,  his  base  mouldings,  and  the  draperies  of  certain  figures 
all  make  it  certain  that  Benedetto  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes 

1  154-155.  =  417-418. 

293 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

the  contemporary  art  of  northern  France.  Furthermore  the 
voussoir  sculptures  which  he  introduces  in  the  portal  of  Borgo 
S.  Donnino  are  obviously  a  French  motive.  (Compare  Plate  27, 
Fig.  3,  with  Plate  27,  Fig.  4,  1). 

Byzantine  ivory-carving  undoubtedh'  contributed  another 
influence  which  entered  into  the  formation  of  the  art  of  Benedetto. 
The  angels,  for  exami^le,  so  characteristic  of  his  manner 
(Plate  29,  Fig.  1;  Plate  164,  Fig.  1,  3;  Plate  165,  Fig.  4)  are 
analogous  to  the  similar  Byzantine  figures  in  two  Byzantine 
ivory-carvings  of  the  JSIorgan  collection — one  a  Death  of  the 
Virgin  of  the  XI  century,^  the  other  a  pyxis  of  much  earlier 
date'  representing  twice  Christ  in  an  aureole. 

Whether  in  addition  to  all  these  other  influences  Benedetto 
also  fell  under  the  spell  of  the  ethereal  and  fascinating  art  of 
Languedoc  is  open  to  serious  question.  His  uncouth  disciple 
who  executed  the  clumsy  carvings  of  Fornovo  Taro  certainly 
did  (compare  Plate  94,  Fig.  2,  with  Plate  94,  Fig.  5) ;  but  it  is 
not  easy  to  prove  that  with  Benedetto  the  case  was  the  same. 
Yet  I  strongly  suspect  it;  his  works  often  betray  a  feeling  for 
the  beauty  of  line,  a  certain  inexpressible,  spiritual  something 
which  seems  redolent  of  the  exotic  beauty  of  jSIoissac  and 
Toulouse. 

In  regard  to  the  art  of  Benedetto  we  are  better  informed 
by  documentary  evidence  than  in  respect  to  that  of  any  other 
Romanesque  artist  of  Lombardy  with  the  single  exception  of 
Nicolo.  Yet  when  all  is  said  and  done,  the  information  reduces 
itself  to  singularly  little,  and  that  little  is  strangely  baffling.  In 
the  Deposition  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (Plate  165,  Fig.  4) 
there  is  an  inscription  giving  the  date,  February,  1178,  and  the 
name  of  the  sculptor  Benedetto.  In  addition  there  is  a  very 
obscure  line  which  has  generally  been  interpreted  to  mean  that 
Benedetto  was  nick-named  Antelami,  although  the  real  meaning 
appears  to  be  quite  different.'  This  line  which  has  almost 
certainly  been  misimderstood  is  the  sole  basis  for  the  name 
Antelami  by  which  our  sculptor  is  generally  known.     On  the 

3  Case  L.  *  Case  F. 

5  For  a  detailed  discussion  see  below.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  161. 

294 


BENEDETTO  MISCALLED  ANTELAIVII 

baptistery  of  Parma  is  another  inscription  which  states  quite 
simply  that  Benedetto  began  the  edifice  in  the  year  1196.  Here 
there  is  not  a  word  about  Antelami. 

The  sculptures  of  the  baptistery  of  Parma  are  obviously  by 
the  same  hand  as  those  of  the  Deposition.  These  works  are 
sufficient  to  establish  the  artistic  personality  of  our  artist.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  certain  other  unsigned  sculptures  are  by 
him — the  reliefs  of  the  portal  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma,  the 
capitals  now  in  the  museum  of  the  same  city — these,  by  the  way, 
have  no  connection  with  the  Deposition  which  undoubtedly 
formed  part  of  an  altar  of  Nicodemus," — the  sculptures  of  the 
west  fa9ade  of  Borgo  S.  Donnino  (Plate  27,  Fig.  3;  Plate  28, 
Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  29,  Fig.  1;  Plate  30,  Fig.  3,  5),  and  certain 
sculptures  at  ]Milan  and  Vercelli.'  His  masterpieces  are  perhaps 
the  David  and  Ezekiel  of  Borgo  (Plate  28,  Fig.  1,  2),  and  the 
Flight  into  EgA-pt  of  the  Parma  baptistery  (Plate  163,  Fig.  2). 
His  works,  not  few  in  number,  reveal  to  us  an  artist  of  exceptional 
power  and  peculiarly  individualized  manner. 

Perhaps  the  most  striking  characteristic  of  the  art  of 
Benedetto  is  its  complete  lack  of  architectural  character.  He 
never  executed  jamb  sculptures  as  Guglielmo  da  Modena  had 
done  at  Cremona  (Plate  83,  Fig.  8)  and  Xicolo  at  Ferrara 
(Plate  89,  Fig.  1,  4)  and  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  1,  3).  The 
Ezekiel  (Plate  28,  Fig.  2)  and  David  (Plate  28,  Fig.  1)  of 
Borgo  are  superb  works  in  the  roinid,  but  without  connection 
with  the  architecture  of  the  church.  In  fact  the  very  use  of  these 
semicircular  niches  hollowed  in  a  blank  wall  shows  disregard  of 
architectural  propriety,  although  the  motive  was  doubtless 
derived  from  classical  models,  perhaps  through  the  medium  of 
Provence.  The  niches  were  obviously  made  to  receive  the  statues, 
not  the  statues  to  fill  the  niches  (Plate  27,  Fig.  3).  Nothing 
could  be  more  unarchitectural  than  the  reliefs  placed  helter- 
skelter  on  either  side  of  the  principal  portal  at  Borgo  (Plate  27, 
Fig.  3)  and  as  arbitrarily  disposed  as  those  of  the  facade  of 
S.  Michele  at  Pavia  (Plate  17-i,  Fig.  3).  Benedetto  evidently 
considered  the  front  of  the  church  of  Borgo  as  a  sort  of  lapidary 

6  See  below,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  162.  ^  lUustrated  by  Venturi,  III,  337-338. 

295 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

museum  on  which  could  be  convenient!}'  displayed  his  plastic 
masterpieces.  In  the  baptistery  of  Parma  (Plate  163,  Fig.  1) 
sculptural  anarchy  is  not  carried  to  the  same  extreme,  but  the 
rectangular  niches  introduced  in  the  lunettes  and  above  the 
northern  portal  bear  witness  to  the  sculptor's  indifference  to 
architectural  lines.  Architecturally  nothing  could  be  worse  than 
the  reliefs  inserted  in  the  upper  part  of  the  niches  at  Borgo 
(Plate  27,  Fig.  3).  Since  Benedetto  found  that  the  space 
afforded  by  the  capitals  and  architrave  of  the  portal  at  Borgo 
(Plate  27,  Fig.  3)  was  insufficient  to  allow  him  to  imroU  with 
the  desired  detail  the  life  of  the  saint,  he  continued  that  subject 
on  the  wall  on  either  side  (Plate  27,  Fig.  3).  Very  rarely,  as 
in  the  archivolt  of  the  Commandments  and  Beatitudes  at  Borgo 
(Plate  27,  Fig.  3),  we  do  surprise  a  certain  architectural  feeling 
in  Benedetto's  works,  but  these  sculptures  were  executed  under 
direct  inspiration  from  France,  and  even  here  the  Christ  and 
Angels  at  the  top  rudely  interrupt  the  otherwise  architectural 
disposition  (Plate  27,  Fig.  3).  In  the  interior  lunettes  of  the 
baptistery  of  Parma  the  lines  of  the  sculpture  evidently  bear 
little  relationship  to  those  of  the  architecture  (Plate  163,  Fig,  2; 
Plate  165,  Fig.  3). 

In  composition  Benedetto  was  singidarly  uneven.  The 
Deposition  of  Parma,  perhaps  his  earliest  work  (Plate  165, 
Fig.  4),  is  crowded  and  confused,  but  does  not  lack  a  certain 
fine  rhythmic  balance  accentuated  by  the  horizontal  lines  formed 
by  the  two  angels  and  the  rows  of  heads  in  the  two  groups  on 
either  side  of  the  cross.  The  sculptures  of  Borgo  show  generally 
the  same  overcrowding  without  the  compensating  merits  of  the 
Parma  relief.  The  architrave  (Plate  29,  Fig.  1),  for  example, 
rises  at  most  to  respectable  mediocrity  as  far  as  regards  compo- 
sition. The  exterior  lunettes  of  the  baptistery  of  Parma  are  only 
slightly  better  (Plate  164,  Fig.  1,  2,  3).  Other  sculptures  of  the 
baptistery  of  Parma,  on  the  other  hand,  show  composition  that 
is  singidarly  felicitous.  It  would  be  hard  to  find  mediaeval  bas- 
I'eliefs  better  composed  than  those  of  the  jjarable  of  the  Works 
of  Mercy  (Plate  165,  Fig.  2),  and  surely  Giotto  himself  hardly 
rose  to  greater  heights  of  space  or  repose,  or  ever  succeeded  in 

296 


BENEDETTO  MISCALLED  ANTELAMI 

combining  dignity  and  restfulness  as  did  Benedetto  in  the 
unforgettable  Flight  into  Egypt   (Plate  163,  Fig.  2). 

In  anatomy  Benedetto  is  weak.  The  angels  of  the  S. 
Donnino  frieze  (Plate  29,  Fig.  1)  fly  as  little  as  those  of  the 
Parma  Deposition  (Plate  165,  Fig.  4).  Awkward  in  the 
extreme  is  the  figure  of  the  sick  man  in  the  two  representations 
of  the  miracle  of  S.  Donnino  at  Borgo.  A  curious  characteristic 
of  Benedetto  is  the  fact  that  his  figures  bend  not  at  the  waist  but 
throughout  their  whole  length  as  if  they  were  bound  to  pokers 
(Plate  165,  Fig.  4).  This  fault  particularly  prominent  in  his 
early  works  he  somewhat  outgrew,  but  never  entirely  overcame. 

The  chief  merits  of  Benedetto  are  his  keen  dramatic  sense 
and  excellent  psychology.  Full  of  heraldic  grandeur,  sad, 
entirely  conscious  of  their  mission,  are  the  impressive  figures  of 
David  and  Ezekiel  at  Borgo  (Plate  28,  Fig.  1,2).  Every  detail 
has  a  meaning,  the  least  gesture  is  significant.  If  Benedetto 
never  pi-oduced  any  other  works  quite  equal  to  these  in  intel- 
lectuality, he  yet  never  descended  to  the  trivial.  In  many 
instances,  such  as  several  miracles  represented  at  Borgo,  where 
the  literary  sources  for  the  sub j  ect  have  been  lost,  it  is  still  possible 
to  follow  the  story  even  to  its  minutest  details  merely  by  studying 
the  sculptures.  In  this,  as  in  his  psychology,  Benedetto  was  a 
true  Lombard,  a  true  disciple  of  Guglielmo.  The  careless 
cruelty  of  the  executioner  of  S.  Donnino  (Plate  29,  Fig.  1),  the 
perplexity  of  the  emperor  as  he  sits  watching  the  saint  depart, 
are  rendered  with  an  insight  worthy  of  the  best  traditions  of  the 
Sienese.  As  mere  illustration,  as  a  telling  of  a  story  and  the 
telling  of  it  with  conviction  and  sincerity,  art  could  hardly  go 
farther. 

Benedetto's  technique  is  conscientious,  careful,  almost  too 
highly  finished.  Like  a  child  he  attempts  to  portray  each 
individual  hair  of  the  beard  or  head  (Plate  28,  Fig.  1,  2).  The 
eyes  are  naturalistic  and  life-like;  tlie  pupil  even  in  the  smallest 
figures  is  painstakinglj^  indicated  bj^  a  flat  disk  cut  down  on  the 
rounded  ball.*    One  must  climb  up  on  a  ladder  and  examine  the 

8  This  serves  as  a  convenient  ear-mark  to  distinguish  Benedetto  from  several 
of  his  imitators,  who  cut  round  holes  to  indicate  the  pupils. 

297 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

small  figures,  as  it  were  under  a  microscope,  to  realize  how  highly 
they  are  finished.  There  is  something  which  partakes  more  of 
conscience  than  of  genius  in  this  excessive  care  of  small  details, 
which  often  betrays  our  sculptor  into  mannerisms  of  little  artistic 
merit,  although  they  form  convenient  ear-marks  for  recognizing 
his  style.  Thus  he  is  very  fond  of  indicating  embroidery  on  the 
garments  of  his  figures  bj'^  means  of  incised  round  holes,  which 
he  uses  at  times  almost  to  excess.  He  never  wearies  of  putting 
on  the  heads  of  his  women  a  curious  head-dress,  like  a  kerchief, 
which  falls  over  their  head  and  shoulders.  (See,  for  example, 
the  figure  of  the  Virgin,  Plate  105,  Fig.  4).  His  Jews  almost 
always  wear  skullcaps  with  parallel  incised  lines  (Plate  28, 
Fig.  2).  Every  feather  of  the  wings  of  his  angels  (Plate  29, 
Fig.  1 ) ,  every  link  in  the  armour  of  his  knights  ( Plate  29,  Fig.  1 ) , 
is  faithfully  rendered.  Yet  notwithstanding  all  this  care  for 
detail  his  draperies  completely  lack  the  consummate  beauty  of 
those  of  the  schools  of  Languedoc  and  the  Ile-de-France.  Those 
of  his  larger  figures  are  heavy  and  seem  made  of  iron  (Plate  28, 
Fig.  1,  2),  while  those  of  his  small  figures  fall  in  fussy  and 
unnatural  folds  ( Plate  29,  Fig.  1 ) .  The  drapery  of  the  David 
(Plate  28,  Fig.  1)  is  only  one  step  removed  from  that  of  the 
ancient  Simon  which  still  stands  above  it  (Plate  29,  Fig.  5) .  The 
extraordinary  difference  between  the  tAvo  figures  lies  in  the  fact 
that  Benedetto  has  filled  his  with  psychological  significance, 
whereas,  in  the  earlier  work,  the  face  and  the  body  are  as  dead 
as  the  draperies. 

Under  the  hand  of  Benedetto  Lombard  sculpture  for  the 
first  time  became  religious.  Xot  only  did  our  artist  widen  vastly 
the  iconographieal  repertory,  not  only  did  he  introduce  subjects 
of  greater  intellectual  significance  than  had  ever  previously  been 
executed  in  Lombardy,  not  only  did  he  wed  scholastic  philosophy 
with  art,  but  his  works  are  characterized  by  a  new  power  of 
directness  and  sincerity.  Unlike  his  predecessors,  he  was  a 
profoundly  religious  man,  and  the  sinceritj-  of  his  convictions 
lends  a  telling  power  to  every  work  which  he  executed. 

The  influence  of  Benedetto  was  wide-spread.  He  founded 
in  Italy  a  school  which  continued  his  manner  probably  long  after 

298 


BENEDETTO  MISCALLED  AXTELAMI 

liis  death  and  even  outside  of  the  hmits  of  Lombardy.'  The 
zodiacs  of  Cremona  and  Ferrara  show  how  closely  some  of  these 
imitators  succeeded  in  reproducing  the  manner  of  Benedetto 
himself.  The  sculptures  of  the  south  tower  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino 
(Plate  30,  Fig.  1,  2)  are  by  a  pupil  who  possessed  a  remarkable 
degree  of  original  power.  His  influence  is  unmistakable  in  the 
sculptures  of  the  southern  portal  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  at 
Bergamo. 

A  curious  school  of  local  sculpture  grew  up  in  the  province 
of  Parma  and  especially  in  the  mountain  districts  under  the 
inspiration  of  Benedetto.  These  uncouth  masons  travestied  the 
style  of  the  master,  retaining  his  mannerisms  while  losing  all  that 
makes  his  authentic  productions  worthy  of  consideration.  Such 
sculptures,  wild  as  any  produced  in  the  Carlovingian  epoch,  are 
still  extant  at  Bardone,  Fornovo  (Plate  Qi,  Fig.  2)  and  Berceto 
(Plate  22,  Fig.  3). 

I  have  not  observed  many  indications  that  the  art  of 
Benedetto  spread  without  the  limits  of  northern  Italy.  He  lived 
at  a  period  when  foreign  influences  were  pouring  into  Lombardy, 
but  when  counter-influences  rarely  radiated  outwards.  Xever- 
theless  there  are  works  in  Spain  which  unmistakably  show  direct 
contact  with  his  manner,  notably  at  Estella. 

9  Works  by  his  pupils  at  Venice  and  elsewhere  have  been  mistaken  by  Venturi 
(III,  337-339)   for  productions  of  the  master  himself. 


299 


CHAPTER  VI.     TRANSITIONAL  SCULPTURE 

The  sculpture  of  Lombard}'  during  the  second  half  of  the 
XII  century  presents  a  strange  lack  of  unity.  An  age  which 
produced  a  master  of  such  power  and  refinement  as  Benedetto, 
also  gave  birth  to  the  crude  and  clumsy  reliefs  of  the  Ponte  di 
Porta  Romana  at  Milan.  In  a  district  of  small  geographical 
extent  the  schools  of  Pavia,  of  Guglielmo  da  ^lodena,  of 
Benedetto  and  of  the  transition,  all  flourished  contemporaneously 
and  side  bj^  side. 

The  influence  of  the  Ile-de-France  was  far  from  being  the 
dominant  force  in  the  sculpture  of  the  last  half  of  the  XII 
century  that  it  was  in  the  architecture.  Nevertheless,  since  a 
considerable  number  of  works  of  plastic  art  for  the  most  part 
associated  with  buildings  displaying  Gothic  tendencies  naturally 
group  themselves  together,  it  will  be  convenient  in  this  chapter 
to  consider  them  as  forming  a  sort  of  separate  school,  and  to 
designate  this  school  by  the  term  transitional. 

Probably  one  of  the  earliest  monuments  of  plastic  art  in 
northern  Italy  to  reveal  northern  French  influence  is  the  over- 
famous  Palio  d'Oro  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan  (Plate  122,  Fig.  3; 
Plate  123,  Fig.  1,  2;  Plate  124,  Fig.  1,  2).  It  is  not  necessary 
to  repeat  here  what  has  been  said  below'  in  regard  to  the  history 
and  probable  date  of  this  puzzling  but  beautiful  monument.  It 
is  evident  at  first  glance  that  the  style  of  the  reliefs  has  been 
profoundly'  affected  by  Byzantine  ivory-carvings,  as  was,  indeed, 
the  plastic  art  of  all  Evn-ope  in  the  XII  century.  The  position 
of  the  wings  of  the  angels  on  either  side  of  the  central  diamond, 
just  below  the  middle,  in  the  southern  end  (Plate  124,  Fig.  1) 
almost  exactly  reproduces  that  of  the  angel  of  St.  ]Matthew  at 
Castell'Arquato  (Plate  49),  and  is,  as  we  have  seen,"  a  motive 

1  Vol.  II,  pp.  547  f.,  589  f.  =  P.  285. 

300 


TRANSITIONAL  SCULPTURE 

which  can  be  traced  back  to  the  VI  century.  The  square  halo 
of  Angilberto  (Plate  122,  Fig.  3),  the  stands  placed  under  the 
feet  of  certain  angels  (Plate  124,  Fig.  1),  endless  details  of 
technique  bear  unmistakable  witness  to  the  power  of  this  Byzan- 
tine influence.  Venturi,  rightly  recognizing  this  Byzantine 
character,  has  assumed  that  in  consequence  the  altar  must  date 
from  the  IX  centurj',  although  the  name  of  the  artist  Yolvinio 
clearly  indicates  that  he  was  of  Lombardic  origin,  and  there  is 
no  reason  to  believe  that  the  native  art  of  Lombardy  in  the  IX 
century  was  under  dominant  Byzantine  influence. 

A  closer  study  of  the  Palio  d'Oro,  however,  will  I  think 
convince  the  student,  that  combined  with  the  somewhat  slavish 
copying  of  Bj'zantine  ivory-carvings,  there  are  found  certain 
elements  which  are  peculiar  to  the  sculpture  of  Lombardy  of 
the  XII  century.  Numerous  figures,  noticeably  those  of  the  east 
face  (Plate  122,  Fig.  3),  show  points  of  contact  with  the  later 
sculptor  of  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  at  Verona  (Plate  233, 
Fig.  1 ) .  The  face  of  the  Christ  in  the  central  medallion  of 
the  west  front  (Plate  123,  Fig.  1)  shows  unmistakable  relation- 
ship with  certain  sculptures  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  at 
Aosta  (Plate  14,  Fig.  1).  The  Evangehsts  by  which  the 
Christ  is  surrounded  (Plate  123,  Fig.  1)  closely  resemble  the 
Evangelists  at  Castell'Arquato. 

It  is  probable  that  there  is  also  French  influence  to  be  traced 
in  the  Palio  d'Oro.  The  contorted  position  of  certain  angels 
(Plate  124,  Fig.  1,  2),  the  transparent  draperies  (Plate  124, 
Fig.  1),  the  attenuation  of  the  S.  Ambrogio  and  the  Angilberto 
(Plate  122,  Fig.  3),  the  curious  squatting  position  given  to  the 
two  figures  just  below  the  cross  on  the  west  front  (Plate  124, 
Fig.  1 ) ,  all  indicate  an  influence  from  the  school  of  Languedoc. 
ISIore  than  this,  in  the  indefinable  grace  of  the  drawing;  in  the 
exquisite  lines  formed  by  the  wings  of  the  angels  surrounding 
the  central  diamond  in  the  southern  end  (Plate  124,  Fig.  1)  or 
in  the  almost  equally  beautiful  north  end  (Plate  124,  Fig.  2)  : 
in  the  stoles  of  the  deacons  about  the  central  cross  of  the  northern 
end  (Plate  124,  Fig.  2)  ;  in  the  draperies  which  flutter  in  the 
wind  with  such  infinite  grace  (see  especially  the  two  angels  about 

301 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

the  diamond  just  below  the  centre  of  the  north  end — Plate  124, 
Fig.  2)  ;  in  tlie  indefinable  sweetness  that  breathes  through  the 
whole  comjjosition ;  in  a  certain  largeness  of  conception,  and  in 
the  mastery  of  composition;  in  all  this  I  believe  that  I  feel  the 
unmistakable  influence  of  the  Ile-de-France.  If  I  be  right,  the 
Palio  d'Oro  affords  the  earliest  instance  of  the  influence  of 
northern  French  sculpture  in  Lombardy. 

Above  the  Palio  d'Oro  rises  a  ciborio  which  has  been  in 
hardly  less  measure  a  bone  of  contention  and  an  unsolved  enigma 
to  archaeologists  (Plate  121,  Fig.  2).  The  sculptures  with  which 
it  is  adorned  are  executed  in  stucco.  Although  distinctly  inferior 
in  artistic  merit  to  those  of  the  Palio  d'Oro,  they  are  nevertheless 
of  no  inconsiderable  beauty.  The  result  of  much  discussion  has 
been  to  bring  about  a  general  consensus  of  opinion  that  these 
works  were  executed  after  the  collapse  of  the  cupola  in  1196. 

Now  the  ciborio  sculptures  at  S.  Ambrogio  at  IMilan  do  not 
stand  alone.  If  we  compare  them  carefully  with  the  sculptures, 
also  in  stucco,  of  Cividale  (Plate  121,  Fig.  4)  and  S.  Pietro  di 
Civate  (Plate  57,  Fig.  2,  4),  we  shall  speedily  convince  ourselves 
that  all  are  by  the  same  hand.  Since  the  S.  Ambrogio  ciborio 
is  dated  as  later  than  1196,  and  since  stylistic  considerations  give 
reason  to  believe  that  this  is  the  latest  of  his  extant  works,  we 
may  conclude  that  the  unknown  artist  flourished  in  the  last 
quarter  of  the  XII  century.  He  was,  therefore,  a  contemporary 
of  Benedetto.  It  is  singular,  however,  that  with  the  latter  he 
presents  almost  no  points  of  contact.  The  figures  of  the  Civate 
ciborio  (Plate  57,  Fig.  2),  it  is  true,  are  tipped  forward  without 
bending  the  waist  in  the  same  singular  manner  as  those  in 
Benedetto's  Deposition  (Plate  165,  Fig,  4).  But  this  coinci- 
dence although  striking  is  not  sufficient  to  prove  direct  contact. 
Our  sculptor  furthermore  has  equally  little  relationship  with  the 
other  contemporary  art  of  Lombardy.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
draperies  of  the  Christ  of  the  S.  Ambrogio  ciborio  (Plate  121, 
Fig.  2)  shoAv  striking  analogj'  with  those  of  certain  figures  of 
the  Porte  Ste.-Anne  of  Notre-Dame  at  Paris.  It  can  not  be 
from  northern  France,  however,  that  this  master  derives  his 
manner.    The  draperies  of  the  Peter  and  Paul  of  S.  Ambrogio 

302 


TRANSITIONAL  SCULPTURE 

with  their  transparent  tendencies  (Plate  121,  Fig.  2),  the  very- 
attitude  of  these  figures,  the  attenuation  of  the  female  saints  of 
Cividale  (Plate  121,  Fig.  4),  both  the  draperies  and  figures  at 
Civate  (Plate  57,  Fig.  2,  4),  all  reveal  clearly  and  unmistakably 
the  influence  of  Languedoc.  Yet  combined  with  this  Languedoc 
influence  there  is  something  strange,  exotic,  for  which  I  am  unable 
to  account.  Was  our  sculptor  a  Spaniard?  I  leave  the  question 
to  be  determined  by  students  more  thoroughly  versed  than  I  in 
the  interesting  Romanesque  monuments  of  that  unexplored 
region. 

Of  all  north  Italian  sculptors  the  one  most  strongly 
influenced  by  the  art  of  the  Ile-de-France  was  undoubtedly  the 
master  Brioloto  of  Verona.  This  excellent  artist  executed  for 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  a  rose-window,  a  font,  and  a  relief  in  the 
facade.  Analogy  of  style  gives  reason  for  attributing  to  him 
also  the  font  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona.  He  must 
have  worked  at  the  end  of  the  XII  and  beginning  of  the  XIII 
century. 

Brioloto,  to  judge  from  his  art,  was  a  native  Italian.  His 
basic  stock  appears  to  have  been  the  school  of  Guglielmo  da 
Modena,  but  upon  this  were  grafted  many  other  influences. 

Of  these  the  strongest  was  undoubtedh'  that  of  the  Ile-de- 
France.  The  famous  Wheel  of  Fortune  about  the  rose-window 
of  S.  Zeno  (Plate  224,  Fig.  1)  appears  to  have  been  inspired 
by  the  similar  sculptures  at  St.-Etienne  of  Beauvais  (Plate  224, 
Fig.  2 ) .  Numerous  technical  peculiarities  of  the  font  betray 
knowledge  of  northern  French  sculptures,  especialh'  Senlis. 
Besides  this  French  influence,  that  of  Byzantine  ivory-carvings 
is  evident.  INIoreover,  the  draperies  have  numerous  points  of 
contact  with  those  of  Benedetto,  although  they  are  probably 
derived  not  from  him  but  from  the  master  of  the  Piacenza 
prophets  (Plate  181,  Fig.  3,  4).  Some  influence  of  the  scidptor 
of  Torre  dei  Piccenardi  (Plate  115,  Fig.  3),  and  even  of  the 
master  of  Lodi  (Plate  104,  Fig.  1)  is  also  probable.  There  are 
moreover  striking  analogies  with  the  S.  Ambrogio  Palio  d'Oro 
and  ciborio.  All  told,  Brioloto  seems  to  have  been  affected  by 
well  nigh  all  the  winds  that  were  blowing  in  liis  age  except  that 

803 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

of  Benedetto.  He  was  withal  an  artist  of  great  individuality 
and  of  high  artistic  merit. 

It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  trace  the  artistic  genealogy  of 
the  sculptor  who  executed  the  campanile  sculptures  of  Modena 
in  1184.  These  are  works  of  importance  (Plate  142,  Fig.  5) 
that  present  striking  points  of  contact  both  with  the  art  of 
Guglielmo  da  JNIodena  and  that  of  Benedetto.  It  seems  probable 
that  the  sculptor  of  the  Modena  campanile  may  have  exerted 
considerable  influence  upon  Benedetto  especially  in  his  later 
period.  By  a  related,  but  not  identical,  hand  are  the  sculptures 
of  the  choir  bahistrade  of  the  cathedral  of  INIodena  (Plate  144, 
Fig.  4,  left-hand  panel;  Plate  14.'5,  Fig.  4),  and  the  now  dispersed 
capitals  of  the  ambo  of  S.  Vitale  delle  Carpinete.'  The  ambo 
sculptures  of  the  cathedral  of  Modena  (Plate  144,  Fig.  4,  right- 
hand  panel),  while  very  closely  related,  are  probably  not  bj'  the 
same  hand.  However  this  may  be,  all  these  sculptures  show  the 
strong  influence  of  the  art  of  Benedetto  combined  with  the 
tradition  of  Guglielmo  da  INIodena  and  a  love  of  realism  and 
genre  detail  peculiar  to  tliemselves.  The  influence  of  the  Ile-de- 
France  is  entirely  lacking,  but  one  feels  already  a  foreshadowing 
of  the  spirit  of  the  flamboyant  period.  Lombard  seidpture  had 
begun  to  decay  without  ever  having  reached  full  maturity. 

Much  the  same  spirit  breathes  in  the  extremely  naturalistic 
sculptures  of  the  area  and  throne  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma. 
Here  again  we  find  an  excessive,  almost  revolting,  realism,  a  love 
of  genre  detail  and  an  absence  of  idealization  which  presage  the 
art  of  the  Low  Countries. 

3  Venturi,   III,  264  f. 


304 


Book  II.    Other  Arts 

CHAPTER  I.     MOSAICS 

In  Lombard  churches  there  were  employed  two  distinct 
kinds  of  mosaic  decoration.  The  first  and  most  generally  used 
consisted  of  pavements  formed  of  pieces  of  stone  and  marble 
of  different  colours;  the  second  of  mosaic  pictures  placed  not 
on  the  pavement,  but  on  the  walls  or  vaults  of  the  church,  and 
manufactured  in  large  part  out  of  cubes  of  glass.  Such  mural 
decorations  which  had  been  exceedingly  common  in  the  Byzantine 
period — examples  are  still  extant  in  the  chapel  of  S.  Satiro  at 
S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan,  at  S.  Lorenzo  of  the  same  city,  and 
formerly  existed  in  the  sacristy  of  SS.  Felice  e  Fortunato  of 
Vicenza — were  rarely  used  after  the  Lombard  conquest.  There 
is  extant,  in  fact,  onh'  one  example,  though  that  is  a  splendid 
one — the  mosaic  of  the  apse  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan.  Opus 
sectile  was  used  in  the  Byzantine  period  in  the  chapel  of  S.  Satiro 
at  S.  Ambrogio,  but  this  type  of  decoration  does  not  appear  to 
have  survived  after  the  VI  centur}^ 

It  is,  therefore,  with  mosaic  pavements  that  we  shall  have 
chiefly  to  occupy  ourselves  in  the  present  chapter.  At  the  outset 
it  must  be  recognized  that  the  pavement  formed  a  far  more  vital 
and  important  element  in  the  decorative  and  iconographical 
scheme  of  a  Lombard  church  than  has  hitherto  been  suspected. 
There  are  still  extant  numerous  fragments  sufficient  perhaps 
when  taken  together  to  give  us  a  not  erroneous  impression  of  the 
extent  and  beauty  of  this  art.  These  fragments,  however,  rarely 
survive  in  their  original  position,  and  are  almost  invariably  small 
in  size  and  inconspicuous.  It  is  only  after  studying  the  remains 
with  some  care  that  we  perceive  the  Lombard  church  was  provided 

305 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

with  a  gorgeous  mosaic  flooring  as  splendid!}'  decorated  and  as 
rich  in  colour  as  the  most  adorned  portions  of  the  building. 

The  fact  is,  mosaic  pavement  was  singularlj^  perishable,  no 
matter  how  carefully  the  substratum  was  laid.  These  delicate 
floorings  woven  of  myriad  fine  bits  of  marble  and  stone,  were 
ill  calculated  to  resist  the  wear  of  millions  of  passing  feet  and 
hundreds  of  passing  years.  That  is  doubtless  the  reason  that 
almost  without  exception  they  have  been  replaced  by  more 
durable,  if  less  noble,  pavements.  Yet  it  is  certain  that  the 
Lombard  builders  rarely  left  an  important  church  unadorned 
with  one  of  these  pavements.  In  many  cases  where  even  no 
fragments  are  extant  documentary  sources  inform  us  that  mosaic 
pavements  formerly  existed.  The  Anonimo  Ticinese  speaks  of 
the  mosaic  pavements  which  in  the  XIV  century  were  still  to 
be  seen  in  several  churches  of  Pavia.  More  modern  writers 
record  the  mosaic  pavements  which  formerly  existed  in  the 
baptistery  of  Novara,  at  S.  Vincenzo  in  Prato  of  Milan,  at  S. 
Abondio  of  Como,  at  Isola  S.  Giulio,  at  S.  Fedele  of  Como,  at 
Nonantola,  and  in  the  destroyed  choir  of  the  cathedral  of 
Ferrara — all  of  which  have  disappeared.  From  Lombardy  the 
art  spread  to  the  surrounding  regions,  to  INIurano,  to  S.  Marco 
at  Venice,  to  Pomposa  and  to  the  cathedral  of  Brindisi. 

Although  the  art  was  thus  broadly  diffused,  it  must  not  be 
assumed  that  the  pavement  of  all  Lombard  churches  was  neces- 
sarily in  mosaic.  The  excavations  of  JNIonneret  de  Villard  at 
S.  Lufemia  of  Isola  Comacina  have  proved  that  in  this  church 
of  c.  1095  the  pavement  consisted  of  blocks  of  rather  rough  stone. 
For  reasons  of  economy  the  mosaic  pavement  was  doubtless 
omitted  in  many  of  the  smaller  churches. 

The  Lombard  mosaic  pavement  is  obviously  the  legitimate 
descendant  of  the  tessellated  pavements  of  the  Romans.  The 
latter,  as  is  well  known,  were  of  most  varied  character  and  adorned 
with  all  types  of  design  from  the  simplest  geometric  motives  to 
elaborate  pictorial  compositions.  Among  the  latter  there  are 
certain  ones  Avhich  present  such  striking  resemblances  with 
Lombard  mosaics  as  to  arouse  the  suspicion  that  the  Lombard 
artists  may  from  time  to  time  have  renewed  their  inspiration  at 

806 


MOSAICS 

the  fountain-head.  Thus  in  the  court  museum  of  antiquity  at 
Vienna^  is  a  large  Roman  mosaic  without  number,  but  which  was 
discovered  near  Salzburg  in  1815.  In  the  centre  is  represented 
Theseus  fighting  with  the  Minotaur.  About  is  a  labyrinth 
formed  of  square-angled  lines.  In  the  border  among  purely 
ornamental  motives  are  three  figure  scenes  which  I  take  to 
represent  Ariadne  sitting  in  solitude,  Theseus  receiving  a  skein 
of  silk  from  Ariadne,  and  Theseus  and  Ariadne  on  the  ship  with 
black  sails.  The  analogies  between  this  mosaic  and  the  famous 
one  of  S.  JNIichele  at  Pavia  (Plate  174,  Fig.  2)  are  so  striking 
as  to  give  reason  to  believe  that  the  subject  may  have  continued 
to  some  extent  to  be  traditional  from  pagan  times. ^  Labyrinths, 
it  will  be  recalled,  were  a  favourite  decoration  for  the  pavements 
of  churches  in  northern  France  in  the  XIII  century. 

However  this  may  be,  the  first  pavements  built  in  Christian 
churches  seem  to  have  been  of  a  much  more  modest  type.  They 
probably  contained  no  pictorial  representations,  but  pure  orna- 
ment of  the  simplest  description  with  inscriptions  recording  the 
names  of  donors,  and  the  number  of  square  feet  of  the  pavement 
paid  for  by  each.  Mosaics  of  this  type  exist  at  the  cathedral  of 
Verona,  at  S.  JSIaria  Rotonda  of  Brescia,  at  SS.  Felice  e 
Fortunato  of  Vicenza.  Others  formerly  existed  in  the  churches 
of  S.  Pietro  in  Dom^  and  S.  INIaria*  of  Brescia.  There  are  also 
similar  examples  outside  of  Lombardy.'  To  judge  from  the 
classical  character  of  the  proper  names,  all  these  pavements  must 

1  Saal   XI. 

2  See  Otto  Jahn,  Archaologische  Beitrage,  Berlin,  Reimer,  1847,  12mo,  271. 

3  Odorici,  II,  220,  preserves  the  inscription: 

MAXIMIANVS 
ET  LEOTIVS 
CVM  SVIS 
Pedes  Centum 

*  Odorici,  III,  31,  preserves  the  inscription: 

Syrus  Diac 
H(unc)  L(ocum)  T(essellavit)  C(um)  S(uis). 
It  is  uncertain  whether  "S.  Maria"  means  S.  Maria  Rotonda  or  another  church. 

5  For  a  list  of  these  see  MUntz,  7  f.  Several  panels  of  the  mosaics  of  St. 
Demetreus  at  Salonica  were  constructed  at  the  expense  of  certain  donors  as  is  recorded 
in  inscriptions  {American  Journal  of  Archctology,  XV,  580). 

307 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

have  been  of  very  early  date — of  the  IV,  V,  or  at  latest  of  the 
VI  century. 

It  is  jjrobable  that  after  the  Lombard  conquest  the  con- 
struction of  such  elaborate  floorings  was  more  rarely  undertaken, 
if  it  was  not  entirely  discontinued.  A  passage  in  Isidore  of 
Seville"  gives  reason  to  believe  that  mosaics  were  still  constructed 
at  the  beginning  of  the  VII  century  in  Spain.  In  Lombardy, 
however,  there  are  extant  no  mosaics  executed  in  the  VII,  VIII, 
IX  or  X  centuries. 

The  renaissance  of  the  XI  century  affected  the  art  of  mosaic 
as  well  as  architecture.  Traces  of  mosaic  pavement  have  been 
found  at  Galliano,  at  S.  A-^incenzo  and  the  baptistery  which  date 
from  IO07  and  c.  1015  respectivelj'.  Since  no  fragments  are 
extant,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  whether  the  pavement  was 
contemporary  with  the  buildings,  but  it  is  to  be  presumed  that 
such  was  the  case.  At  all  events  there  is  still  preserved  at  Sezze 
an  authentically  dated  mosaic  pavement  of  1030.  From  this 
monument  we  are  able  to  determine  that  the  art  had  made 
singularly  little  progress  since  its  eclipse  in  the  VI  century.  The 
pavement  of  Sezze  contains  no  pictorial  representations,  but  is 
decorated  merely  with  inscriptions  and  conventional  ornament 
for  the  most  part  amazingly  restrained  and  almost  classic  in 
character — guilloches,  rosettes  and  leaf  patterns.  At  Sezze,  as 
generally  in  the  Early  Christian  pavements,  the  colours  are 
limited  to  black  and  white. 

The  mosaic  of  Acqui  which  dates  from  10G7  shows  an 
extraordinary  advance.  The  colours  are  still  confined  to  black 
and  white,  but  the  design  has  been  surprisingly  developed.  The 
new  type  of  grotesque  decoration  which  was  being  evolved  in  the 
architectural  and  conventional  ornament  is  here  applied  to  the 
pavement.  The  design,  instead  of  being  classic,  is  completely 
Lombard,  full  of  the  exuberant  spirits  characteristic  of  that  style. 
Among  the  grotesque  and  conventional  design  one  serious  figure 
subject  is  represented — the  story  of  Jonah.  The  introduction 
of  this  iconographic  representation  marks  an  immeasurable  step 
forward  in  the  art  of  mosaic  pavement. 

0  Etymologiarum,  XV,  8,  ed.  Migne,  LXXXII,  549. 

308 


MOSAICS 

It  was  only  at  the  very  end  of  the  XI  century  and  at  the 
beginning  of  the  XII  century,  however,  that  the  art  reached  its 
zenith.  Of  this  period  we  have  a  splendid  series  of  examples — 
the  mosaics  of  the  Duomo  at  Reggio — c.  1090 — (Plate  191, 
Fig.  1,  2),  of  Pieve  Terzagni  (c.  1100),  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia— 
c.  1100— (Plate  174,  Fig.  2),  of  Acquanegra  (c.  1100),  of  S. 
Salutore  of  Turin  (c.  1105),  of  Ivrea— c.  1105— (Plate  101, 
Fig.  6),  of  the  Campo  Santo  of  Cremona— 1107-1117— 
(Plate  85,  Fig.  1,  2),  of  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza— 1107— 
(Plate  186,  Fig.  8),  and  of  S.  Tommaso  of  Reggio — c.  1110— 
(Plate  191,  Fig.  3).  The  fragmentary  mosaic  of  S.  Invenzio 
of  Pavia,  now  in  the  museum  of  that  citjs  is  in  all  probability 
also  of  this  period.' 

This  series  of  monuments  makes  it  clear  that,  simultaneously 
with  the  culmination  of  Lombard  architecture,  the  art  of  mosaic 
had  attained  notable  perfection.  The  very  wildness  of  the 
grotesques,  the  extravagance  of  the  design,  lend  peculiar  charm 
to  these  splendid  compositions  which  must  have  immeasurably 
enhanced  the  edifices  in  which  they  were  placed,  adding  to  the 
pavement  a  striking  note  of  colour,  and  making  it  as  dignified 
and  as  decorative  as  the  walls  and  roof  of  the  building. 

There  is  little  trace  of  exotic  influences  in  the  development 
of  this  important  art.  As  we  have  seen,  antiquity  may  have 
directly  inspired  some  of  the  compositions.  In  certain  instances, 
as  in  the  pavement  of  the  Duomo  of  Reggio,  the  influence  of 
Cosmati  artists  may  possibly  be  detected.  The  fact  that  Greek 
letters  are  used  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  mosaics  at  Pieve 
Terzagni  and  Ivrea  (Plate  101,  Fig.  6)  gives  some  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  artists  consciously  imitated  Byzantine  models. 
On  the  whole,  however,  the  art  seems  to  have  been  to  a  singular 
degree  indigenous  and  self-contained. 

Compared  Avitli  the  mosaic  of  Acqui  these  later  examples 
show  a  notable  progress  and  development.    The  gamut  of  colours 

7  See  Tomassetti,  II,  203.  This  church  is  traditionally  said  to  have  been  founded 
by  S.  Invenzio  {Catologo  Rodobaldino,  ed.  Boni  e  Ma.jocchi,  26).  A  lost  inscription 
of  slight  importance  is  preserved  by  Bosio  {Memoriw  Ticinenses  N ouantiquce  Hieronymi 
Bossii,  MS.  No.  180,  Biblioteca  deU'  Universita,  Pavia,  f.  130).  The  mosaics  have  been 
studied  by  Moiraghi  (XII). 

309 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

is  in  general  much  larger,  although  the  tones  employed  appear 
to  have  depended  upon  the  materials  locallj'^  availahle.  As  a 
rule,  the  more  colours  employed,  the  later  the  mosaic,  although 
this  statement  suffers  many  exceptions,  and  black  and  white 
mosaics  were  occasionally  executed  up  to  the  very  end  of  the 
Lombard  period. 

The  drawing  similarly  shows  much  variation,  but  on  the 
average  continued  to  improve  throughout  the  XII  century, 
although  at  times  it  still  relapsed  into  uncouthness  especially  in 
smaller  churches. 

Greater  command  of  technical  resources  and  the  new  spirit 
that  was  entering  into  the  other  arts,  combined  to  produce  the 
most  noteworthy  change  which  took  place  in  mosaic  during  the 
XII  century.  Grotesques  and  conventional  ornaments  became 
constantly  less  prominent  and  were  more  and  more  supplanted 
by  pictorial  representations.  In  the  latter  was  introduced  a  new 
iconography,  full  of  intellectual  quality  and  breathing  the  mystic 
and  symbolic  character  of  scholastic  philosophy. 

In  the  second  quarter  of  the  XII  century  all  these  same 
tendencies  were  continued  and  developed.  To  this  period  belong 
the  pavements  of  Novara  (c.  1125),  formerly  one  of  the  most 
extensive  of  all  Lombard  mosaics  but  now  reduced  to  a  small 
fragment;  the  mosaic  of  S.  Maria  del  Popolo  of  Pavia — c.  1130 — 
(Plate  171,  Fig.  1),  in  which  a  grave  subject  from  Prudentius 
is  treated  with  all  the  wild  imagination  characteristic  of  the  school 
of  Pavia;  the  pathetic  fragment  of  the  mosaic  of  S.  Pietro  in 
Ciel  d'Oro,  which  is  like  an  echo  of  the  Legcnde  Dorce;  the 
interesting  fragment  of  Grazzano  JNIonferrato  (Alessandria) ;' 
the  storied  pages  of  the  grand  pavement  of  Casale — 1140 — 
(Plate  43,  Fig.  1;  Plate  45,  Fig.  2,  5,  6)  with  its  representations 
of  biblical  history  and  fabulous  beings;  the  equally  extensive 
mosaic  pavement  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Vercelli — 1148 — 
(Plate  215,  Fig.  4)  perhaps  the  finest  of  all  Lombard  mosaics; 
the  fragments  of  the  mosaic  of  S.  Prospero  at  Reggio  (1148), 

8  This  church  dedicated  to  SS.  Vittore  e  Corona  belonged  to  the  abbey  founded 
in  961  (Durando,  1;  Benvenuti  Sangeorgii,  Chronicon,  ed.  Hist.  Pat.  Mon.,  V,  1307; 
Moriondo,  II,  292). 

310 


MOSAICS 

and  the  superb  pavement  of  S.  Benedetto  Po  (1151).  Hand 
in  hand  with  improved  technique  we  notice  a  tendencj'  to  enlarge 
the  picture,  to  accentuate  the  graphic  element,  to  relegate  pure 
ornament  and  grotesques  more  and  more  to  the  background. 

There  have  recentlj'  been  discovered  in  Lombardy  three 
mosaic  pavements  which  still  await  excavation  and  which  promise 
to  be  more  extensive  and  better  preserved  than  any  which  are  now 
accessible." 

9  Traces  of  the  mosaic  pavement  of  Bobbio  were  first  discovered  in  1910  to  ttie 
west  of  the  choir  and  some  two  metres  below  the  pavement  of  the  church.  It  appears 
that  the  polychromatic  mosaic  covers  an  area  of  approximately  one  hundred  square 
metres.  The  borders  are  formed  of  frets,  double  frets  mixed  with  grotesques  (fish, 
dolphin,  man  in  boat),  zigzags  and  patterns  of  pure  design.  To  the  east  at  the  left 
is  a  group  of  horsemen  (near  by  is  the  inscription  IVDAS  MACCHABEVS)   fighting 

with   other  horsemen    (ANT ).     A   third   group   of  horsemen   to   the  extreme 

right  are  seen  in  flight.  These  are  evidently  the  forces  of  GORGIAS.  In  the  fore- 
ground lie  several  corpses,  one  with  head  severed  from  the  body.  One  of  the  fleeing 
horsemen  falls  from  his  horse.  It  is  clear  that  we  have  here  a  representation  of  the 
battle  described  in  I  Machabees,  iv,  1-15,  and  II  Machabees,  viii,  8  f . 

Further  along  in  the  mosaic  are  seen  to  the  right  CEXTARIVS — represented  as 
at  Cremona  (Plate  85,  Fig.  1)  more  lilse  a  minotaur  than  a  centaur — fighting  with  a 
two  headed  beast  QVIMERA;  then  comes  LEMNAS  with  a  man's  head  and  a  tail 
(compare  Plate  85,  Fig.  1)  fighting  with  DRACO  represented  as  a  serpent  with  two 
wings,  legs  and  a  tail. 

Further  to  the  west  WATHATH  stands  in  an  aedicule  holding  a  lance  with 
banner  which  is  grasped  also  by  the  first  of  five  persons  facing  him.  Then  comes  a 
group  of  three  persons  PAGANI  and  another  of  six,  on  foot  and  armed,  besieging  a 
castle  from  which  come  out  to  oppose  the  besiegers  three  warriors  also  on  foot.  In 
the  interior  of  the  castle  seems  to  be  a  woman.  In  the  middle  of  the  castle  is  a  tower, 
on  the  other  side  an  archer  and  two  guards  on  the  ramparts.  Outside  of  aU  is  the 
outer  wall  or  gate  of  the  castle  from  which  emerge  the  three  warriors.  The  castle 
is  labelled  ANTIOCHA. 

The  rest  of  this  part  of  the  mosaic  is  confused.     One  can  vaguely  distinguish 

the  inscriptions   MIL and  ANTIOCHVS  REX,  the  latter  of  which  evidently 

refers  to  a  crowned  figure  beneath  a  canopy  of  which  the  curtains  are  Ijeing  drawn 
aside.  When  further  exploration  malies  it  possible  to  study  adequately  this  portion 
of  the  mosaic  we  shall  doubtless  be  able  to  identify  some  scene  connected  with  the 
history  of  the  Machabees. 

Below  in  the  mosaic  is  a  zodiac,  of  which  the  figures  are  placed  in  niches.  When 
I  was  last  at  Bobblo  (in  April,  1913)  this  portion  had  been  only  in  part  explored. 
AVGVSTVS  is  seen  nailing  up  a  barrel.  Below  is  VIRGO.  NOVENBE[R]  is  seen 
holding  a  pole;  below  is  SAGIT[TA]RIVS  and  way  below  IANVAR[IVS]. 

The  mosaics  of  ChiaravaUe  Milanese  and  Gazzo  Veronese  had  not  been 
sufficiently  explored  at  the  time  I  last  visited  these  churches  to  make  it  possible  to 
determine  anything  of  their  character. 


811 


CHAPTER  II.     FRESCOS 

The  XX  century  which  sees  the  Lomhard  church  bleached 
by  the  curious  ideas  of  good  taste  prevalent  in  the  Barocco 
centuries  and  restored  according  to  the  still  more  ciu'ious  con- 
ceptions of  our  own  time,  can  form  but  little  idea  of  the  aesthetic 
effect  which  these  buildings  must  have  produced  before  they  were 
disfigured  by  unintelligent  alterations.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  Lombard  church,  hardly  less  than  the  Greek  temple  or 
the  Gothic  cathedral,  depended  for  its  effect  upon  colour.  If 
we  lose  sight  of  this  all-important  fact  we  shall  fail  to  appreciate 
perhaps  the  most  essential  characteristic  of  the  entire  art.  Colour 
is  the  {esthetic  key  to  Lombard  design.  The  broad  surfaces  of 
wall,  the  large  smooth  vaults  always  made  as  big  and  unbroken 
as  possible,  the  absence  of  mouldings,  even  the  low  broad 
proportions  of  the  church  were  all  determined  by  the  desire  to 
give  opportunitj^  to  the  utmost  possible  extent  for  polychrome 
decorations. 

This  colour  was  applied  in  various  ways.  The  most  simple 
was  doubtless  the  painting  of  sculptures.  Probably  no  reliefs 
and  few  sculptures  in  the  round  were  left  without  this  enrich- 
ment. Although  the  gold,  the  rich  reds  and  blues  have  generally 
been  carefully  removed  or  have  weathered  away,  distinct  traces 
of  colour  are  still  extant  in  the  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of 
Piacenza,  in  the  lunettes  of  the  principal  portal  and  the  pontile 
of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona,  and  in  many  other  monuments.  The 
custom  of  painting  statuary  was  a  general  one  in  the  INIiddle 
Ages,  and  was  applied  not  only  to  works  in  stone  but  also  to 
ivorj^-carvings.' 

Colour  decoration  was  also  applied  in  the  form  of  pure 
ornament.     The  wall  surface  or  moulding  to  be  decorated  was 

1  There  are  numerous  polychrome  ivory-carvings  in  the  Morgan  collection. 

312 


FRESCOS 

first  covered  with  a  coating  of  gesso,  and  on  this  were  frescoed 
ornamental  designs.  The  jjrofiles  of  archivolts  and  jambs  were 
doubtless  generally  treated  in  this  way,  and  thus  is  to  be 
explained  the  absence  of  small  members  and  minute  carving  so 
characteristic  of  the  style.  Although  the  fresco  and  even  the 
gesso  have  generally  disappeared,  traces  are  still  extant  sufficient 
to  give  us  an  idea  of  the  treatment.  The  most  striking  remains 
are  at  the  little  church  of  Sparone,  an  edifice  which  dates  from 
c.  1025.  The  conventional  design  is  obviouslj'  founded  on  the 
forms  of  masonry.  The  colours  are  brick-red  and  white.  Over 
the  archivolts  of  the  windows,  about  the  arched  corbel-tables  and 
on  the  cornice  is  applied  an  ornament  consisting  of  alternate 
rectangles,  zigzags,  or  lines  of  brick-red  and  white.  No  words 
nor  reproduction  could  give  an  idea  of  the  delicate  charm  and 
exquisite  refinement  of  this  ornamentation.  It  raises  the  little 
countrj'^  church  of  Sparone  from  an  uncouth  country  edifice  to 
the  rank  of  a  great  work  of  art.  If  tliis  tiny  building  in  the 
wild  solitude  of  the  Alps  was  decorated  in  so  exquisite  a  manner, 
what  must  the  colour  decoration  have  been  like  in  the  great 
centres  of  culture  and  civilization! 

Another  bit  of  fresco  decoration  dating  from  c.  1030  is 
extant  at  ]\Iazzone.  The  edifice  is  somewhat  more  important, 
but  the  ornament,  unfortunatelj%  is  less  well  preserved.  Enough 
remains,  however,  to  confirm  the  impression  of  the  high  artistic 
value  of  this  sj'stem  of  ornament.  Again  we  have  convention- 
alized patterns  founded  on  the  forms  of  brickwork  and  executed 
in  red  and  white.  The  chief  motives  are  a  sort  of  herring-bone 
pattern  and  a  triangular  zigzag.  As  at  Sparone  the  ornament 
is  applied  to  the  exterior  of  the  church.  The  arched  corbel- 
tables  have  a  decoration  in  fresco  which  recalls  that  executed  in 
brick  at  Sannazzaro  Sesia. 

In  the  contemporary  church  of  Loppia  di  Bellagio  there  are 
remains  of  the  original  fresco  decoration  which  includes  parts  of 
figures  and  a  conventional  fret.  Other  similar  conventional 
patterns  in  fresco  dating  from  c.  1090  are  extant  on  the  exterior 
of  the  southern  absidiole  of  Monastero  di  Capo  di  Ponte.  At 
Maderno  there  is  also  extant  frescoed  decoration  of  c.  1120  in 

313 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

conventional  patterns.  Imitation  stone  joints  are  frescoed  in 
black  and  yellow  at  Kubbiano  (c.  1130) ,  this  decoration,  strangely 
enough,  being  laid  over  ashlar  masonry  of  the  finest  quality. 

These  remains  however  fragmentary  are  nevertheless  suffi- 
cient to  indicate  the  great  beauty  of  Lombard  conventional 
decoration  in  fresco,  and  the  fact  that  it  was  very  extensively 
applied  both  to  the  interior  and  to  the  exterior  of  churches.  It 
is  indeed  a  singular  fact  that  frescos,  both  figure  and  conventional, 
seem  to  have  been  applied  to  the  exterior  of  the  building  almost 
as  freely  as  to  the  interior,  and  to  walls  of  fine  ashlar  as  well  as 
to  those  of  rougher  construction." 

The  most  beautiful  and  impressive  of  all  the  colour  decora- 
tions of  the  Lombard  church  were  doubtless  the  pictorial  frescos 
of  the  walls.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  all  the  blank  spaces 
were  filled  with  jjainted  figures  of  heraldic  grandeur.  The 
custom  of  decorating  walls  with  pictorial  representations  was 
taken  over  by  the  Early  Christian  artists  from  the  Romans,  and 
Avas  probably  practised  at  all  epochs.  In  Lombardy  we  know 
that  the  earlier  basilica  which  existed  on  the  site  of  S.  Abondio 
of  Como  and  which  is  believed  to  be  as  early  as  the  V  centurj', 
was  decorated  with  such  frescos.  Traces  of  similar  decoration 
were  found  when  the  foundations  of  the  apse  at  Cisano  were 
excavated."  There  is  documentary  authority  for  the  fact  that 
the  walls  of  S.  Giovanni  at  jMonza  were  frescoed.'  Cipolla  has 
published  an  old  copy  of  some  of  the  frescos  with  which  the 
destroj'ed  Early  Christian  basilica  of  S.  Eusebio  at  Vercelli  was 

=  There  are  indubitable  traces  of  frescos  (though  not  always  contemporary) 
applied  to  the  exterior  walls  in  the  following  edifices:  S.  Pietro  in  Mavino  of  Sirmione; 
Currepgio  (Plate  87,  Fig.  1);  Cosio;  S.  Kufemia,  Isola  Comacina;  the  cathedral  of 
Modena;  Gallarate;  S.  Giorgio,  Almenno  S.  Salvatore;  S.  Maria  del  Tiglio,  Gravedona; 
Dongo.  Saliinbene  mentions  the  frescos  on  the  exterior  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma. 
At  S.  Zaccaria  frescos  were  applied  to  fine  ashlar  masonry. 

3  The  Pleve  of  Cisano  (Verona)  has  been  studied  by  Cipolla,  Mazzanti,  Orti 
Manara  (Oarda),  Cavazzocca  (3-12),  Simeoni  {Oukla,  331),  and  Berchet  (V,  173). 
An  inscription  in  cursive  in  the  wall  of  one  of  the  Renaissance  chapels  on  the  south 
side  of  the  nave  records  that  the  church  was  roofed  in  1260.  The  north  wall  must  be 
slightly  earlier,  since  it  contains  an  inscription  of  1252.  Unfortunately  the  remains  of 
the  ancient  apse  were  very  largely  destroyed,  but  the  frescoed  inscription  is  still 
preserved  in  the  sacristy. 

*  Chronicon  Modoetiense,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S.,  XII,  1071. 

814 


FRESCOS 

adorned.  Well  preserved  frescos  of  923  are  still  extant  at  S. 
Orso  of  Aosta.  Even  more  interesting  are  the  paintings  of  991 
at  Spigno.  S.  Vincenzo  of  Galliano  was  completely  covered 
with  a  superb  series  of  paintings  in  fresco  in  the  j^ear  1007,  and 
many  of  these  are  still  extant  notwithstanding  the  rough  usage 
to  which  this  monument  has  been  subjected.  The  frescos  of 
Aosta,  Spigno  and  Galliano  are  sufficient  to  show  that  the 
pictorial  art  of  the  X  and  early  part  of  the  XI  century  was  on 
a  much  higher  artistic  level  than  has  hitherto  been  suspected. 
Not  only  were  these  frescos  splendidly  decorative  and  of  high 
merit  considered  as  architectural  accessories,  but  even  from  a 
purely  pictorial  standjjoint  they  are  worthy  of  the  closest  study. 
They  demonstrate  that  at  this  period  there  existed  in  Lombardy 
a  native  and  independent  school  of  painting. 

The  rapid  progress  and  noteworthy  achievements  of  this 
school  are  demonstrated  by  a  series  of  fragments  belonging  to 
the  XI  century.  S.  Giovanni  of  Vigolo  jNIarchese  possesses 
remains  of  such  frescos  dating  from  1008.  Others  may  be  found 
in  the  baptistery  of  Vigolo  Marchese  (c.  1010?),  Piobesi  (some 
of  the  frescos  date  from  c.  1030),  S.  Benedetto  of  S.  Pietro  di 
Civate  (c.  1045),  S.  Ambrogio  and  the  Chiesa  d'Aurona  of 
Milan  (c.  1095). 

The  continued  development  of  the  art  in  the  XII  century 
may  be  followed  at  Cavriana,  S.  Sofia  of  Padova  (c.  1106, 
c.  1123),  S.  Fedele  of  Como  (c.  1115),  and  Rosignano  Mon- 
ferrato  (c.  1140).  An  idea  of  the  perfection  which  it  attained 
may  be  formed  from  the  frescos  of  S.  Vittore  of  S.  Ruffillo  di 
Bologna  (Plate  203,  Fig.  5),  surely  dated  monuments  of  1178. 
Notwithstanding  the  unfortunate  modern  restoration  the  beauty 
of  this  decoration  is  striking.  Not  only  are  the  figures  of  saints 
and  prophets  impressive,  but  the  conventional  ornament  Avith 
rinceaux,  imitation  stone  joints,  vine  patterns  and  other  similar 
motives  is  singularly  harmonious.  The  gamut  of  colours  is  wide, 
including  green,  dull  browns,  pink,  yellowish  white,  white,  red 
and  purple.  An  equally  high  idea  of  the  pictorial  art  of  the 
period  is  afforded  by  the  Sagra  of  Carpi  which  retains  most 

315 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

notable  remains  of  frescoed  decorations  dating  from  118-1  and 
including  both  conventional  ornament  and  figures. 

It  was  the  habit  in  Italy  at  all  periods  to  replace  frescos 
which  had  been  damaged  by  time,  or  had  merely  gone  out  of 
fashion  by  new  paintings  laid  on  above  the  old.  Thus  it  happens 
that  we  sometimes  find  as  many  as  three  layers  of  frescos  super- 
posed. This  custom  of  renewing  the  frescos  from  time  to  time 
is  doubtless  one  of  the  reasons  why  comparatively  so  little  of 
the  fresco  decorations  of  the  earliest  times  has  come  down  to  us. 
The  existence  of  frescos  even  of  a  later  date,  however,  is  often 
an  indication  that  the  walls  were  originally  so  decorated.' 

It  cannot  be  sufficiently  regretted  tliat  no  single  I^ombard 
church  has  come  down  to  us  in  good  enough  preservation  to  give 
even  an  approximate  idea  of  what  must  have  been  the  total  effect 
of  the  colour  decoration.  The  charm  of  the  interior  of  the 
baptistery  of  Parma  stimulates  the  imagination  to  conceive  of 
what  must  have  been  the  beauty  of  earlier  monuments  decorated 
as  they  were  with  frescos  not  less  rich  and  warm  in  tone,  while 
infinitely  more  heraldic  and  architectural.  Indeed,  it  is  probable 
that  the  Lombard  basilica  with  its  painted  statuary,  its  coloured 
and  decorated  mouldings,  its  mosaic  pavements  and  its  impressive 
frescos  attained  a  beauty  of  polychrome  effect  hardly  equalled 
bj'  any  other  production  of  the  hand  of  man. 

5  I  add  a  list  of  frescos  or  traces  of  frescos,  some  of  which  can  he  pro%'ed  to  he 
later  than  the  buildings  to  which  they  belong,  and  others  of  which  merely  can  not  he 
proved  to  be  contemporary.  I  have  indicated  in  parentheses  the  date  of  the  frescos 
in  the  cases  in  which  I  have  been  able  to  determine  it.  Frescos  of  early  date  exist 
at  the  baptistery  of  Galliano,  S.  Giorgio  di  Valpolicella,  S.  Fedelino  on  the  I.ago  di 
Mezzola,  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan  (destroyed),  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  (destroyed), 
S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia,  Almenno  S.  Bartolomco,  Voltorre,  Monastero  di  Capo 
di  Ponte,  S.  Giovanni  of  Castel  Seprio,  Ganaceto,  I.omello,  S.  Teodoro  of  Pavia, 
S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan,  S.  Pietro  di  Civate,  Sannazzaro  Sesia.  Frescos  of  the  XIII 
century  are  extant  at  S.  Lazaro  of  Pavia  and  at  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna.  Frescos  of 
the  XIV  century  formerly  existed  at  S.  Vincenzo  of  Milan  and  are  still  extant  at 
S.  Stefano  of  Lenno,  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (Plate  58,  Fig.  4),  Gazzo,  Oleggio,  Oggiono, 
S.  Savlno  of  Piacenza  (1350),  Rubbiano  and  S.  Michele  di  Castelvetro.  Frescos  of  the 
XV  century  exist  at  Priocca,  Fontanella,  Casalino,  Castelletto  d'Orba,  Montecchia  di 
Crosara  (1400),  Cenimo  (14.37),  Marentino  (1450),  Pieve  di  Novi  Ligure  (1474,  signed 
by  Manfredino  de  Bosilio),  S.  .Mberto  di  Pizzo  Corno  (1484),  Rivalta  Scrivia  (1490, 
signed  l)y  Franceschini),  and  Maderno  (1499).  Frescos  of  the  XVI  century  may  be 
found  at  Ranverso,  Varese,  Portocomaro,  Roffeno  (school  of  Luini?),  S.  Maria  del 
Solario  of  Brescia  (Plate  32,  Fig.  3)  and  Vaprio  d'Adda  (Plate  213,  Fig.  1,  5). 

316 


PART  IV.     ICONOGRAPHY 


Book  I.    The  Mirror  of  Nature 

CHAPTER  I.     CHARACTERISTICS  OF  LOMBARD 

ICONOGRAPHY 

The  only  treatise  on  medifeval  iconography  wliich  in  any 
measure  approaches  completeness  is  M.  JNIale's  study  of  the 
religious  art  of  France  in  the  XIII  centur)\  In  the  composition 
of  this  admirable  work  the  author  has  followed  the  example 
set  by  the  XIV  century  encj-clopsdist,  Vincent  de  Beauvais, 
dividing  his  subject  according  to  the  four  Mirrors  of  Nature, 
Science,  Morals  and  Historj^  which,  in  the  view  of  the  JSIiddle 
Ages,  included  the  entire  cycle  of  human  knowledge.  It  would 
doubtless  be  pressing  the  point  too  far  to  suppose  any  very  direct 
connection  between  the  XII  centurj'  art  of  Italy  and  the  XIV 
century  encyclopjedist  of  France.  Nevertheless,  the  classification 
of  the  four  mirrors  is  medieval,  and  also  the  most  convenient 
that  can  be  devised.  I  shall,  therefore,  not  hesitate  to  adopt  it, 
and  the  more  so,  since  by  so  doing  it  will  be  easier  to  compare 
Lombard  iconography  with  the  parallel  principles  in  France  as 
described  by  M.  Male. 

F^irst  of  all  we  must  recognize  that  when  we  speak  of 
Lombard  iconography  we  are  not  speaking  of  one  thing,  but 
of  several  things.  During  the  centuries  which  pass  under  our 
survey  the  art  of  image  Avriting  passed  from  an  extremely  crude 
and  embryonic  stage  to  a  point  of  development  that  in  some 
respects  is  almost  the  equal  of  that  attained  in  the  Ile-de-France. 
We  have  to  do,  therefore,  with  an  art  which  is  continually 
growing.  What  is  true  in  one  age  will  not  necessarily  be  true 
in  another  age.  We  shall  be  obliged  not  only  to  discover  Avhat 
were  the  subjects  represented,  but  at  what  time  thej^  first  appear, 
and  what  changes  were  subsequently  wrought  in  the  manner 

319 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

of  representation.  As  a  general  rule  there  is  comijaratively  little 
serious  iconography  anterior  to  the  year  1100  extant  in  Lom- 
bardy.  During  the  XII  century  the  art  of  image  writing 
underwent  a  remarkable  evolution,  but  it  was  only  at  the  very 
end  of  the  XII  centurj-  that 'it  attained  its  full  development. 

Another  point  of  cardinal  importance  which  must  be  borne 
in  mind  in  the  study  of  Lombard  iconography  is  the  fact  that 
the  frescoed  decorations  of  the  walls  and  the  mosaics  of  the 
pavements  formed  an  essential  and  vital  part  of  the  iconographic 
scheme  of  the  Lombard  church.  Since  the  former  have  almost 
entirel)',  and  the  latter  have  very  largely,  perished,  it  is  impossible 
for  us  to  reconstitute  any  definite  conception  of  the  iconography 
as  a  whole.  It  is  extremely  probable  that  if  we  knew  more  of 
fresco  decoration  we  should  have  radically  to  alter  many  of  the 
conclusions  to  which  the  study  of  extant  sculpture  has  led  us. 
The  church  of  S.  Vincenzo  at  Galliano,  for  example,  proves  that 
a  completely  developed  iconographic  scheme  in  fresco  was 
developed  early  in  the  XI  century,  that  is  to  say,  nearly  a 
century  before  we  find  anything  similar  in  sculpture.  If  more 
of  the  fresco  decoration  of  the  earlier  centuries  was  extant  we 
should  doubtless  discover  that  many  subjects  which  now  appear 
to  have  been  used  only  at  a  very  late  date,  were,  in  reality, 
depicted  in  fresco  many  centuries  earlier.  The  iconographic 
scheme  of  the  Lombard  chm-ch  was,  moreover,  extended  to  the 
tapestries  and  hangings,  which  were  in  use  from  an  early  period.' 
Thus  the  entire  church  from  the  pavement  to  the  roof  was 
combined  into  a  whole  of  iconographic  content;  into  a  written 
book  in  which  the  faithful  might  read  the  entire  story  of 
redemption." 

1  See  the  important  and  detailed  description  of  a  tapestry  of  1193  at  S.  Sisto 
of  Piacenza.  (Joliannis  de  Muzzis,  Chronicon  Placentinum,  ed.  Muratori,  R.  I.  S., 
XVI,  623). 

-  Decorantur  ecclesiae  caelaturis,  picturis  et  tornatilibus  sculpturis,  quae  a  tabcr- 
naculo  Moysis,  vel  templo  Salotnonis  formam  accipiunt;  sculpsit  nam  Moyses  duo 
cherubim;  sculpsit  et  Salomon,  sed  et  parietes  caelaturis,  et  torno,  et  picturis  ornavit. 
Fiunt  autem  hujusmodi,  ut  non  solum  sint  ornatus  ecclesiarum,  sed  etiam  litterae 
laicorum.  "Qua?cunque  enim  scripta,"  vel  sculpta  sunt,  "ad  nostram  doctrinam  scripta 
sunt"  (Rom.  15).  Litterse,  inquam,  rememorativas  praeteritorum,  indicativae  praesentium 
et  futurorum.     Praeteritorum,  ut  historiarum  et  visionum;  praesentium  ut  virtutum  et 

320 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  LOilBARD  ICONOGRAPHY 

In  order  to  render  intelligible  the  Bible  of  the  Poor,  the 
Church  found  it  essential  from  a  very  early  period  to  adopt 
certain  conventions.  These  rules  of  iconography  never  reached 
in  Lombardy  the  high  development  that  they  attained  in  the 
Ile-de-France,  and  were  never  as  rigidly  observed.  They 
nevertheless  existed.  Siccardo,  bishop  of  Cremona,  who  flour- 
ished in  the  last  half  of  the  XII  centurj',  has  left  us  an  explana- 
tion of  certain  of  these  rules  which  we  cannot  do  better  than  to 
summarize.  John  the  Baptist,  he  says,  is  represented  as  a 
hermit.  ]Mart3'rs  are  given  the  instruments  of  their  passion — 
as  Lawrence  the  grate,  or  Stephen,  stones — or  are  represented 
with  palms,  for  the  palm  is  the  emblem  of  victory,  being  given 
to  those  who  have  conquered.  Just  as  the  palm  remains  green 
in  the  winter  time,  the  memorj'  of  martyrs  never  seres.  The  palm 
narrow  at  the  base  spreads  out  aloft;  thus  martj^rs  tortured  on 
earth,  are  rewarded  in  heaven.  Wherefore  the  psalmist  says: 
the  just  shall  flourish  like  the  palm-tree.^ 

Confessors  also  are  depicted  with  their  appropriate  attri- 
butes; bishoj^s  with  mitres,  abbots  with  cowls,  doctors  with  books 
in  their  hands,  and  virgins,  in  reference  to  the  parable  of  the 
gospel,  with  lamps.  Confessors  are,  moreover,  often  given  lilies, 
for  the  lily  is  the  emblem  of  chastity.  Sometimes  other  flowers 
and  fruits  are  mixed  with  the  lilies  to  represent  the  fruit  of  good 
works  which  springs  from  the  roots  of  virtue. 

Christ  is  represented  with  the  nimbus  and  the  aureole,  both 
of  which  are  a  kind  of  crown,  because  he  was  three  times  crowned. 
First  by  His  mother  with  the  crown  of  mercy  on  the  day  of  His 
conception,  then  by  man  with  the  crown  of  thorns,  symbol  of  our 
sins,  and  finally  by  the  Father  on  the  day  of  resurrection.  The 
aureole  signifies  the  glory  of  the  body  that  has  passed  to 
immortalitv.  It  is  represented  like  a  round  shield  because  the 
psalmist  says:  O  Lord,  thou  hast  cro^^iied  us,  as  with  a  shield 
of  thy  good  will,*     All  the  saints  are  represented  with  halos, 

vitiorum;  futurorum  ut  poenarum  et  praemiorum  .  .  .  picta  in  scalarum  ascensu, 
ascensionem;  picta  in  solio  excelso,  praesentem  indicat  majestatem  et  potestatem  quasi 
dicatur:  Data  est  ei  omnis  potestas  in  coelo  et  in  terra.  (Sicardi,  ilitrale,  I,  ed.  Migne, 
Pat.  Lat.,  CCXIII,  42). 

3  Ps.,  xci,  13.  4  Ps.,  V,  13. 

321 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

but  the  nimbus  of  Christ  alone  is  inscribed  with  a  cross,  because 
by  the  cross  was  His  flesh  glorified,  and  we  liberated  from 
captivity  to  the  fruition  of  life. 

In  addition  there  are  represented  the  personification  of 
many  virtues.  For:  to  one  indeed,  by  the  Spirit,  is  given  the 
word  of  wisdom;  and  to  another,  the  word  of  knowledge,  accord- 
ing to  the  same  Spirit;  to  another,  faith  in  the  same  Spirit;  to 
another,  the  grace  of  healing  in  one  Spirit.^  For  charity,  joy, 
peace,  patience  and  magnanimity  are  the  ornaments  of  holy 
minds.  xVnd  these  virtues  are  presented  in  the  form  of  women, 
since  they  soften  and  nourish. 

Humbler  servants  of  Christ  who  have  adorned  the  Church 
not  by  their  doctrine,  but  only  by  their  virtues,  are  depicted  for 
the  sake  of  example.  Also  the  altars  of  the  church  are  adorned 
with  altar-cloths,  hangings  and  silk  embroideries,  all  decorated 
with  appropriate  images  relating  to  the  miracles  of  Christ  or 
to  future  glory." 

The  nimbus  and  the  aureole,  of  wliich  Siccardo  explains  so 
elaborately  the  symbolism,  were  probably  used  in  Lombard 
iconography  from  the  earliest  times.  The  aureole  and  the 
cruciform  nimbus  appear  in  the  altar  of  Ratchis  (Plate  3,  Fig.  2) 
in  the  first  half  of  the  YIII  century."  The  simple  halo  had  been 
in  use  ever  since  the  Early  Christian  artists  had  taken  it  over 
from  the  pagans.* 

The  law  of  hierarchical  precedence  was  not  always  strictly 
followed  in  Lombard  iconograph3\  It  has  been  observed  by 
Mr.  Frothingham  that  the  place  of  honour  according  to  the 
Byzantine  tradition  was  to  the  right  of  the  central  figure,  but 
according  to  the  Latin  tradition,  to  the  left.  In  Lombardy  the 
Byzantine  tradition  normally  prevails,  but  in  certain  instances 
the  Latin  tradition  Avas  preferred.  Thus  Peter  is  placed  to  the 
left,  not  to  the  right,  of  Christ  at  S.  jNIichele  of  Pavia,  and  in 

5  I  Cor.,  xii,  8-9. 

6  Sicardi  Cremonensis  Episcopi,  Miirale,  I,  12,  ed.  Migne,  CCXIII,  42-44. 
"  The  idea  of  an  aureole  was  perhaps  first  inspired  by  Ezekiel,  i,  27-28. 

8  In  the  catacomb  frescos  there  is  one  doubtful  instance  of  a  nimbus  dating  from 
the  II  century,  eight  instances  of  the  IV  century  and  ten  of  later  times  (Lamberton 
in  American  Journal  of  Archwology,  XV,  522). 

322 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  LOMBARD  ICONOGRAPHY 

the  ciborii  of  Civate  and  S.  Ambrogio  of  jSIilan  (Plate  121, 
Fig.  2). 

The  custom  of  placing  scenes  from  the  Old  Testament  in 
parallel  with  scenes  from  the  New  Testament  had  been  prevalent 
from  an  early  period  in  Christian  iconography.  The  mosaics 
of  S.  Maria  JNIaggiore  at  Rome/  for  example,  are  arranged  on 
this  principle.  In  Lombardy,  however,  such  parallelism  was  but 
little  used.  Only  occasionally  do  we  find  it,  as  when  Guglielmo 
in  the  cathedral  of  INIodena  put  the  strife  of  Faith  and  Fraud 
according  to  Prudentius  opposite  Jacob  wrestling  with  the  angel 
(Plate  145,  Fig.  1),  or  when  Nicolo  and  Guglielmo  da  Verona 
placed  the  story  of  the  fall  of  man  in  parallel  with  that  of  his 
redemption  at  S.  Zeno  (Plate  230,  Fig.  1,2).  It  was  only  under 
the  influence  of  northern  France  that  Benedetto  developed  this 
motive  to  something  like  its  full  possibilities,  placing  symmeti'i- 
cally  apostles  and  prophets,  beatitudes  and  commandments,  the 
ages  of  the  world,  the  ages  of  man  and  the  works  of  mercy.'" 

In  fact  it  is  evident  that  Lombard  iconography  is  embrj-onic. 
The  principles  which  were  later  developed  to  such  high  perfection 
are  merely  taking  form.  Where  the  images  are  so  comparatively 
free  from  allegorj^  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  symbolic 
considerations  exercised  any  real  influence  upon  the  design  of 
the  architecture.  It  is  true  that  there  are  a  number  of  texts 
giving  elaborate  symbolical  explanations  of  the  various  parts  of 
the  building.'^  These  however  appear  to  be  interpretations 
imagined  after  the  building  had  been  completed.  The  only 
intentional  symbolism  which  can  be  demonstrated  to  have  been 
observed  by  the  builders  was  the  orientation  of  the  church.  The 
choir  or  sanctuary  was  turned  towards  the  east,  because  as 
Sant'Ambrogio  tells  us,  the  east  in  which  was  situated  the  Garden 
of  Eden,  symbolizes  Christ  who  poured  into  the  world  the  joy 
of  eternal  life.'" 

0  For  the  parallelism  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  see  Bede,  ed.  Migne,  Pat. 
Lot.,  XCIV,  720. 

10  For  the  influence  of  French  scholastic  philosophy,  and  especially  of  Hugh 
of  St.  Victor  in  Italy,  see  Salimbene,  ad  ann.  1243,  ed.  Parma,  1857,  59. 

11  See  especially  Sicardi,  Miirale,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCXIII,  19,  20. 

12  S.  Ambrosii,  Liber  de  Paradiso,  3,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  300. 

323 


CHAPTER  II.     BESTIARY  ANIMALS 

The  Middle  Age,  perhaps  more  than  any  other  period,  was 
fascinated  by  animals,  and  especially  fabulous  animals.  As 
writers  of  to-day  love  to  compose  ininatural  histories,  the 
medi;vval  authors,  and  the  artists  as  well,  brooded  long  and 
thoughtfully  over  the  forms  of  animal  life.  ^Vhen  means  of 
accurate  information  were  lacking,  thejs  just  as  we  moderns, 
resorted  to  tradition,  to  conjecture  and  to  imagination,  with  this 
difference,  liowever,  that  their  flights  of  fancy  were  infinitely 
more  poetic  and  finer  than  ours. 

-  Tlie  Lombard  period  may  be  considered  the  childhood  of 
the  JNIiddle  Ages,  and  as  unusual  beasts  exercise  a  peculiar 
fascination  over  the  imagination  of  children,  the  people  of  that 
age  seem  to  have  felt  an  extraordinary  curiositj^  and  enthusiasm 
for  all  that  was  bizarre  in  animal  life.  The  taste,  it  is  true, 
was  not  new  with  them.  Long  before,  the  Physiologus  had 
compiled  those  strange  stories  of  the  bestiaries  in  which  were 
gathered  together  from  Antiquitj^  and  the  early  Middle  Ages 
their  most  fabulous  and  poetic  imaginings  upon  the  world  of 
nature.  Grave  doctors  of  the  church,  like  St.  Ambrose'  and 
Isidore  of  Seville"  had  sententiously  moralized  upon  these 
extravagant  stories,  and  had  embellished  them  with  ingenious 
symbolic  interpretations. 

From  time  to  time  exotic  animals  were  brought  into  Italy, 
and  awakened  the  liveliest  interest  as  is  diligently  recorded  by 
the  chroniclers.  Wild  horses  and  wild  cattle  caused  much  stir  as 
early  as  595.^  An  elephant  was  brought  to  Vercelli  in  801.' 
Salimbene  records  that  in  1229  a  veritable  menagerie  was  col- 

1  S.  Ambrosii,  Bexwrneron,  Lib.  V,  ed.  Mipne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  219  f. 

2  Etymologiarum,  Lib.  XII,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  i23. 

3  Turn  primum  equi  syluestres  et  bubali  in  Italia  adducti  ingens  ipsius  rei 
nouitate  spectaculum  praebuerunt.     (Sigonio,  35). 

*  Sigonio,  160. 

824 


BESTIARY  ANIMALS 

lected.'  In  1235  the  emperor  Frederick  II  sent  to  Lombardy 
an  elephant,  several  dromedaries  and  camels,  many  leopards, 
many  falcons  and  hawks.  The  delighted  chroniclers  devote  as 
much  space  to  the  description  of  these  wonders  as  to  the  most 
important  events  of  world  politics,  and  Salimbene  solemnly 
assures  us  that  he  actually  beheld  them  with  his  own  eyes.* 

In  view  of  this  temper  of  the  Lombard  people  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the  Lombard  artists  occupied  themselves  much 
with  the  representation  of  animals,  especially  as  such  subjects 
were  particularly  congenial  to  the  wild  and  fantastic  character 
of  their  art.  These  representations  were  not  infrequently 
inspired  by  the  bestiaries. 

The  asp  or  aspic,  according  to  the  bestiary,  is  a  serpent  whom 
man  tries  to  catch  by  singing  to  him.  But  the  aspic  (who  is  a 
symbol  of  sinful  man)  presses  one  ear  to  the  ground  (that  is, 
worldl}^  desires)  and  stops  the  other  with  his  tail  (carnal 
pleasures).  Thus  he  does  not  hear  the  voice  of  the  entrapper 
(the  preacher).  According  to  another  version,  the  female 
receives  the  semen  of  the  male  in  her  ear,  and  from  her  ear  the 
young  are  born.  Thus  the  infidels  receive  willingly  the  word  of 
God,  but  disobediently  alter  and  disguise  what  they  have  heard. 

The  basilisk  has  such  a  nature  that  when  he  has  passed  the 
seventh  year  of  his  age,  he  feels  an  egg  grow  in  his  stomach. 
Thereupon  he  is  amazed  at  himself,  and  suffers  the  greatest  pain 
a  beast  can  suffer.  So  he  goes  and  digs  a  hole  in  the  ground. 
The  toad  is  of  such  a  nature  that  he  smells  the  egg  which  the 
basilisk  carries,  and  as  soon  as  it  is  laid,  goes  to  cover  it.  The 
young  basilisk  hatches  out  with  the  head,  neck  and  breast  of  a 
cock  and  the  tail  of  a  serpent.  He  then  goes  to  live  in  a  crack 
in  a  cistern.  Here  he  acquires  such  a  nature  that  if  a  man  see 
him  first,  he  dies;  but  if  he  see  the  man  first,  the  man  dies.  He 
throws  his  venom,  and  kills  birds.  This  animal,  like  the  lion,  is 
formidable  and  powerful,  and  if  he  passes  along  the  ground, 
wherever  he  goes  the  soil  becomes  barren.  Yet  the  beast  is 
beautiful.    He  is  in  fact  the  symbol  of  the  Devil,  and  is  the  very 

5  Ad  ann.  1229,  ed.  Parma,  1857,  17.  «  Ed.  Parma,  1857,  47. 

325 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

serpent  who  tempted  Adam  and  Eve,  for  which  he  was  banished 
from  Paradise  into  the  cistern  of  Hell.  ^VTio  wants  to  kill  the 
basilisk  must  cover  himself  with  a  crystal  of  glass,  so  that  the 
beast  cannot  see  what  is  in  it,  for  he  throws  his  poison  with  his 
eyes,  and  if  it  strikes  against  the  glass  it  rebounds  upon  the 
basilisk  himself.  The  vessel  of  glass  signifies  the  Virgin  in  whose 
womb  Christ  was  enclosed.^ 

The  aspic  and  the  basilisk  are  represented  together  so  far 
as  I  know  only  once  in  Lombard  iconography — in  the  Porta 
Reggia  of  the  cathedral  of  jSIodena,  a  monument  which  dates 
from  the  XIII  century.  Thejj^  are  associated  with  the  lion  and 
the  dragon,  and  above  is  inscribed  the  familiar  quotation :  Thou 
shalt  walk  upon  the  asp  and  the  basilisk,  thou  shalt  trample  imder 
foot  the  lion  and  the  dragon.'  The  basilisk  is  represented  with 
a  cock's  head,  wings  and  feet,  a  serpent's  tail.  The  aspic  has  an 
animal's  head,  bird's  wing  and  serpent's  tail.  He  is  not  repre- 
sented as  stopping  his  ears.  It  is  evidently  this  same  animal, 
the  aspic,  that  is  shoAvn  as  being  trampled  upon  by  the  Lamb 
in  the  Porta  dei  Principi  of  this  same  cathedral  (c.  1120).  In 
both  cases  the  symbolism  is  evidently  similar;  it  is  Christ  who 
overcomes  sin.  The  dragon  is  depicted  in  the  Porta  Reggia  in 
an  almost  identical  form.° 

Of  all  classical  animals  there  was  none  which  impressed  the 
Middle  Ages  as  profoundly  as  the  centaur.  This  grotesque 
figure,  half  man,  half  horse,  Avas  particularly  congenial  to  the 
artists  of  Lombardy,  always  barbaric  at  heart.  The  centaur 
which  gave  its  name  also  to  a  constellation^"  (represented  by 
Xicolo  at  Sagra  S.  IMichele)  was  interpreted  symbolically  by  the 
Christians.*'     It  even  became  the  subject  of  a  bestiary  story, 

'  Cahier  et  Martin,  IV,  213.  My  friend  Prof.  Milton  Garver  informs  me  that 
in  the  Italian  bestiaries  the  aspic  is  represented  as  guarding  the  balsam  tree.  He  is 
so  cruel  that  man  can  not  approach  to  get  the  balsam,  wherefore  he  tries  to  put  the 
aspic  asleep  by  music,  but  the  beast  is  too  cute,  and  sticks  his  tail  in  one  ear  and  puts 
the  other  tight  to  the  ground  so  that  he  can  not  hear.  He  is  likened  to  people  who 
stop  their  ears  so  that  they  do  not  hear  the  word  of  God. 

8  Ps.,  xc,  13.  9  See  also  Is.,  xi,  8. 

10  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymotogiarum,  III,  81,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  182. 

"  Isidore  of  Seville,  Allegoria,  152,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  118;  Evans, 
31T;  Dante,  Inferno,  XII,  55  f. 

326 


i 


BESTIARY  ANIMALS 

which  relates  how  the  centaur  wages  war  against  a  race  of  horned 
men,  and  is  a  symbol  of  the  Christian/^  It  is  evidently  this 
bestiary  story  which  is  depicted  in  the  pavement  of  the  Campo 
Santo  at  Cremona  (Plate  85,  Fig.  1).  The  centaur  is  repre- 
sented not  as  half  man,  half  horse,  but  as  a  man  with  a  horse's 
head.  His  opponent  has  not  only  horns  but  a  tail.  In  this  mosaic 
there  appears  to  be  intentional  parallelism  between  the  figure 
of  the  centaur  and  Faith  in  the  Psychomachia  just  below.  In 
the  pavement  of  Bobbio  the  centaur  is  represented  as  at  Cremona, 
but  his  opponent  is  not  the  horned  man  of  the  bestiary  story  but 
the  ChimEera.  In  a  capital  of  Vezzolano  (1189)  a  centaur  of 
the  usual  form  is  represented  as  shooting  a  man  with  a  shield. 
This  also  probably  has  reference  to  the  bestiary  story.  Generally, 
however,  the  centaurs  (possibly  by  confusion  with  Sagittarius) 
shoot  animals — stags  at  S.  Maria  del  Tiglio  of  Gravedona — 
c.  1135 — (Plate  100,  Fig.  2)  and  in  a  capital  of  the  cathedral 
of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150),  a  lion  with  a  man's  head  in  the  Porta 
dei  Principi  at  Modena  (c.  1120).''  At  Fornovo  (c.  1200)  a 
centaur  shooting  arrows  is  represented  as  ridden  by  another 
figure  which  holds  arrows.  The  centaur  is  also  very  frequentlj' 
represented  alone,  as  in  the  capital  of  S.  Ambrogio  of  INIilan 
(Plate  120,  Fig.  3),  in  the  mosaic  of  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza 
(1107),  in  the  capitals  of  S.  Eustorgio  of  Milan  (Plate  127, 
Fig.  5),  of  Piacenza  (1122-c.  1150)  or  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150) 
or  in  the  pontile  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona. 

The  camel  described  by  Isidore  of  Seville'*  is,  according  to 
the  bestiaries,  the  most  luxurious  of  all  animals.  He  willingly 
journeys  a  hundred  miles  merely  to  see  a  female,  yet  he  has  so 
much  moderation  and  temperance  in  his  character,  that  no  matter 
how  much  he  is  with  his  mother  or  sisters  he  never  touches  them. 

12  Martin  et  Cahier,  IV,  76. 

13  Centaurs  are  represented  shooting  lions  at  St.-Trophimes  of  Aries,  St.-Gilles, 
and  in  the  crucifixion  window  of  Poitiers.  In  the  latter  instance,  however,  the  beast 
shot  may  not  be  a  lion.  At  St.-GiUes  the  centaur  is  also  represented  shooting  a  stag 
(Plate  229,  Fig.  1). 

iiEtijmologiarum,  XII,  i,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lot.,  LXXXII,  129. 

327 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

He  moreover  possesses  a  singular  desire  to  return  to  that  place 
where  he  has  first  enjoyed  sexual  intercourse.'" 

The  camel  is  represented  twice  in  extant  Ijombard  monu- 
ments. In  the  mosaic  of  the  cathedral  of  Acqui,  executed  in 
10G7,  he  is  shown  as  being  shot  bj^  a  man  with  bow  and  arrow. 
This  fantastic  representation  seems  to  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  animal  stories.  The  second  representation  in  the  mosaic  of 
the  Campo  Santo  of  Cremona  (1107-1117)  may  have  been 
inspired  by  the  legends  or  even  bj'  the  animal  itself,  since  it  is  not 
impossible  that  camels  may  have  come  to  Cremona  before  1235. 

The  bestiary  tells  us  that  the  stag  is  of  such  a  nature  that 
he  draws  to  himself  from  underground,  or  from  the  crevices  of 
the  rock,  great  serpents,  and  eats  them,  and  takes  much  of  their 
venom  into  his  bodj'.  Afterwards  he  goes  with  great  eagerness 
to  a  fountain,  and  fills  his  belly  with  Avater,  and  thus  he  over- 
comes the  poison  and  makes  himself  young,  and  sheds  his  horns. 
Thus  ought  also  we  to  do  when  there  is  in  us  luxury  or  hate  or 
wrath  or  avarice  or  other  sins;  we  should  run  to  the  living 
fountain,  that  is,  to  Christ."  Stags  are  represented  eating 
serpents  in  a  carved  slab  of  the  cathedral  of  Aosta  which  dates 
from  c.  1010  (Plate  12,  Fig.  1). 

The  dog  was  an  animal  which  drew  much  attention  from 
almost  all  the  medifeval  writers  on  animals."  In  general  the 
fidelity  of  the  animal  is  insisted  upon,  and  this  trait  possibly  gives 
some  indication  of  the  meaning  of  the  fragmentary  inscription 
of  the  mosaic  at  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (1107),  which  ends  with 
the  exclamation,  pessime  tu  fur.  Above  the  inscription  are 
represented  two  dogs,  their  necks  embraced  by  a  single  collar, 
their  tails  in  their  mouths  (Plate  183).  In  the  pavement  of  the 
Campo  Santo  at  Cremona  (1107-1117)  are  represented  two 
similar  dogs  standing  on  their  hind  legs,  their  necks  encircled 

i^  Fiore  di  Virtii,  Cap.  27;  Bartholomasus  de  Glanvilla,  XVIII,  18;  Vincent  de 
Beauvais,  XVIII,  25;  Varnhagen,  534. 

i«  M.  S.  Garver,  K.  McKenzie,  II  Bestiario  Toscano,  Roma,  Society  Filologica 
Romana,  1912,  66. 

1' S.  Ambrosii,  Hexameron,  VI,  C,  17,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  263;  Isidore 
of  SeviUe,  Eti/mologiarum,  XII,  2,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat'  LXXXII,  438;  Cahier  et 
Martin,  IV,  75;  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  28. 

328 


BESTIARY  ANIMALS 

by  a  single  collar  (Plate  85,  Fig.  2).  Next  to  them  are  two 
other  dogs  facing  each  other  with  entwined  tails  which  end  in 
leaves  (Plate  85,  Fig.  2).  In  the  mosaic  of  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel 
d'Oro  of  Pavia  (1132)  there  are  also  represented  two  dogs  on 
their  hind  legs.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  motive  was  a 
frequent  one  in  Lombard  mosaics.  I  have  been  able  however 
to  find  nothing  in  the  bestiaries  to  explain  such  representations; 
it  is  entirely  possible  that,  as  in  the  case  of  the  cat  on  the  capital 
of  Piacenza  (1122-1150),  the  artists  were  merelj'^  extemporizing 
on  natural  forms. 

According  to  the  bestiary  the  eagle  has  two  natures.  The 
first  is  that  he  makes  trial  of  his  little  ones  to  see  if  they  can  fix 
their  eyes  upon  the  sun,  as  he  is  able  to  do,  and  if  they  can,  he 
knows  that  they  are  his  veritable  offspring.  The  second  nature 
is  that  when  he  is  old,  he  flies  as  high  in  the  air  as  he  can,  so  that 
the  heat  of  the  sun  burns  all  his  feathers.  Then  he  plunges 
himself  three  times  in  a  fountain,  and  thus  his  youth  is  renewed. 
The  eagle  who  looks  at  the  sun  is  the  symbol  of  man  who  beholds 
God.  Therefore,  the  evangelist  St.  John  is  represented  as  an 
eagle,  because  he  more  than  any  other  beheld  the  divine  mystery. 
As  the  eagle  renews  his  youth  in  the  fountain,  thus  is  the  faith 
of  man  renewed  by  baptism.'* 

In  Lombard  iconography  the  eagle  is  frequently  repre- 
sented, though  never  with  unmistakable  reference  to  the  bestiary 
stories.  He  appears  most  commonly  as  a  symbol  of  the 
evangelist  St.  John.'"  He  is  also  often  represented  in  capitals 
of  Corinthianesque  type  dating  from  the  end  of  the  XI  or  the 
XII  century,  as  at  Calvenzano,  Montefiascone  (Plate  151, 
Fig.  2),  S.  Fedele  of  Como  (Plate  63,  Fig.  8),  S.  Maria 
Maggiore  of  Bergamo  (Plate  22,  Fig.  7),  and  in  many  other 
examples.  Whether  the  eagles  in  such  capitals  have  reference 
to  the  bestiarj^  story,  or  are  merely  copied  from  Roman  capitals 
(for  eagles  were  frequently  introduced  in  classic  Corinthian 
capitals)  it  is  difficult  to  say.  In  the  pavement  of  S.  Tommaso 
of  Reggio  an  eagle  was  represented  and  labelled  (c.  1110). 

Of  all  the  bestiary  animals  the  elephant  is  perhaps  the  most 

18  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  57.  !»  See  below,  p.  341. 

329 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

remarkable.  This  peculiar  beast  is  deprived  of  both  sexual  desire 
and  joints  in  liis  legs.  If  he  wants  to  make  little  ones,  he  goes 
to  the  East  near  tlie  Garden  of  Eden.  There  grows  a  tree  which 
is  called  IMandragora,  and  the  female  elephant  takes  of  the  tree, 
and  gives  it  to  the  male,  and  seduces  him  to  eat.  Immediately 
the  female  conceives.  When  her  time  is  fulfilled,  she  goes  to  a 
pool  and  stands  in  water  up  to  her  belly.  The  male  elephant 
watches  her  while  she  brings  forth,  since  the  dragon  is  their 
enemy.  If  a  serpent  comes,  the  male  elephant  tramples  upon 
him  until  he  is  dead.  INIoreover,  such  is  the  nature  of  the  elephant, 
that  if  he  falls  he  can  not  rise.  Hoav  does  he  fall?  When  he 
leans  against  a  tree  to  sleep.  For  the  hunter  who  wishes  to  catch 
him,  saws  the  tree  nearly  through,  so  that  if  the  elephant  leans 
against  it  the  tree  falls  and  the  elephant  too.  When  he  has 
fallen,  he  weeps  and  cries  out.  Immediately  a  great  elephant 
comes,  but  can  not  raise  him;  then  both  call  and  twelve  more 
elephants  come,  but  still  can  not  raise  the  one  who  has  fallen. 
Then  all  cry  out,  and  a  little  elephant  comes  and  raises  the  fallen 
one  with  his  trunk.  The  big  elephant  and  his  wife  are  Adam 
and  Eve  who  knew  not  copulation  until  Eve  ate  of  the  fruit  of 
the  tree.  And  the  elephant  Avho  falls  is  man  who  is  overthrown 
by  the  Devil,  and  the  great  elephant,  that  is  to  say  the  law,  could 
not  raise  him,  nor  could  the  twelve  prophets,  but  only  the  Child 
Jesus.^" 

The  elephant  is  not  infrequently  represented  in  Lombard 
iconograph}'.  He  appears  on  a  capital  of  Castell'Arquato  (1117- 
1122) ,  and  in  the  mosaic  pavements  of  Pomposa,  Cremona  (1107- 
1117)  and  Aosta  (c.  1110).  In  the  latter  example  the  front 
legs  are  shown  distinctly  without  joints.  In  addition  there  are 
two  singular  representations  of  the  elephant  carrying  a  tower 
or  castle  on  his  back,  one  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  S.  Salutore 
of  Turin,  the  other  in  the  pontile  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona.  I  have 
to  confess  that  I  am  unable  to  explain  the  meaning  of  these 
representations.  It  will  be  recalled  that  an  elephant  carrying 
a  castle  occurs  on  the  coat  of  arms  of  the  city  of  Padova,  and  that 
tliis  form  is  frequently  given  to  the  castle  in  the  game  of  chess. 

20  Martin  et  Cahier,  IV,  57. 

330 


BESTIARY  ANIMALS 

According  to  the  Italian  bestiary  the  fox  has  such  a  nature 
that  when  he  is  hungry  he  goes  to  a  field,  and  lies  down  on  his 
back,  and  sticks  out  his  tongue;  and  when  the  crows  and  rooks 
see  him  they  believe  he  is  dead,  and  come  to  eat  him.  But  the  fox 
opens  his  mouth  and  eats  them  instead."^ 

It  seems  to  be  an  elaboration  of  this  story  that  is  found  in 
the  Roman  du  Benard.  Renard  the  fox,  ill  with  rage  and 
mortification  at  having  lost  all,  including  even  his  clothes,  at 
game,  takes  to  his  bed.  He  revives  to  eat  a  little  supper,  and 
takes  a  warm  bath,  but  nevertheless  sends  for  Bernart,  the  arch- 
priest,  to  administer  extreme  unction.  He  appears  to  grow 
steadily  worse,  and  seems  to  be  dying.  IMessengers  are  sent  in 
all  directions,  and  the  mourners  assemble.  Bernart  officiates  at 
the  vigils  assisted  by  Tibert  the  cat,  Chantecler  the  cock,  Brun 
the  bear,  Pinte  the  hen,  and  others.  The  animals  soon  grow 
wearj'  at  the  wake.  First  they  begin  to  quarrel,  then  they  decide 
to  play  and  drink.  At  daybreak  Bernart  has  the  bells  tolled,  and 
the  body  of  Renard  is  carried  to  the  minster  and  laid  before  the 
altar.  Bernart  preaches  a  sermon  full  of  delicious  satire  praising 
Renard's  upright  and  honest  character.  The  king  commands 
Brun  the  bear  to  dig  the  grave  for  Renard.  Chantecler  censes 
the  body.  Brichemer  the  stag  carries  the  bier,  and  Ysengrins 
the  wolf  precedes  bearing  the  cross.  Couart  the  hare,  and  Tibert 
carry  lighted  candles.  The  corpse  is  lowered  into  the  grave  and 
Brun  has  just  begun  to  throw  in  earth,  when  Renard  opens  his 
eyes.  He  suddenly  jumps  out  of  the  grave,  and  devours 
Chantecler  censer  and  all.^" 

Closely  related  to  these  stories  was  a  fable  wliich  must  have 
been  extremely  pojiular  in  Lombardy  in  the  XII  century,  since 
it  is  frequently  sculptured  on  the  churches.  Chickens  in  stately 
procession  are  seen  carrying  a  dead  fox  on  a  bier,  but  in  a 
subsequent  scene  the  fox  comes  to  life  and  eats  the  chickens.  This 
legend  was  represented  twice  on  the  pontile  (c.  1190),  and  once 
on  the  facade  (1138)  of  S.  Zeno  at  Verona,  in  the  pavement  of 
S.  Maria  INIaggiore  of  Vercelli- (1148),  and  in  the  Porta  della 

21  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  61.     See  also  Varnhagen,  530. 

22  Branch  XVII,  Roman  du  Renard,  ed.  Martin,  II,  197  f. 

331 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Pescheria  (c.  1160)  of  the  cathedral  of  Modena  (Plate  144, 
Fig.  3).  It  is  also  common  outside  of  Lombardy,  being  found 
in  the  pavements  of  S.  Donato  of  Murano,"  and  S.  JSIarco  of 
Venice  and  in  the  sculptures  of  St.-Ursin  at  Bourges."  The 
sculptures  at  INIarienhafen  seem  to  follow  almost  exacth'  the 
story  in  the  lioman  du  Ucnard.''^  It  is  indeed  probable  that  the 
stories  afterwards  collected  in  the  lioman  were  current  in  Europe 
from  an  early  period.  They  appear  to  have  been  represented 
in  the  pavement  of  Acquanegra  (c.  1100),  although  the  frag- 
mentary condition  of  this  mosaic  unfortunately  makes  it  impos- 
sible to  identify  with  certainty  the  scenes  depicted.  The  two 
cocks  represented  facing  a  vase  in  the  lintel  of  Castelletto  d'Orba 
(c.  1130)  are  doubtless  purely  decorative  and  fanciful,  and  have 
no  reference  to  animal  stories. 

The  lion,  according  to  the  bestiaries,  has  three  natures. 
First,  he  lives  among  the  mountains  and  when  the  hunters  come 
upon  him  he  obliterates  his  tracks  with  his  tail  so  they  can  not 
follow  him  to  his  den.  Thus  Our  Lord,  the  lion  of  the  tribe  of 
Juda,  covered  His  tracks,  that  is,  concealed  His  divinity,  until 
He  descended  into  the  womb  of  the  Virgin,  that  is,  His  den.  The 
second  nature  of  the  lion  is  that  he  sleeps  with  his  eyes  open. 
Thus  Christ  slept  upon  the  cross  and  in  the  tomb,  but  His 
divinity  watched.""  The  third  nature  of  the  lion  is  that  his  little 
ones  are  born  dead,  and  remain  thus  for  three  days,  when  the 
father  comes  and  breathes  upon  them.  Then  the  little  lions  come 
to  life.  Thus  Christ  rose  on  the  third  day  from  death  at  the 
command  of  His  Father. 

Thus  a  lion  was  generallj'  imderstood  as  a  symbol  of  Christ." 
It  is  probably  for  this  reason  that  from  the  time  of  Guglielmo 
da  Modena  onwards,  lions  were  used  as  bases  for  the  columns 
of  Lombard  porches.  For  it  is  on  Christ  that  the  Church  is 
founded.  The  two  lions  which  support  the  columns  of  the 
Lombard  porch  of  the  Pfarrkirche  at  Bozen   (Austria)    are  of 

23Aus'm  Weerth,  IG. 

-*  Cahier  et  Martin,  Nouveaux  Melanges,  Curiositds,  222  f. 

=5  Evans,  235.  20  Cahier  et  Martin,  II,  106  f. 

27  Sicardi,  Mitrale,  I,  12,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCXIII,  41. 

832 


BESTIARY  ANIMALS 

Verona  marble,  and  were  probably'  manufactured  in  Lombardy 
early  in  the  XIII  century.  At  the  base  of  the  jambs  on  the 
south  side  is  carved  a  lion  pouncing  upon  an  asp.  The  asp,  as 
we  have  seen,  is  the  symbol  of  sin,  so  the  lion  who  destroys  the 
asp  is  Christ  who  overcomes  sin.  An  unintelligent  copy  of  figures 
with  this  symbolism  perhaps  resulted  in  the  production  of  the 
curious  animals  seen  in  many  Lombard  porches.  Both  the  lion 
and  the  animal  he  holds  in  his  paws  undergo  many  fantastic,  and 
apparently  unmeaning,  variations. 

The  ostrich,  according  to  the  bestiary,  lays  her  egg  in  the 
sand,  and  fixes  her  eye  upon  a  certain  star  in  the  heavens,  and 
when  she  has  seen  the  star,  she  forgets  about  her  egg,  which  is 
hatched  out  by  the  power  of  the  sun.  In  this  the  ostrich  teaches 
man  what  he  should  do ;  for  we  ought  to  raise  our  eyes  to  heaven, 
and  forget  the  vainglory  of  the  world. "^  The  ostrich  is  repre- 
sented in  the  pavement  of  the  Campo  Santo  of  Cremona 
(Plate  85,  Fig.  2),  a  monimient  which  dates  from  1107-1117. 

The  bestiary  tells  us  that  when  the  panther  cries,  all  animals 
excepting  serpents  alone  come  to  her,  and  when  they  have  come 
she  takes  those  that  she  pleases  and  eats  them.  Thus,  the 
preacher  draws  to  himself  all  good  men,  but  wicked  men  like  the 
serpents  flee.  The  bestiary  story  of  the  panther"^  is  represented 
in  the  pavement  of  the  Duomo  of  Reggio  (c.  1090).  In  the 
same  pavement  was  probably  depicted  also  the  leopard,  which, 
according  to  the  bestiaries,  was  endowed  with  equally  marvellous 
characteristics.'" 

According  to  the  bestiaries  the  peacock  wakes  from  his  sleep 
to  cry,  believing  his  beauty  lost,"  and  is  the  symbol  of  prudence. 
In  Lombard  iconography,  however,  he  appears  onh'  in  Carlo- 
vingian  carvings,  that  is  to  say,  before  the  year  1000,  and  was 
probably  merely  a  decorative  imitation  of  the  symbolical  figures 
so  frequently  used  in  Early  Christian  art.'"  It  is  thus  for 
example  that  the  peacock  seems  to  be  used  at  Ferrara  (Plate  88, 

28  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  59.  -"  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  42. 

so  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  85.  3i  Cahier  et  Martin,  II,  161. 

S2  Tlie  peacock  is  represented  twenty-two  times  in  catacomb  frescos  of  the  I-IV 
centuries.     See  Lamberton  in  American  Journal  of  Archcrology,  XV,  518. 

833 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Fig.  4),  Villanova  (Plate  241,  Fig.  1)  and  in  the  sarcophagus 
of  Teodote  (Plate  167,  Fig.  1). 

The  pelican  has  such  a  nature  that  she  kills  her  little  ones 
and  thej^  lie  dead  for  three  days,  and  after  this  she  comes  and 
pecks  her  side  and  anoints  them  with  her  hlood.  Thereupon  the 
little  ones  are  revived.  The  pelican  is  a  symbol  of  the  Creator 
who  redeemed  fallen  humanity  by  His  blood."  The  story  of  the 
pelican,  so  common  in  mediaeval  art,  appears  to  have  been 
represented  in  Lombardy  much  less  frequently  than  elsewhere. 
The  only  extant  example  I  know  is  to  be  found  in  the  pulpit  of 
S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan.  The  theme  was  formerly  represented 
in  the  destroyed  pavement  of  Novara. 

The  phcenix,  according  to  the  bestiaries,  lives  for  five 
hundred  years,  and  when  she  is  old,  she  goes  and  gathers  wood 
and  builds  a  pyre  in  a  place  where  the  sun  is  very  hot.  Then  she 
goes  within  this  pyre  and  beats  her  wings,  and  thus  she  kindles 
the  wood,  and  she  burns,  and  from  the  ashes  is  born  a  worm  which 
afterwards  becomes  a  phoenix.  The  phoenix  is  thus  the  symbol 
of  immortality."*  She  is  represented  seated  in  a  palm-tree  in 
a  Carlovingian  sculpture  of  JModena."' 

The  Italian  bestiary  tells  us  that  the  siren  is  a  creature  half 
woman,  half  fish.  She  has  so  sweet  a  song  that  when  a  man  hears 
it,  he  falls  asleep,  and  when  the  siren  sees  him  asleep  she  comes 
upon  him  and  kills  him.  The  siren  is  a  symbol  of  those  women 
who  deceive  men  that  become  enamoured  of  them.'"  Sirens  were 
therefore  symbols  of  the  vice  of  luxury.  A  siren  sculptured  upon 
a  capital  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia  (c.  1120)  is  repre- 
sented with  breasts  eaten  by  serpents,  like  the  personification  of 
Luxury  in  the  porch  of  Moissac  (Plate  94,  Fig.  5).  The  siren 
was  very  frequently  represented  on  Lombard  capitals  of  the  last 
quarter  of  the  XI  century  and  the  first  half  of  the  XII  century, 

33  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  51.  sj  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  51. 

85  Bortolotti,  Tav.  II,  n.  9,  and  p.  95.  In  Greek  the  same  word,  (poivi^,  signified 
both  the  phoenix  and  the  palm-tree.  Thus  the  two  came  to  be  associated  as  symbols 
of  immortality   (Evans,  127-128). 

36  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  37;  Varnhagen,  525-526;  Evans,  3H;  Martin  et 
Cahier,  II,  172;  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarum,  XII,  3,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
LXXXII,  423;  Is.,  xiii,  22;  Enoch,  xix,  2. 

884 


BESTIARY  ANIMALS 

as  at  Sagra  S.  Michele  (Plate  196A,  Fig.  1),  Cascina  S.  Trinita, 
the  cathedral  of  Parma  and  many  other  instances  that  might  be 
named.  They  are  depicted  also  in  the  mosaic  pavements  of  the 
Duomo  of  Reggio,  of  Pieve  Terzagni  and  S.  Salutore  of  Turin, 
as  well  as  in  the  arched  corbel-tables  of  Rubbiano. 

The  unicorn,  according  to  the  bestiaries,  although  the  fiercest 
of  animals  is  so  luxurious  that  when  he  sees  a  virgin,  he  goes 
and  throws  himself  in  her  lap  and  thus  falls  asleep.  It  is  in  this 
manner  that  the  hunters  take  him  and  kill  him.  Thus  Christ 
was  taken  by  the  hunter,  man,  in  the  womb  of  the  Virgin,  Mary." 
The  story  of  the  unicorn  is  represented  several  times  in  Lombard 
iconography — at  Lodi  Vecchio  ?  (c.  1050),  in  the  mosaic  of  S. 
Savino  of  Piacenza — 1107 — (Plate  186,  Fig.  8),  in  the  mosaic 
of  Aosta  (c.  1110),  in  the  pavement  of  S.  Benedetto  Po  (1151), 
and  in  the  reliefs  of  the  baptistery'  of  Parma. 

37  Garver,  McKenzie,  op.  cit.,  41;  Cahier  et  Martin,  II,  220;  Cahier  et  Martin, 
Nouveaux  Melanges,  Curiositii,  132;  Fiore  di  Virtii,  Cap.  28;  Varnhagen,  535. 


335 


CHAPTER  III.    ANIMALS  OF  CLASSICAL  AND 
MEDIEVAL  MYTHS  AND  FABLES 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  classic  mythology  continued 
to  live  to  a  much  greater  extent  in  Lombardy  than  in  France, 
and  exercised  a  much  more  vital  influence  upon  the  iconography.' 
In  Early  Christian  times  a  symbolic  interpretation  had  fre- 
quently been  given  to  figures  of  pagan  mythologj-.  Thus  in  the 
catacomb  frescos  Orpheus  became  the  symbol  of  the  grace  of 
Clirist,"  just  as  in  Michelangelo's  ceiling  the  sibyls  become 
Christian  prophets.  In  Lombardy,  however,  the  stories  of 
classical  myths  seemed  to  have  been  told  generally  without 
mysticism,  and  in  a  spirit  as  purely  pagan  as  that  shown  by 
Giovanni  Pisano  when  he  sculptured  on  the  foinitain  of  Perugia 
the  fables  of  the  lion  and  the  mouse,  Romulus  and  Remus,  and 
the  wolf  and  the  lamb.  The  war  chant  of  the  JNIodenese  sentinels, 
which  is  believed  to  date  from  the  X  century,  contains  allusions 
to  Hector  and  Troy.^  A  person  mentioned  in  a  document  of 
1148  was  named  Acliilles.^  It  therefore  causes  somewhat  less 
surprise  to  observe  that  the  classical  hero  of  this  name  was 
represented  in  a  mosaic  pavement  of  S.  Prospero  at  Reggio  in 
1148,  and  that  the  flight  of  Icarus  was  depicted  in  the  pavement 
of  Acqui  in  1067. 

Few  classical  myths  found  gi'eater  favour  with  the  INIiddle 
Ages  than  the  labyrinth.  As  early  as  the  time  of  Boethius  it  had 
become  the  symbol  of  error.^  An  inscription  in  the  now  destroyed 
portion  of  the   mosaic   pavements   of   S.    Savino   of   Piacenza 

1  The  story  of  Pyramus  and  Thisbe  is  represented  in  a  French  ivory-carving  of 
the  XIV  century  in  the  Morgan  collection,  Gallery  12,  Case  1. 

2  Evans,  302;  Lamberton  in  American  Journal  of  Archaology,  XV,  513. 
s  Synionds,  Age  of  the  Despots,  53. 

*  See  document  cited  below  under  S.  Prospero  of  Reggio,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  313. 
^Phil.  Consol.,  Ill,  12. 

336 


ANIMALS  OF  MYTHS  AND  FABLES 

explained  at  length  the  symbolism  of  the  labj'rinth  there  repre- 
sented. It  was  a  type  of  the  world  in  which  it  is  easy  to  enter, 
but  from  which  it  is  difficult  to  escape.  For  he  who  has  embraced 
the  joj^s  of  the  flesh,  and  is  weighed  down  by  sin,  can  with 
difficulty  retrace  his  steps.  In  the  mosaic  of  Piacenza  (1107), 
as  in  that  of  S.  INIichele  of  Pavia,  Theseus  and  the  minotaur  were 
represented  in  the  labyrinth.  It  is  notable  that  in  both  these 
pavements  was  also  represented  the  cycle  of  the  months  and  the 
sea,  subjects  which  had  a  similar  symbolic  significance.  Outside 
of  Lombardy,  the  labyrinth  is  represented  on  the  southern 
pilaster  of  the  west  portico  of  the  cathedral  of  Lucca.  The  long 
inscription  gives  the  classical  story,  but  makes  no  reference  to 
the  allegorical  interpretation.  Labyrinths  formerly  existed  in 
the  pavements  of  St.  Severin  of  Cologne"  and  in  the  churches  of 
St.-Omer,  Reims,  Bayeux,  Sens,  Chartres,  St.-Quentin,  and 
Amiens.' 

Isidore  of  Seville  explains  that  the  three  heads  of  the  dog 
Cerberus  signify  the  three  ages  in  which  death  may  destroy  man, 
that  is  to  say,  in  infancy,  youth  and  old  age.*  It  is  not  clear, 
however,  that  the  artist  who  represented  Cerberus  in  the 
pavement  of  Acquanegra  had  in  mind  any  such  symbolical 
interpretation.  It  is  possible  nevertheless  that  the  pavement  of 
Acquanegra  was  inspired  by  Isidore,  for  in  addition  to  Cerberus 
there  is  also  represented  the  hydra  which  is  likewise  described 
by  the  same  father." 

A  variation  of  the  centaur,  hydra  or  Chimfera  theme  appears 
to  be  represented  in  the  pavement  of  the  Duomo  at  Reggio,  in 
which  we  see  a  man  with  hatchet  cleaving  the  head  of  a  monster 
with  horse's  head  and  fore-paws,  serpent's  tail  and  snake's  tongue. 

According  to  classical  authors  the  Chim.Tra  had  three  heads, 
one  that  of  a  lion,  another  that  of  a  goat,  and  the  third  that  of  a 
dragon.  Isidore  of  Seville  gives  the  animal  the  same  character- 
istics.'"    At  S.  Pietro  di  Civate   (c.  1195)   the  Chimera  is  thus 

0  Aus'm  Weerth,  15.  7  Gailhabaut,  I,  Plate  I;  II. 

s  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarum,  XII,  3,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lot.,  LXXXII,  423. 

0  Ibid.;  also  ibid.,  4,  ed.  M.,  445. 

10  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarum,  XII,  3,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  423. 

887 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

represented,  but  the  serpent's  head  grows  from  the  end  of  its 
tail,  so  that  the  monster  appears  to  have  only  two  heads.  In  the 
mosaic  of  Aosta  it  is  given  only  two  heads,  those  of  the  goat  and 
the  lion.  This  is  the  form  in  which  it  appears  generally  in 
Lombard  iconography,  as  in  the  mosaics  of  S.  Pietro  of  Ciel 
d'Oro  and  Bobbio. 

Hercules  is  represented  with  the  Nemean  lion  in  a  sculpture 
of  Borgo  dating  from  c.  1135.  An  inscription  leaves  no  doubt 
as  to  the  identity  of  this  figure.  The  man  with  a  club  depicted 
in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  S.  Prospero  of  Ileggio  (1148)  may 
also  be  Hercules.  On  the  cathedral  of  Modena  is  a  sculj^ture 
of  a  hermaphrodite,  in  its  present  form  dating  from  the  XV 
century,  but  doubtless  a  copy  of  an  original  relief  of  the  XII 
century.  This  recalls  Baudri's  description  of  a  tapestry  in  the 
bed-chamber  of  Adele,  daughter  of  William  the  Conqueror." 
Among  other  mythological  subjects  represented  is  mentioned 
the  hermaphrodite.  The  cupids  with  reversed  torches  on  the 
facade  of  the  cathedral  of  Modena  (Plate  142,  Fig.  2)  are 
evidently  copied  from  an  ancient  Roman  sarcophagus.'^ 

The  sphinx,  commemorated  by  Isidore  of  Seville,''  is  twice 
represented  in  the  Porta  della  Pescheria  at  Modena  (1099-1106). 

In  the  pavement  of  the  cathedral  of  Casale  (c.  1140)  is 
represented  a  curious  figure  which  is  labelled  Antipodes.  Accord- 
ing to  Pliny'*  there  was  fabled  to  be  on  the  imder  side  of  the 
world  a  race  of  men  who  walked  about  with  their  feet  uppermost. 
These  antipodes  the  artist  of  Casale  seems  to  have  confused  with 
the  sciapodes,  men  with  a  single  eye  and  a  single  leg,  wonderfully 
skilled  in  jumping,  and  who  were  accustomed  in  the  heat  of  the 
day  to  lie  on  their  back  and  shade  themselves  with  their  foot  as 
with  a  parasol.  At  all  events  it  is  in  this  form  that  he  has 
represented  the  antipodes.'^ 

In  the  pavement  at  Casale  is  also  represented  an  acephalus, 

"  L.  194,  ed.  Delisle. 

12  See  Elizabeth  Hazelton  Haight,  The  Story  of  Cupid  and  Psyche,  in  Art  and 
Archaiology,  III,  51. 

13  Etymologiarum,  XII,  2,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  439. 
i*A'a«.  Bist.,  II,  65,  §  161,  ed.  Teubner,  I,  188. 

ISA  sciapodes  is  represented  at  Sens.     (Monographie,  16). 

338 


ANIMALS  OF  MYTHS  AND  FABLES 

a  figure  apparently  inspired  by  the  description  of  Isidore  of 
Seville,^"  and  represented  like  a  headless  man. 

The  fox  and  stork  figure  in  two  beast  fables  of  classical 
origin  represented  in  Lombard  art.  The  first  is  a  story  of  the 
crane  pulling  the  bone  out  of  the  fox's  throat.  This  is  depicted 
in  the  cathedral  of  Modena  on  the  Porta  dei  Principi  (c.  1120), 
and  possibly  also  on  the  Porta  della  Pescheria — 1099-1106 — 
(Plate  144,  Fig.  3).  It  is  also  represented  on  a  capital  of 
Panico  (c.  1145).'"  The  second  fable  tells  how  the  fox  invited 
the  stork  to  dine,  and  served  the  food  out  of  a  shallow  dish,  from 
which  the  stork  was  unable  to  eat.  The  stork  returned  the 
compliment  by  inviting  the  fox  to  dine  out  of  a  narrow-mouthed 
jar.  This  story  is  represented  on  the  Porta  della  Pescheria  of 
Modena  (1099-1106),  and  on  a  capital  of  a  cloister  of  S.  Orso 
at  Aosta  (1133).'' 

Isidore  of  Seville  relates  that  the  cranes  are  enemies  of 
serpents,  and  that  they  fly  across  the  sea  and  form  their  battle 
line  in  Asia.'"  Cranes  are  represented  killing  serpents  at  S. 
Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  in  the  Porta  della  Pescheria  at 
Modena— 1099-1106— (Plate  144,  Fig.  3),  and  in  the  pontile 
of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (c.  1190). 

Among  the  most  interesting  sculptures  of  Lombardy  from 
an  iconographical  standpoint  are  those  in  which  are  represented 
scenes  from  a  folk-tale  relating  to  the  wolf,  which  has  not  come 
down  to  us.  The  story,  evidently  full  of  sly  satire,  was  directed 
against  the  priests.  To  a  singular  degree  it  seems  to  presage 
the  spirit  of  a  later  age,  the  anti-clerical  satires  that  paved  the 
way  for  the  Lutheran  revolt.  On  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of 
Parma  (c.  1130-1150)  is  represented  a  wolf  dressed  as  a  monk 
with  cowl  and  cassock  (Plate  166,  Fig.  2).  As  the  inscription 
informs  us,  he  is  engaged  in  teaching  the  Christian  dogma  out 
of  a  book  to  a  silly  looking  ass  who  sits  on  his  hind  legs  and  holds 

3  0  See  below.  Vol.  II,  p.  254. 

IT  For  the  representations  of  this  subject  in  the  cathedrals  of  Autun  and 
Paderborn  and  the  symbolical  interpretation,  see  Evans,  209. 

IS  According  to  Evans,  209,  it  is  also  represented  in  the  cathedral  of  Paderborn. 
It  was  sculptured  by  Giovanni  Pisano  on  the  fountain  of  Perugia. 

i»  Etymologiarum,  XII,  7,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  461. 

339 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

between  his  front  paAvs  tlie  staff  of  pedagogy.  Another  wolf 
behind  the  monk  seems  to  be  tapping  him  on  the  shoulder  and 
calling  his  attention  to  an  imseen  lamb  whieh  doubtless  offers 
a  tempting  repast.  The  satire  could  hardly  be  more  explicit. 
The  greed  of  the  priests  and  the  foolishness  of  their  dupes  are 
openly  satirized  in  the  church-building  itself. 

It  is  probably  a  variation  of  this  same  fabliau  which  is 
represented  in  the  cathedrals  of  Ferrara  and  Verona  (Plate  217, 
Fig.  2).  Here  is  seen  again  the  wolf  dressed  as  a  monk  and 
holding  a  book.  This  book  bears  the  satirical  inscription  "A  B  C 
for  Heaven." 

The  parable  of  the  bicorn  from  the  legend  of  St.  Barlaam 
is  represented  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma.'"  Other  beast  fables, 
the  exact  significance  of  which  escapes  me,  are  represented  at 
S.  INIichele  at  Pavia  and  in  the  Porta  dei  Princijii  at  INIodena.  In 
the  latter  one  relief  represents  a  man  (Orpheus  ?)  fiddling,  while 
a  bird  listens  attentively. 

20  See  below,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  l-t4  f.,  for  the  details  of  this  story. 


340 


CHAPTER  IV.     BIBLICAL  ANIMALS 

Of  the  animals  in  Lombard  iconographj^  inspired  by  the 
Scriptures  undoubtedly  the  most  frequentlj"^  depicted  are  the 
winged  man  of  St.  Matthew,  the  winged  lion  of  St.  Mark,  the 
winged  bull  of  St.  Luke  and  the  eagle  of  St.  John.  These  mystic 
beasts  inspired  by  the  vision  of  Ezekiel^  and  the  Apocalypse"  had 
been  established  in  Christian  dogma  by  the  fathers  of  the  Church.^ 
Although  the  subject  is  represented  but  once  among  the  frescos 
of  the  catacombs,*  the  symbols  of  the  Evangelists  appear  in  art 
at  an  early  jjeriod.  In  northern  Italy  they  were  represented  in 
the  VIII  century  in  the  baptistery  of  Cividale  (Plate  59,  Fig.  3) . 
In  the  XII  century  they  became  a  favourite  subject  in  Lombard 
iconography.  The  figures  are  often  represented  holding  books 
on  which  are  inscriptions  almost  invariably  the  same.  Those  of 
INIatthew  and  John  are  taken  from  the  first  words  of  their 
respective  gospels  and  are:  Liber  generationis  Jesu  Christi  filii 
David;  and:  In  princijno  erat  verhum,  et  verbuvi  erat  apud 
Deiim,  et  Deus  erat  verhum.  Luke  has  an  inscription  taken  from 
the  fifth  verse  of  the  first  chapter  of  his  gospel:  Fuit  in  diehus 
Herodis,  regis  Judacc;  while  that  of  Mark  is  taken  either  from 
the  second  {Ecce  ego  mitto  Angelum  meum),  or  the  third  {Vox 
clamantis  in  deserto)  verse  of  the  first  chapter  of  his  gospel.  I 
presume  that  these  inscriptions  are  derived  from  Byzantine 
tradition,  since  they  are  found  on  an  ivory-carving  of  Byzantine 
origin  in  the  ISIorgan  collection.^  In  Lombard  iconography  the 
figures  of  the  Evangelists  are  either  disposed  about  the  Deity, 
or  are  represented  by  themselves,  especially  on  capitals  and 
ambones." 

1  Ezec,  i,  5-13.  2  Apoc,  v,  6;  iv,  1-7. 

3  See,  e.g.,  St.  Augustine,  D«  Consensu  Evangelistarum,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  VI,  ed. 
Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXIV,  1046. 

*  See  Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Arch(Bology,  XV,  521.  »  Case  L. 

6  The  symbolic  beasts  of  the  Evangelists  are  represented  on  a  capital  of  the  crypt 

341 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

In  the  cathedrals  of  Verona  and  Ferrara,  Nicolo  sculptured, 
as  supports  for  his  Lombard  porches,  griffins  on  Avhose  sides  are 
inscribed  wheels.  This  is  usually  said  to  be  in  reference  to  the 
well  known  passage  of  Ezekiel.'  The  interpretation  appears  to 
me  extremely  doul)tful,  but  I  am  unal)le  to  propose  any  more 
probable  explanation. 

The  Lamb  of  God  {Agnus  Dei)  bearing  a  cross  is  repre- 
sented in  a  carved  slab  of  the  cathedral  of  Aosta  dating  from 
c.  1010  (Plate  12,  Fig.  1).  The  same  subject  reappears  at 
S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  but  the  Lamb  is  accompanied  by 
two  angels.  In  the  Porta  dei  Principi  of  the  cathedral  of  INIodena 
(c.  1120)  not  only  is  the  Lamb  accompanied  by  two  angels, 
but  he  tramples  on  the  aspic.  The  subject  is  repeated  at  S.  Zeno 
of  Verona  (1138)  and  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma  (1196-1214). 
In  the  former  case  the  sculpture  is  accompanied  by  a  paraphrase 
of  the  familiar  text  from  John,**  leaving  no  doubt  as  to  the 
significance. 

According  to  St.  Ambrose  fish  were  the  symbol,  not  of 
Christ  as  was  believed  by  the  Early  Church,  but  of  a  man."  In 
speaking  of  the  creation  of  the  sea  the  saint  calls  to  mind  the 

of  Modena  (1099-1106),  In  the  mosaic  pavement  of  Pieve  Terzagni  (c.  1100),  on  a 
sarcophagus  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (c.  1100),  at  Cremona  (1107-1117),  in 
the  pavement  of  the  cathedral  of  Aosta  (c.  1100),  on  the  ambo  of  Quarantoli  (1114), 
on  the  ambo  of  S.  Giacomo  of  Bellagio — c.  1115 — (Plate  22,  Fig.  1,  2),  on  the  ambo 
of  Isola  S.  Giulio  (c.  1120),  in  the  tympanum  of  Nonantola  (1121),  in  the  pavement  of 
Novara  (c.  1125),  on  the  ambo  of  Sasso  (c.  1125,  Mark  and  Luke  are  lacking),  on  a 
capital  of  Cavana,  on  the  ambo  of  the  Madonna  del  Castello,  at  Almenno  S.  Salvatore — 
c.  1130— (Plate  11,  Fig.  6),  on  two  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150), 
on  a  capital  at  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo  (c.  1140),  on  a  capital  of  S.  Salvatore  of 
Brescia — c.  1160 — (Plate  36,  Fig.  8),  on  the  ambo  of  S.  Sepolcro  of  Bologna  (c.  1170), 
on  the  facade  of  the  cathedral  of  Modena  (c.  1180),  on  a  capital  at  Borgo  (1184-1196), 
on  the  ambo  of  Carpi  (1184),  in  the  area  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (1185),  on  the 
ambo  at  CasteU'Arquato — c.  1185 — (Plate  49),  on  the  jub6  of  Vezzolano — 1189 — 
(Plate  238,  Fig.  4),  on  a  ciborio  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (c.  1195),  on  a  relief  of  the 
baptistery  of  Parma  (1196-1214),  on  the  font  of  Canossa  (the  St.  John  is  lacking)  and 
in  the  ambo  of  Modena.  In  addition  St.  John  and  St.  Mark  are  carved  in  the  arched 
corbel-tables  of  Ruljbiano  (c.  1130),  and  Mark  and  Luke  in  the  supports  for  a  Lombard 
porch  now  rebuilt  into  an  altar  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona.  Sculptures  of  St.  John  the 
Evangelist  at  S.  Zeno  and  Modena  have  the  usual  inscription:  In  principio  erat  verbum. 
It  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  Evangelists  have  the  same  inscriptions  at  St.-Gilles  and 
Moissac. 

7  Ezec,  i,  15-16.  s  Joan.,  i,  29. 

9  S.  Ambrosii,  Hexwmeron,  V,  6,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  225. 

342 


BIBLICAL  ANIMALS 

words  of  the  psalmist:  the  sea  saw  and  fled,  Jordon  was  turned 
back;'"  and:  the  waters  saw  thee,  O  God,  the  waters  saw  thee:  and 
they  were  afraid  and  the  depths  were  troubled."  From  these 
passages,  the  saint  meditates,  it  is  evident  that  at  the  command 
of  God,  the  waters  come  together  or  separate;  fear,  flee,  and  are 
troubled.  At  the  bidding  of  the  Almightj'  did  not  the  waters 
of  the  Red  Sea  divide  to  let  the  children  of  Israel  pass  through 
in  safety?  Now  what  are  the  waters,  thus  obedient  to  the 
command  of  God,  but  the  Church  which  gathers  its  faithful  from 
every  SAvamp,  from  every  valley,  from  every  lake,  to  unite  them 
in  the  ocean  of  the  catholic  faith?  The  valleys  symbolize  heresy 
and  paganism,  since  the  Scripture  tells  us:  the  Lord  is  God  of 
the  hills,  but  is  not  God  of  the  valleys.'" 

Moreover,  Ambrose  goes  on  to  muse,  not  only  is  the  ocean 
the  symbol  of  the  Church,  but  the  fish  who  swim  about  in  the 
sea  are  the  symbol  of  the  men  who  live  and  work  and  die  in  the 
Church.  Christ  Himself  told  His  apostles  that  He  would  make 
them  fishers  of  men.  Thus  in  the  ocean  and  its  finnj'  inhabitants 
Ave  have  a  complete  image  of  the  Church  of  God  and  of  human 
life.  We  therefore  see  that  it  was  no  chance  nor  caprice  of  the 
artist  which  led  him  to  inlay  in  the  mosaic  pavement  at  S.  Savino 
of  Piacenza  on  the  background  representing  the  sea  and  its 
inhabitants  the  labours  of  the  twelve  months,  and  to  represent 
on  the  western  border  between  the  unicorn,  symbol  of  Christ,  and 
on  the  other,  the  centaur,  symbol  of  the  Christian  man,  three 
scenes  of  the  daily  life  of  men,  their  struggles  and  combats. 

The  apocalyptical  beast  with  seven  heads  is  represented  in 
the  pavements  of  Casale.'^  In  two  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of 
Parma  the  woman  is  seen  seated  upon  the  seven-headed  beast. 
In  one  there  appears  to  be  a  purposed  contrast  between  this 
figure  of  wickedness  and  the  Madonna  placed  opposite.  A 
monster  represented  in  the  pavement  of  Casale  with  a  woman's 
head  crowned,  the  bodj^  of  a  leopard,  bird's  wings  and  a  branching 
tail  may  be  a  variant  of  the  same  theme. 

10  Ps.,  cxiii,  3.  11  Ps.,  Ixxvi,  17.  "  III  Reg.,  xx,  28. 

I'Apoc,  xii,  3;  xvii,  3. 


848 


CHAPTER  V.     OTHER  ANIMALS  AND  FLORA 

Hunting  scenes  are  frequently  represented  in  Lombard 
iconography.  They  appear  to  have  no  deeper  significance  than 
the  mere  representation  of  what  was  doubtless  a  favourite  sport. 
Many  are  depicted  among  the  sculptures  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia 
(c.  1100)  ;  in  the  destroyed  pavement  of  Novara  there  was 
represented  a  hare  pursued  by  dogs  (c.  1125).  Other  hunting 
scenes  may  be  found  on  the  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma 
(c.  1130-1150)  and  on  the  pontile  (c.  1190)  and  sarcophagus 
(c.  1100)  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona. 

In  the  pavement  of  Casale  (c.  1140)  is  represented  a  bear- 
baiting.  Another  scene  of  the  same  pavement  shows  a  man 
wrestling  with  a  bear.  These  seem  to  be  simply  genre  scenes 
repi'esenting  sports  doubtless  popular  among  the  people.  In  a 
similar  genre  spirit  a  bull  with  a  ring  in  his  nose  is  represented 
in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  S.  Salutore  of  Turin.  There  was 
probably  nothing  deeper  in  the  crows  represented  in  the  destroyed 
pavement  of  the  cathedral  of  Novara  (c.  1125),  although  this 
bird  is  symbolically  interpreted  by  the  fathers.' 

In  general,  as  has  been  already  observed,  we  should  be  on 
our  guard  against  reading  into  Lombard  sculptures  and  mosaics 
a  deeper  meaning  than  was  intended  by  the  artists.  Armed  with 
imagination  and  unrelated  texts  of  the  fathers,  a  whole  school 
of  writers  has  attempted  to  interpret  symbolically  grotesques 
which  the  artists  obviously  intended  to  have  no  deeper  significance. 

A  curious  proof  of  the  non-mystical  manner  in  which  the 
Lombard  artists  frequently  worked  is  afforded  by  the  sculptures 
at  S.  jMichele  at  Pavia.  Among  the  grotesques  of  this  church 
there  are  carved  a  number  of  subjects  evidently  echoes  of  works 
of  serious  iconographical  import,  but  the  significance  of  which 

1  S.  Ambrosii,  Liber  de  Noe  et  Area,  XVIII,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  411. 

844 


OTHER  ANIMALS  AND  FLORA 

has  been  entirely  forgotten  in  the  childish  delight  of  creating 
grotesques.  Thus,  for  example,  we  find  a  woman  standing 
between  two  trees.  The  custom  of  placing  a  palm-tree  on  either 
side  of  a  holj'^  personage  goes  back  to  remote  antiquity,  being 
found,  for  example,  on  sarcophagi  at  Aries."  The  trees  were 
evidently  copied  in  a  thoughtless  waj^  by  the  Lombard  artists  not 
only  at  S.  IMichele  but  in  numerous  other  examples  that  might 
be  cited.  Similarly  the  dog  and  the  seated  person  playing  a  harp, 
or  the  girl  and  the  seated  person  playing  a  harp  (Plate  17.5, 
F.ig.  4),  both  represented  at  S.  Michele,  are  doubtless  merely 
echoes  of  the  dance  of  David.^  This  same  subject  found  its  way 
to  St.-Gilles  (Plate  175,  Fig.  3).  The  sculpture  of  the  person 
falling  headlong  may  be  derived  from  a  representation  of  the  vice 
of  Pride.* 

2  Illustrated  by  Martin  et  Cahier,  Nouveaux  Melanges,  Ivoires,  88;  ibid., 
Decoration  d'Eglises,  91 ;  ibid.,  93.  For  the  symbolism  of  the  trees  see  Apoc.,  xxii,  2, 
and  Pseudo-Matthew,  xxi,  tr.  Cowper,  61. 

3  See  below,  pp.  396  f.  *  For  echoes  of  the  zodiac  see  below,  pp.  364  f . 


845 


Book  II.    The  Mirror  of  Science 


CHAPTER  I.     THE  LIBERAL  ARTS 

Although  Isidore  of  Seville  gives  to  Plato  the  credit  of 
having  been  the  first  to  form  the  canon  of  the  liberal  arts/  the 
trivium  and  quadrivium  do  not  appear  to  have  been  definitely 
codified  until  the  V  century  of  the  Christian  era."  In  the  works 
of  St.  Augustine'  and  Cassiodorus*  it  is  possible  to  trace  the 
gradual  development  of  the  conception  into  a  fixed  tradition. 
Boethius°  appears  to  have  contributed  the  idea  of  philosophy  as 
the  super-art.  Martianus  Capella,  as  is  well  known,  was  the  first 
to  personify  the  liberal  arts,  and  give  them  definite  attributes, 
some  of  which  persisted  throughout  the  Middle  Ages.  The 
allegorical  poem  of  Capella  exercised  a  very  powerful  influence 
upon  iconography.  This  influence  was  exerted  directly  by  the 
work  of  Capella  itself  which  continued  to  be  extremely  popular. 
A  copy  was  to  be  found,  for  example,  in  the  library  in  the 
cathedral  of  Cremona  in  984,  as  we  learn  from  an  inventory  of 
that  date."     Numerous  commentaries  were  written  upon  it,  of 

1  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarum,  II,  24,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  141. 
Isidore  speaks  much  of  tlie  liberal  arts.  The  Etymologiarum  (ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
LXXXll)  contains  a  treatise  upon  the  subject.  He  groups  together  the  mathe- 
matical arts — Arithmetic,  Geometry,  Music  and  Astronomy — as  a  quadrivium.  Philos- 
ophy is  spolten  of  as  the  ars  artium,  et  disciplina  disciplinarnm  (Isidore  of  Seville, 
Etymologiarum,  II,  24,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  142). 

sD'Ancona,  l.'JO;  Cahier  et  Martin,  Nouveaux  M6langes,  Curiositia,  285;  Emile 
M&le,  L'Art  Religieux  du  XIII  Steele  en  France,  97  f. 

^  Retractionum  S.  Augustini,  I,  6,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXII,  591;  De  Ordine, 
II,  12,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXII,  1011  f.;  De  Doctrina  Christiana,  11,  35,  ed.  Migne, 
Pat.  Lat.,  XXXIV,  60. 

*  De  Artibus  ac  DiscipUnis  Liberalium  Litterarum,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXX, 
1149  f. 

5  Boetii,  Philosophiae  Consolationis  Libri  Quinque,  I,  1,  ed.  Peiper,  4-5;  ibid., 
I,  3,  ed.  P.,  8;  ibid.,  II,  2. 

8  Hist.  Pat.  Man.,  XIII,  1443. 

346 


THE  LIBERAL  ARTS 

which  the  most  important  is  undoubtedly  that  of  Remi  d' Auxerre/ 
The  influence  was  also  exerted  indirectly  through  the  various 
imitators  of  Capella,  among  whom  the  most  notable  are  Alain 
de  Lille/  Baudri/  Rutebeuf'"  and  Theodulphus."  In  the 
iconography  of  northern  France  the  liberal  arts  are  frequently 
represented  in  the  second  half  of  the  XII  and  the  XIII  cen- 
turies in  a  form  which  offers  many  close  analogies  to  the  literary 
sources,  but  also  some  notable  points  of  divergence. 

In  Lombard  iconography  the  liberal  arts  are  represented 
only  once,  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  Ivrea,  which  dates  from 
c.  1105.  This  representation  is  extremely  important,  since 
it  is  the  earliest  known,  and  illustrates  the  formation  of  the 
iconographic  tradition. 

It  is  evident  that  Philosophy  has  alread}-  been  associated 
with  the  other  arts,  as  the  discipUna  disciplinarum  (Plate  101, 
Fig.  6).  Although  the  fragmentary'  condition  of  the  mosaic 
makes  it  impossible  to  say  how  the  other  arts  were  disposed,  it 
is  obvious  that  Philosophy  must  have  been  seated  in  the  middle. 
She  is  taller  than  the  others,  and  alone  is  crowned.  In  her  left 
hand  she  holds  an  open  book  as  in  the  French  representations, 
but  the  other  attributes  used  in  the  Xorth  are  omitted.  This 
book  and  the  general  nobility  of  her  aspect  might  well  have  been 
inspired  bj'  the  beautiful  description  of  Boethius.'" 

The  Dialectic  of  the  Ivrea  pavement  departs  widely  both 
from  the  literary  sources  and  the  type  established  in  French 
iconograpln^  Capella  describes  Dialectic  as  paler  than  Grammar, 
and  as  having  a  somewhat  sharp  face  and  restless  eyes.  Her 
curly  hair  falls  on  her  shoulders  decently,  is  well  tied  up  and 
exactly  as  it  ought  to  be.  She  wears  an  Athenian  pallium;  in 
her  left  hand  is  a  serpent,  in  her  right,  wax  tablets  discoloured 
with  age,  and  a  fish  hook.    The  serpent  she  conceals  beneath  her 

'  Corpet. 

8  Anticlaudianns,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCX,  505. 

3  Po^me  adress^  d  Adele,  fille  de  Guillaume  le  Conqu6rant,  public  par  M.  Leopold 
Delisle.    Caen,  Le  Blanc-Hardel,  1871.    4to. 

ioZ.a  bataille  des  VII  Ars,  ed.  Jubinal,  Oeuvres  de  Rutebeuf,  1876,  III,  325. 

11  Theodulfi  Aurelianensis  Episc,  Carmina,  IV,  2,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CV,  333. 

12  Boetii,  Philosophiae  Consolationis  Libri  Quinque,  I,  1,  ed.  Peiper,  4-5;  ibid., 
I,  3,  ed.  P.,  8. 

347 


LOIMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

robe,  but  thrusts  her  right  hand  forward.'''  The  pallium,  the 
curly  hair,  the  wax  tablets  and  the  extended  right  hand  of  the 
Ivrea  figure  all  correspond  with  Capella.  The  artist  however 
has  apparently  added  on  his  own  responsibility  the  word  utrum 
to  explain  her  gesture.  It  is  notable  that  the  Dialectic  of  Ivrea 
is  without  the  serpent,  the  constant  attribute  of  this  art  in  northern 
French  iconography,  and  the  feature  of  Capella's  description 
most  persistently  carried  over  by  his  imitators. 

Geometry  in  the  Ivrea  pavement  carries  a  simple  rod. 
Among  the  attributes  given  to  this  art  by  Capella  is  a  radium, 
w^hich  was  sometimes  interpreted,  as  by  Remi  d'Auxerre'*  and 
Alain  de  Lille,'°  as  a  measuring  rod: 

Virgam  virgo  gerit,  qua  totum  circuit  orbem 

but  by  others,  such  as  Rutebeuf,  as  a  pair  of  compasses.'"  The 
artist  of  Ivrea  has  evidently  followed  the  former  interpretation. 

According  to  Capella,  Arithmetic  is  wonderfully  beautiful, 
with  a  certain  majestj^  of  noble  age.  From  her  head  issues  a  ray 
of  light  which  becomes  two,  then  three,  then  four,  then  nine,  then 
an  infinite  number  and  finally  returns  to  one.  In  her  dress  are 
concealed  all  the  works  of  nature.  Her  fingers  like  w^orms 
wriggle  with  incredible  rapidity,  Alain  de  Lille  makes 
Ai'ithmetic  carry  in  one  hand  the  counting  board  of  Pythagoras. 
Baudri,  Rutebeuf  and  Theodulphus  make  her  count  on  her 
fingers.  The  damaged  condition  of  the  Ivrea  mosaic  makes  it 
impossible  to  determine  whether  the  discipline  was  here  counting 
on  her  fingers  or  holding  a  board. 

As  the  Ivrea  mosaic  has  been  put  together.  Grammar  sits 
to  the  right  of  Philosophy  from  whom  she  receives  an  open  book. 
Capella  describes  Grammar  as  carrying  an  ivory  box  containing 
surgical  instruments — a  knife  to  cut  the  vices  from  the  tongues 
of  children,  and  a  black  powder  (ink)  to  cure  the  wound.  She 
also  has  a  bitter  medicine  of  red  colour  made  from  the  flower  of 
the  rod  and  a  piece  of  dried  goat-skin.  This  she  advises  applying 
to  the  jaws  when  the  mouth  exhales  evil-smelling  matter.     She 

13  Martian!  Capellae,  Lib.  IV,  328,  ed.  Eyssenhardt,  99.  "  Corpet,  98. 

IS  Anticlaudianus,  II,  6,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCX,  505. 

18  ia  bataille  des  VII  Ars,  ed.  Jubinal,  Oeuvres  de  Rutebeuf,  1876,  III,  325. 

848 


THE  LIBERAL  ARTS 

also  has  a  certain  lozenge  made  chief!}-  of  oil  by  which  the  harsh- 
ness of  the  voice  may  be  removed.  In  addition  she  has  a  purga- 
tive, and  a  file  divided  into  eight  divisions  by  golden  bars  (the 
parts  of  speech)  by  which  the  teeth  may  be  cleansed  of  tartar 
and  the  tongue  of  fur.  Remi  d'Auxerre  says  that  Grammar 
also  has  wax  tablets.  Alain  de  Lille  says  of  Grammar  that  she 
is  alert,  studious,  willing  and  careful;  she  is  neither  careless  of 
her  dress,  dirty  in  face,  degenerate  in  manner,  slovenly  in  speech, 
nor  barbarous  in  deed.  Her  face  is  pale  from  study,  but  only 
moderately  pale,  since  her  lips  are  still  rosy,  and  she  is  yet  in 
her  maidenly  prime.  Her  breasts  flow  with  milk  which  nourishes 
a  child  not  yet  old  enough  to  eat  solid  food.  In  her  hand  she 
holds  a  whip  to  punish  the  errors  of  childhood;  thus  the  nipple 
is  made  bitter  by  the  rod,  and  the  rod  sweet  by  the  nipple.  She 
is  father  and  mother  in  one.  In  the  other  hand  she  holds  a  knife 
with  which  she  cleanses  the  tartar  from  the  teeth.  If  a  tooth 
protrudes  bej^ond  its  fellows,  she  cuts  it  ofP.  She  teaches  children 
to  speak,  looses  tied  tongues,  and  leads  words  into  their  proper 
channels.  She  is  clothed  in  white  garments  of  the  Nile  papyrus. 
Baudri  gives  to  Grammar  a  file  with  eight  divisions  useful  for 
taking  the  tartar  off  the  teeth.  She  operates  with  medical  forceps 
to  set  right  a  faltering  lip  and  heals  the  wound  with  ink ;  besides 
she  has  a  whip.  Theodulphus  makes  Grammar  sit  at  the  foot 
of  a  tree,  which  seems  to  proceed  from  her,  since  no  art  is  of  value 
without  Grammar.  In  her  left  hand  she  holds  a  whip,  in  her 
right  a  sword,  the  first  to  incite  the  lazy,  the  second  to  amputate 
vices.  Since  Wisdom  is  ruler,  her  head  is  circled  by  a  diadem. 
In  French  iconographj'  Grammar  is  alwaj-s  represented  with  a 
rod  and  two  children  at  her  feet.  The  poor  preservation  of  the 
Ivrea  mosaic  leaves  it  uncertain  what  attributes,  if  any,  she 
possessed  in  addition  to  the  book  or  wax  tablets. 

We  may  then  conclude  that  the  I\Tea  mosaic  shows  closer 
points  of  contact  with  Capella  than  with  any  other  known  source, 
but  that  the  points  of  divergence  are  nevertheless  so  notable  that 
it  would  seem  probable  the  mosaic  was  not  directly  inspired  by 
that  author.  There  appears  to  be  no  direct  connection  between 
the  Ivrea  mosaic  and  the  representations  of  the  liberal  arts  in 
French  iconography. 

349 


CHAPTER  II.     ASTRONOMY 

Lombard  iconography  boasts  of  one  artist  who  was  singu- 
larly learned  in  the  science  of  astronomy.  Nicolo  displayed  this 
erudition  at  Sagra  S.  JNIichele  and  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza; 
on  the  former  he  sculjitured  a  series  of  constellations  which  in 
addition  to  the  twelve  of  the  zodiac  include  Hydra,  Ara  Notius, 
Cetus,  Centaurus,  Eridanus,  Pistrix,  Canis  [Major,  Canis  Minor, 
Lepus,  Orion,  Deltoton,  Pegasus,  Delfinus.'  The  archivolt 
of  Piacenza  displaj's  in  addition  to  astronomical  erudition  a 
profound  symbolism.  In  the  centre  at  the  top  is  the  right  hand 
of  God  which  sets  in  motion  the  entire  universe.  On  either  side 
are  the  sun  and  the  moon,  the  prime  ministers  of  the  Deity,  then 
come  a  star  and  a  comet,  both  revolved  by  an  angel,  the  minister 
of  God.  Next  come  the  two  chief  winds,  Eurus  and  Auster, 
signifying  that  not  only  the  revolutions  of  the  heavenly  bodies 
but  the  winds  as  well  are  governed  by  God.  Finallj'^  come  the 
twelve  constellations  of  the  zodiac,  six  on  either  side. 

Three  constellations  appear  to  be  represented  in  the  mosaic 
pavement  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia— c.  1100— (Plate  174,  Fig.  2). 
A  winged  horse  is  probably  Pegasus  although  it  is  simply  labelled 
Equus.  Draco  is  represented  with  a  naked  man.  A  third 
constellation  labelled  Capra  and  represented  as  a  goat  riding 
astride  on  a  wolf  (Plate  174,  Fig.  2)  possibly  results  from  a 
confusion  of  the  constellation  Capricorn  with  the  Chima?ra,  or 
may  represent  the  star  Capra  in  the  constellation  of  Auriga. 

The  Sun  and  Moon  are  not  infrequently  depicted  in 
Lombard  iconographJ^  The  representations  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes:  the  symbolical,  and  the  non-symbolical.  Of 
the  former  there  are  excellent  examples  in  Benedetto's  Depo- 

1  Cf.  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarum,  III,  71,  ed.  Mlgne,  Pat.  Lat,  LXXXII, 
178;  Baudri,  ed.  DeUsle,  1.  583  f. 

360 


ASTRONOMY 

sition  (Plate  165,  Fig.  4)  and  bicorn  relief  (Plate  164,  Fig.  2) 
at  Parma.  The  significance  of  the  crescent  of  the  Moon,  the 
spiked  crown  and  disk  of  the  Sun  in  the  Parma  lunette 
(Plate  164,  Fig.  2)  would  seem  to  be  obvious  enough.  The  Sun 
in  the  lower  of  the  two  representations  of  this  relief  (Plate  104, 
Fig.  2)  is  depicted  as  in  a  chariot  and  whipping  up  his  steeds, 
an  evident  reminiscence  of  the  mj^th  of  Phaethon.  The  JNIoon 
is  symmetrically  placed  in  a  chariot  drawn  bj^  oxen,  possibly 
because  of  the  crescent-shaped  horns  of  these  animals  (Plate  164, 
Fig.  2).  For  the  same  reason  she  is  associated  with  a  bullock 
in  the  upper  representation.  The  lower  disk  is  surrounded  by 
four  much  weathered  figures  holding  horns  of  plenty  in  four 
different  positions  which  possibly  represent  the  phases  of  the 
moon.  In  the  relief  of  the  Deposition  (Plate  16.5,  Fig.  4)  the 
Sun  and  the  Moon  are  more  simply  represented  as  heads  sur- 
rounded by  foliage.  In  all  cases  the  Sun  is  male,  and  the  Moon 
female. 

It  is  evident  that  these  representations  are  derived  from 
classical  prototypes  by  a  continuous  tradition.  The  ISIorgan 
collection  contains  a  silver  dish  of  the  treasure  of  Karavas 
(Cyprus)  assigned  to  the  VI  century  but  apparentlj^  of  earlier 
date.  Above  a  relief  which  probably  represents  David  and 
Absalom,  the  Sun  and  the  JNIoon  are  shown  enclosed  in  a  sort 
of  disk  which  must  represent  the  heavens,  for  in  another  plate 
from  the  same  treasure  the  Sun  and  INIoon  again  appear  but 
this  time  together  with  the  Stars  all  enclosed  in  a  disk  from 
which  emerges  the  divine  hand.  These  reliefs  show  points  of 
contact  both  with  Benedetto's  lunette  of  the  Parma  baptistery 
(Plate  164,  Fig.  2)  and  with  Nicolo's  sculptures  at  Piacenza. 
The  Sun  and  the  Moon  are  represented  a  single  time  in  the 
frescos  of  the  catacombs.^  Strzygowski  has  published  a  Renais- 
sance copy  of  a  calendar  of  354,^  in  which  the  representations 
of  the  Sun  and  Moon  show  striking  analogies  Avith  the  Parma 
lunette.    The  Sun  is  a  standing  male  figure  wearing  a  crown  of 

2  Laraberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archaology,  XV,  521-522. 

3  Die  Calenderbilder  des  Chronographen  vom  Jahre  Sof,  in  Jahrbuch  des  kaiser- 
Ueh  deutschen  archdologischen  Instituts,  Erganzungsheft,  I,  1888. 

351 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

spikes  and  carrying  in  his  hand  a  ball  and  a  whip ;  on  either  side 
are  two  medallions  with  similar  crowned  heads.  The  INIoon  is 
a  standing  female  figure  carrying  a  torch  and  a  reversed  horn 
of  plenty;  behind  her  head  is  a  crescent.  On  either  side  are  two 
medallions  containing  similar  heads.  In  a  French  Limoges 
cloisonne  enamel  on  copper  of  the  first  half  of  the  XII  century 
in  the  Morgan  collection,  the  Moon  is  shown  in  bust  as  a  haloed 
figure  with  horns  holding  a  torch  in  her  left  hand  (compare 
Plate  164,  Fig.  2).  Below  the  figure  ends  in  a  wheel,  with  the 
heads  of  two  animals,  possiblj-  a  suggestion  of  a  chariot.*  The 
Sun  and  the  INIoon  are  given  much  the  same  characteristics  in 
literary  sources.^ 

The  church-fathers  had  early  established  that  the  Svm  which 
is  the  light  of  the  world  is  the  figure  of  Christ,  and  the  Moon 
which  reflects  that  light  the  symbol  of  the  Church.  ^Moreover, 
the  Church  like  the  Moon  seems  to  wane,  but  in  reality  never 
passes.**  This  symbolism  passed  into  iconographj'.  The  Sun  and 
the  ISIoon,  as  figures  of  Christ  and  the  Church,  are  introduced 
in  an  ivory-carving  of  the  VIII  century  which  has  been  illus- 

<  For   other   representations   of  the   Sun   and   Moon   in   French   iconography   see 
Didron,  Symbolique  Chretienne,  in  Annates  Archiologiques,  I,  1844,  244. 
5  O  stelliferi  conditor  orbis 

Qui  pertuo  nixus  solio 
Rapido  cselum  turbine  uersas 
Legemque  pati  sidera  cogis, 
Vt  nunc  pleno  lucida  cornu 
Fratris  totis  obuia  flammis 
Condat  Stellas  luna  minores. 
Nunc  obscuro  pallida  cornu 
Phoebo  proprior  luniina  perdat. 
Et  qui  primae  tempore  noctis 
Agit  algentes  hesperos  ortus. 
Solitas  iterum  mutet  habenas 
Phoebi  pallens  lucifer  ortu.  .  .  . 
Tua  uis  uarium  temperat  annum.  .  .  . 

(Boetii,  Philosophiae  Consolationis,  I,  5,  ed.  Peiper,  17). 
Cum  face  et  astrigero  diademate 

Luna  bicornis 

(Ausonii,  Ciipido  Cr-uciatus,  41,  ed.  Schenkl,  M.  G.  H.,  Auc.  Antiq.,  V,  pt.  2,  123). 
Lucebant  radii  [solis],  lucebat  fervidus  axis;  efflabrant  ignem  naribus  ejus  equi. 
(Baudri,  ed.  Delisle,  1.  677  f.). 

« Originis,  Comment,  in  Joan.,  Tomus,  I,  24,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Orec,  XIV,  66; 
S.  Ambrosii,  Hexameron,  IV,  2,  8,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  203,  217;  Sauer,  225. 

352 


ASTRONOMY 

trated  by  Venturi.'  It  was  doubtless  from  some  such  ivory- 
carvings  probably  of  Byzantine  origin  that  Benedetto  derived 
the  idea  of  introducing  the  symbolical  figures  of  the  Sun  and  the 
Moon  in  the  Deposition  of  the  Parma  baptistery  (Plate  165, 
Fig.  4).  The  Sun  is  placed  in  parallel  with  the  Church,  the 
Moon  with  the  Synagogue.  Even  more  subtle  is  the  symbolism 
of  the  lunette  of  the  baptistery  (Plate  164,  Fig.  2).'  The  Sun 
and  the  ^loon  are  twice  represented  because  they  stand  not  only 
for  their  actualities — day  and  night  which  gnaAv  the  roots  of  the 
tree  of  life — but  also  because  they  are  symbols  of  a  deeper  truth, 
of  that  Christ  and  that  Church  which  offer  to  man  in  his  perilous 
situation  the  hope  of  safety. 

The  Sun  and  the  ]Moon  are  represented  as  being  held  in  the 
hands  of  the  Year  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  Aosta.  Xon- 
symbolical  representations  of  the  Sun  are  found  at  Borgo,  in 
the  cathedral  of  Parma,  and  in  the  crypt  window  of  the  cathedral 
of  Modena  (Plate  142,  Fig.  6). 

TII,  173,  213. 

8  For  a  more  detailed  explanation  of  this  relief  see  below,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  Ho. 


353 


CHAPTER  III.     THE  MONTHS,  THE  SEASONS 
AND  THE  YEAR 

The  representation  of  the  zodiac  opens  up  a  vaster  and  more 
confusing  field  than  any  other  subject  of  Lombard  iconography. 
The  very  wealth  of  the  material  causes  embarrassment,  for  not 
only  was  the  cycle  of  the  months  represented  very  frequently  in 
Lombard  mosaics  and  sculptures,  but  it  was  dealt  with  plastically 
throughout  Europe  and  in  numerous  literary  sources. 

The  custom  of  representing  the  months  pictorially  goes  back 
to  remote  antiquity,  being  found  according  to  Strzygowski^  as 
early  as  the  XIII  century  B.  C.  at  the  Ramesseum  of  Thebes. 
From  the  Egyptians  the  motive  must  have  passed  to  the  Romans, 
for  the  Tetrastichon  Authenticum  de  Singulis  Mensibus,  although 
it  has  been  ascribed  to  Ausonius,  is  undoubtedly  as  old  as  the  age 
of  Augustus,  and  describes  a  cycle  of  plastic  representations  of 
the  months.  However,  there  are  extant  no  actual  examples  of 
such  representations  of  the  Roman  cycle  earlier  than  the  IV 
century  A.  D.  Of  this  period  is  the  mosaic  found  at  Carthage 
and  now  in  the  British  Museum  which  has  been  published  bj^ 
Augustus  Wollaston  Frank,  and  which  contained  representations 
of  the  twelve  months  inspired  by  the  Tetrastichon.  Other  similar 
mosaics  of  the  same  time,  unfortunately  very  fragmentary,  have 
been  found  in  Africa  and  Rome."  Another  mosaic,  formerly  at 
Sur  in  the  Christian  church  dedicated  in  557  or  652,  is  now  in  tlie 
Louvre  at  Paris.  Since  the  style  of  the  workmanship  is  that  of 
the  IV  century,  this  pavement  is  believed  to  have  belonged 
originally  to  a  pagan  building,  later  transformed  into  a 
church.''  The  cycle  of  the  months  at  Sur,  however,  is  of  a  type 
entirely  different  from  those  in  the  Roman  cycle,  and,  according 

•  Die  Calenderhilder  des  Chronographen  vom  Jahre  SS.f,  in  Jahrbuch  des  kniser- 
lich  deutschen  archliolor/ischen  Instituts,  Ergiinzungsheft,  I,  1888. 

-  Strzygowski,  op.  cit.,  SO. 

s  Julien  Durand,  Mosdique  de  Sour,  in  Annales  Archiologiques,  XXIII,  1863, 
278;  XXIV,  1864,  5,  205. 

354 


THE  MONTHS,  THE  SEASONS  AND  THE  YEAR 

to  Strzygowski/  can  only  have  been  derived  from  Syrian- 
JMacedonian  sources. 

The  most  important  extant  representation  of  the  months 
belonging  to  the  IV  century  is  that  of  a  calendar  of  354,  published 
by  Strzygowski/  These  drawings  make  it  evident  that  the 
Christians  adapted  the  pagan  tradition,  with  verj'^  few  changes, 
for  the  figures  in  question  were  evidently  directly  inspired  by 
the  Tetrastichon  already  mentioned.  The  scenes  are  extremely 
complicated,  with  many  symbols  referring  chiefly  to  Roman 
religious  observances.  Only  very  rarely  do  they  foreshadow 
later  types,  such  as  we  find  in  the  sculptures  and  mosaics  of  the 
XII  and  XIII  centuries.  However,  certain  features  present 
some  slight  analogy  with  Romanesque  and  Gothic  plastic  repre- 
sentations, as,  for  example,  the  sign  of  the  zodiac  placed  beside 
the  month  of  February,  and  the  fact  that  the  figures  depicting 
the  summer  months,  June,  July  and  August,  are  naked." 

From  the  IV  century  to  the  end  of  the  XI  there  is  extant 
not  a  single  plastic  representation  of  the  cycle  of  the  months. 
The  writers,  however,  and  especially  the  poets,  busily  occupied 
themselves  with  the  subject.  Isidore  of  Seville  describes  the 
signs  of  the  zodiac  but  says  nothing  of  the  labours  peculiar  to 
each.'  It  was  possibly  Ausonius  who  contributed  more  than  any 
other  to  give  the  tradition  definite  form  for  the  INIiddle  Ages. 
The  verses  of  one  of  his  poems  are  inscribed  about  the  zodiac  in 
the  mosaic  pavement  of  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (Plate  186, 
Fig.  8)  which  proves  that  it  was  used  as  a  source  for  the 
composition  of  this  work.  The  verses,  however,  only  refer  to  the 
signs  of  the  zodiac,  not  to  the  labours  of  the  months.'  Other 
poems  of  Ausonius  foreshadow  the  forms  in  which  the  months 
were  in  later  times  represented.  Thus  January  is  associated 
with  Janus  Bifrons,  February,  with  Numa  sacrificing  to  the 
gods  of  Hell  with  clasped  hands  (February  when  represented 
as  at  Aosta  warming  his  hands  at  the  fire  is  perhaps  connected 

*  Strzygowski,  op.  cit.,  51.  ^  Op.  cit. 

e  Strzygowski,  op.  cit.,  85-86,  gives  a  most  instructive  table  comparing  the  subjects 
of  the  different  cycles. 

^  FAymologiarvm,  III,  71,  and  V,  33,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  181,  219. 
8  For  a  study  of  this  mosaic  see  below.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  272  f. 

35.5 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

with  this  conception),  April  is  spoken  of  in  connection  with  the 
loves  of  Mars  and  Venus,  September  is  associated  with  the  grape 
and  with  sowing,  and  December  with  feasting."  The  types  of 
certain  months  seem  even  to  have  been  established  before  the 
time  of  Ausonius.  The  Hie  lani  3Iensis,^"  a  work  ascribed  to 
the  II  century,  or  even  to  the  Augustan  period,  speaks  of 
January  as  sacred  to  Janus;  June  as  naked  and  reaping  the 
harvest;  September  as  drying  the  grapes  and  ripening  apples. 
The  Primus,  lane,  tiW^  also  speaks  of  January  as  sacred  to 
Janus,  and  April  as  the  month  of  Venus  and  flowers,  while 
October  is  characterized  by  the  vintage.  A  curious  description 
of  Janus  is  given  in  a  sermon  attributed  to  St.  Augustine.^^ 
Janus  is  here  said  to  have  been  a  prince  of  the  pagans  so  feared 
because  of  his  tj^ranny  that  men  began  to  consider  him  a  god. 
He  then  became  the  deity  of  the  first  month  of  the  year,  and  was 
given  two  faces  symbolizing  one  the  year  which  ended,  the  other 
that  which  was  beginning. 

Of  the  many  poems  which  treated  of  the  months,  written 
during  the  Carlovingian  era,  by  all  odds  the  most  important  is 
Martius  hie  Faleem,  j)ublished  by  Biadene"  and  supposed  by  him 
to  be  of  the  time  of  Bede.  Here  are  many  details  which  strongly 
recall  later  representations  in  art.  Thus,  March  is  spoken  of 
as  holding  a  knife  ready  to  prune  the  vine;  April  hoes  the  field; 
JNIay  trains  the  vine;  August  reaps  the  harvest;  September 
threshes;  October  sows;  December  prepares  a  hog  for  the  feast. 
A  few  other  Carlovingian  poems  have  details  which  suggest,  more 
or  less  vaguely,  Romanesque  and  Gothic  plastic  representations. 
In  the  De  Mensibus^*  March  prunes  and  August  brings  apples 
and  fruit.  The  Officia  XII  Mcnsium,^''  written  probably  in  the 
VI  century,  tells  how  March  extends  his  care  to  the  vines,  July 
matures  the  fruit,  August  dries  the  grain,  September  gathers 
the  vintage,  October  treads  the  grapes,  and  December  slays  the 

9  Ausonii,  Eglogarum,  Lib.  V,  3,  ed.  Schenkl,  M.  G.  H.,  Auc.  Ant.,  V,  pt.  2,  10. 

10  Ed.  Baehrens,  M.  G.  H.,  P.  L.  M.,  I,  XII,  206.  ^i  Ibid.,  XIII,  210. 

12  Sermo  Supposititius  CXXIX,  S.  Augustini,  De  Tempore,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
XXXIX,  2001. 

13  Leandro  Biadene,  'Carmina  de  Mensibus'  di  Bonvesin  da  la  Rh'a,  in  Studj  de 
Filoloffia  Romanza,  IX,  1903,  1. 

14  Ed.  Baehrens,  M.  G.  H.,  P.  L.  M.,  V,  214.  i5  Ibid. 

356 


THE  MONTHS,  THE  SEASONS  AND  THE  YEAR 

swine.  In  the  Laus  Omnium  Mendum,^"  April  is  spoken  of  as 
lascivious,  and  October  as  the  month  of  the  vintage.  On  the 
other  hand,  certain  poems  of  about  the  same  age,  such  as  the 
Dira  Patet"  give  cycles  of  the  months  entirely  without  analogy 
with  the  later  iconography. 

At  the  end  of  the  Martyrologium  of  Wandalbertus 
Diaconus"  is  a  poem  of  considerable  length  upon  the  twelve 
months.  The  author  declares  his  purpose  of  elucidating  the 
origin  of  the  names  of  the  months,  and  of  the  signs  of  the  zodiac 
which  correspond  to  the  twelve  kalends.  January  is  named  from 
Janus  and  his  sign  is  the  Capricorn.  In  this  season  man  can  not 
labour  except  at  chopping  wood,  the  rest  of  the  time  he  sits  at 
home.  The  sign  of  February  is  Aquarius;  in  this  month  man 
plows  and  sows,  drives  his  cattle,  prunes  the  vine,  hunts  deer, 
boars  and  bears  with  hounds,  and  fishes.  The  sign  of  March  is 
Pisces.  Man  then  surrounds  his  orchards  with  hedges,  sows 
various  seeds,  hunts  deer,  goats  and  rabbits,  prepares  the  beehives 
and  grafts  trees.  The  sign  of  the  zodiac  for  April  is  Aries. 
Man  plants  more  hedges  to  protect  the  vines,  and  trains  the  vine. 
The  zodiac  for  May  is  Taurus.  This  is  the  month  for  plowing, 
for  mating  sheep  and  for  warfare,  either  by  land  or  by  sea."  The 
sign  of  the  zodiac  for  June  is  Gemini.  In  this  month  peasants 
gather  cherries  and  apples  and  make  hay.  July,  of  which  the  sign 
is  Cancer,  is  the  month  for  harvesting  the  crops  sown  in  JSIarch, 

16  Ibid.,  IV,  290.  17  Ibid.,  I,  XI,  205.  is  Ed.  AcWry,  Spicil.,  II,  57. 

13  Since  these  lines  are  Important  as  offering  an  explanation  of  the  hitherto 
unexplained  representation  of  the  month  of  May  in  the  zodiacs  I  quote  them  verbatim: 

Hoc  etiam  mense  Autumno  quae  rit6  seruntur, 
Agricolae  ductis  invertunt  terga  juvencis. 
Hoc,  quibus  armentis  amor  est  &  cultus  habendi, 
Fecundo  pecori  lectum  de  more  maritum 
Emittunt,  gentem  dominis  qui  servet  equinam. 
Hoc  quoque  delectum  castris  acieque  probare 
Tyronem  vetus  instituit  doctrina,  simulque 
Turmis  &  legione  hostis  premere  arma  superbi: 
Seu  classem  instructam  ventis  aptare  secundis. 
Tumque  fa  vis  aestu  croceis  emissa  juventus 
Aere  sub  nudo  ludit,  stabulisque  relictis. 
Ignotas  quiKrunt  vagabunda  examina  sedes: 
Alls  saepe  etiam  bellum  stimulisque  lacessunt. 
In  pulchramque  ruunt  animoso  pectore  mortem. 

357 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

for  fruits,  and  for  hunting  deer.  In  August,  of  which  the  sign 
is  Leo,  man  reaps  and  flays  the  grain.  September,  of  which  the 
sign  is  Virgo,  is  the  time  when  man  guards  his  vineyards,  traps 
foxes,  gathers  the  grapes  and  treads  them.  October,  of  which 
the  sign  is  Scorpio,  is  the  month  for  making  wine,  gathering 
fruits,  plowing  the  vineyards,  trimming  the  old  vines  and 
planting  new  ones.  In  November,  of  which  the  sign  is  Libra, 
man  plants  certain  seeds,  drives  pigs  into  the  woods  and  hunts 
boars.  In  December  the  peasant  rests  and  sleeps,  but  he  must 
also  break  the  glebe,  cut  wood,  net  birds  and  slaughter  swine."" 

In  another  similar  poem  of  the  months,  believed  to  date  from 
the  IX  century,  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  are  neglected,  but  the 
derivation  of  each  name  is  carefully  explained.  January  is  the 
month  for  warming  garments  and  limbs  at  the  fire.  In  February 
grain  begins  to  grow.  In  April  flowers  grow,  and  twigs  and 
branches  sprout.  In  May  seeds  are  planted.  In  July  hay  is 
cut.  In  August  grain  is  harvested.  In  September  the  fields  are 
plowed.  In  October  wine  is  made.  In  November  one  toasts 
one's  garment  and  limbs,  or  drives  swine  in  the  woods.  In 
December : 

Tunc  quoque  de  silva  porci  mactantur  ohesi, 
Post  illis  fruitur,  qualiter  inde  placet.'^ 

In  another  poem  of  unknown  authorship  the  signs  of  the 
zodiac  with  the  exception  of  Taurus  are  similarly  neglected. 
January  builds  a  fire;  in  February  eggs  are  covered;  April  is 
the  month  of  sprouting  flowers  and  trees;  May  is  the  month  of 
flowers ;  June  sows ;  July  makes  hay ;  August  harvests  the  grain ; 
September  sows;  October  treads  the  grapes: 

Decidua  porcos  pascit  quia  glande  Novimber 

Horridus  effuso  saepe  cruore  madet. 
Glande  sues  reduci  pastas  pastore  Decimber 

Rimatur  fibris,  sordet  et  obsonio." 

20  The  lines  dealing  with  this  last  duty  are  so  important  as  an  explanation  of 
the  representation  of  the  month  in  iconography  that  they  deserve  to  be  quoted: 

Hoc  sub  mense  sues  pasta  jam  glande  madentes, 
Distento  &  plenam  monstrantes  ventre  saginam 
Casdere,  &  ad  tepidum  mos  est  suspendere  sumum. 
Terga  priiis  salis  fuerint  cum  sparsa  madore. 

21  M.  G.  H.,  P.  L.  M.,  II,  644..  22  ibid.,  645. 

358 


THE  MONTHS,  THE  SEASONS  AND  THE  YEAR 

Other  literary  sources  are  of  minor  importance.  The 
Carmina  de  Mensibus  of  Bonvesin  da  la  Riva  seems  to  have  been 
copied  from,  rather  than  to  have  inspired,  the  plastic  repre- 
sentations, and  the  elaborate  symbolism  appears  to  be  a 
gratuitous  addition  of  the  author."^  Thus  February  is  spoken 
of  as  trimming  the  vine.  This  symbolizes  how  the  wise  man 
cuts  off  sin  by  confession.  INIarch  trains  the  vine,  sows  the  fields 
with  flax  and  vegetables;  even  so  he  who  wishes  true  joy  must 
cultivate  in  youth  the  young  plants  of  virtue  that  they  may 
solace  the  rest  of  his  life.  April  is  adorned  with  flowers,  and  is 
a  time  when  birds  are  happy;  May  makes  the  best  cheese,  and 
the  hay  on  which  January  feeds  his  horses.  April  sows  panic- 
grass  and  millet,  and  shears  the  wool ;  in  this  month  cherries  and 
strawberries  are  ripe,  roses  and  lilies  bloom.  For  this  reason 
the  month  symbolizes  virginity.  The  description  contains  the 
lines : 

At  curiosus  ego  iusto  dans  menhra  labori, 
militiamque  gerens  et  equis  facetus  et  amis 
defendo  patriam. 

which  have  important  bearing  upon  the  iconographical  repre- 
sentations. June  is  clothed  only  in  linen  because  of  the  great 
heat,  his  feet  are  naked,  his  body  is  tired.  He  reaps  and  harvests. 
In  this  month  plums  and  apples  ripen.  July  is  dusty  and  almost 
naked,  the  sun  cooks  his  limbs,  sweat  dissolves  his  body;  he 
complains  that  January  lives  at  the  fire  enjoying  the  toil  of  the 
other  months.  In  this  month,  fruit,  apples,  pears,  plums  and 
grapes  ripen.  August  matures  the  panic-grass,  millet,  hay  and 
grapes,  and  washes  the  flax.  September  matures  the  panic- 
grass,  millet  and  beans.  Ripe  Avine  flows  from  the  grapes.  "I 
prepare,"  she  says,  "full  vessels  and  barrels."  Chestnuts  ripen, 
figs  are  dried,  the  first  seed  sown.  October  makes  wine,  gathers 
apples  and  pears ;  November  salts  pork,  gathers  turnips,  parsnips 
and  cabbage.  December  is  clothed  in  fox-skin,  and  prepares  the 
wood.  This  strange  poem  ends  with  an  unexpected  burst  of 
action.    The  rebellious  months  rush  to  war.    February  seizes  the 

=3  Leandro  Biadene,  'Carmina  de  Mensibus'  di  Bonvesin  da  la  Eiva,  in  Studj  de 
Filoloffia  Romanza,  IX,  1903,  1. 

859 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

knife  with  which  he  is  accustomed  to  prune  the  vines;  March, 
his  trumpet;  April  the  standard-bearer,  his  branch  with  flowers; 
jSIay,  splendidly  armed,  mounts  his  horse;  June  brings  his  scythe; 
July,  his  flail;  August,  his  stick;  September,  his  club  for  pressing 
the  grapes;  October,  the  pole  with  which  he  shakes  down  chest- 
nuts; Xovember,  his  knife  for  flaj'ing  jiork;  and  December,  his 
ax.  But  January  is  undisturbed.  He  sits  resting  at  the  fire  and 
gives  counsel  on  agriculture.  This  month  has  a  double  face;  he 
looks  back,  taking  his  tribute,  and  forward,  ordering  his  subjects 
to  labour  and  bear  fruit.  Xuma,  seeing  that  none  other  of  the 
months  was  fit  to  rule,  placed  January  over  them. 

Alain  de  Lille"^  speaks  of  the  signs  of  the  zodiac,  but  does 
not  mention  the  labours  of  the  months.  A  Milanese  calendar 
also  gives  the  signs  of  the  zodiac,  each  being  preceded  by  three 
appropriate  verses." 

In  the  light  of  the  literary  sources  the  zodiacs  represented 
in  Lombard  iconography  off'er  few  difficulties.  It  has  been 
observed  that  from  the  IV  to  the  XI  centuries  there  are  extant 
no  representations  of  the  cycle  of  the  months.  In  the  XII  and 
XIII  centuries  such  representations  came  to  assume  great 
importance  in  both  oriental""  and  occidental  art.  The  earliest 
extant  plastic  representations  of  the  months  in  Europe  are  to 
be  found  in  Lombardy,  where  the  subject  began  to  be  depicted, 
as  far  as  can  be  judged  from  the  extant  monuments,  about  the 
year  1100. 

In  the  INIiddle  Ages  there  was  considerable  divergence  of 
opinion  as  to  whether  the  year  should  begin  on  the  twenty-fifth 
of  December,  the  twenty-fifth  of  ^March,  on  Easter  Day  or  on 
the  first  of  January.  This  uncertainty  is  reflected  in  the  repre- 
sentations of  the  zodiac  in  Lombardy.  In  the  great  majority 
of  cases  subsequent  alterations  have  made  it  impossible  to 
determine  with  which  month  the  cycle  began.  It  is  certain, 
however,  that  at  Piacenza  and  Modena  the  cj^cles  began  with 

2«  Anticlaudianus,  V,  1,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCX,  529. 
25  Beroldo,  ed.  Magistretti. 

28  Josef  Strzygowski,  Die  Monatscyclen  der  byzantinischen  Kunst,  in  Repertorium 
fiir  Kvrutwisienschaft,  XI,  1888,  32. 

860 


THE  MONTHS,  THE  SEASON'S  AND  THE  YEAR 

January,  and  that  in  the  cathedral  of  Parma,  at  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona,  and  probabh^  also  at  Bobbio  they  began  with  March. 
There  was  a  similar  lack  of  uniformity  in  regard  to  the  signs 
of  the  zodiac.  Since  the  Sun  has  the  inconvenient  habit  of 
entering  the  constellations  not  on  the  first  day  of  the  month," 
it  happened  that  the  constellation  in  which  the  Sun  rose  at  the 
beginning  of  the  month  was  sometimes  chosen  as  the  respective 
sign  of  the  zodiac,  at  other  times  that  in  which  it  entered  during 
the  course  of  the  month.  There  is  the  same  divergence  in  literary 
sources.  Let  us  now  take  up  separately  the  representations  of 
the  various  months. 

January  has  for  a  sign  of  the  zodiac  either  Capricorn 
(S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Aquarius,  the  water-pourer  (Cremona 
and  the  baptistery  of  Parma).  At  Cremona  the  latter  sign  is 
represented  by  a  man  pouring  Avater  into  a  cup  held  by  another 
man.  At  Aosta  the  month  appears  as  a  two-headed  Janus  who 
stands  between  two  doors,  one  open,  the  other  closed.  In  the 
cathedral  of  Parma  also  January  is  depicted  as  a  two-headed 
Janus;  at  Modena  the  month  is  represented  by  a  peasant 
wrapped  up  in  a  cloak  with  a  hood,  and  sharpening  his  hatchet 
to  cut  wood.  At  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  a  peasant  warms  himself 
at  the  fire;  at  Cremona  and  the  baptistery  of  Parma  sausages 
are  seen  suspended  over  a  stick,  roasting  before  a  fire.  In  the 
Parma  baptistery  there  is  also  a  boiling  kettle,  at  Cremona  a 
brazier.  In  the  baptisterj-  of  Parma  the  peasant  is  seated  before 
the  fire,  while  another  is  seen  hoeing  the  ground. 

The  sign  of  the  zodiac  for  the  month  of  February  is 
Aquarius  (S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Pisces,  the  fish  (Cremona 
and  the  baptistery  of  Parma) .  In  allusion  to  this  sign  the  month 
is  represented  at  the  cathedral  of  Parma  as  going  fishing  with 
net  and  basket.'^  At  Cremona  and  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma 
the  month  is  depicted  as  spading  the  earth.  At  S.  Savino  of 
Piacenza  and  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  he  prunes  the  vine.  At  Aosta 
and  Modena  he  warms  himself  at  a  fire. 

The  sign  of  the  zodiac  for  the  month  of  ^March  is  either 

=7  The  matter  is  complicated  by  the  precession  of  the  equinoxes. 
=s  In  the  cathedral  of  Lucca  the  month  is  represented  fishing. 

361 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Pisces  (S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Aries,  the  ram  (Cremona,  the 
baptistery  of  Parma) .  The  most  typical  representation  of  the 
month  is  that  of  a  wind-god  blowing  a  horn,  in  obvious  reference 
to  the  tempestuous  character  of  the  month.  It  is  thus  repre- 
sented, for  example,  at  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (Plate  186, 
Fig.  8),  at  Cremona,  and  at  the  baptistery  of  Parma.  At  S. 
Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  174,  Fig.  2)  and  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona 
the  month  has  flaming  hair,  and  blows  at  once  two  horns,  one 
out  of  each  corner  of  his  mouth.  At  Cremona,  Modena  and 
Aosta  peasants  are  shown  pruning  vines.  A  peculiar  repre- 
sentation is  that  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  in  which  the  month 
appears  as  a  half  naked  youth. 

The  sign  of  the  zodiac  for  April  is  either  Aries  (S.  Savino 
of  Piacenza)  or  Taurus,  the  bull  (baptistery  of  Parma).  The 
month  is  almost  always  represented  as  a  youth  holding  in  his 
hands  some  of  the  flora  of  spring — two  budding  shrubs  at  S. 
Savino  of  Piacenza  (Plate  186,  Fig.  8),  a  flower  at  S.  Tommaso 
of  Reggio,  three  freshly  budding  branches  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia, 
a  branch  at  Cremona,  a  palm  and  a  lily  in  the  baptistery  of 
Parma,  two  flowers  at  Modena,  a  flower  and  a  budding  branch 
at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona,  two  flowers  at  Aosta.  In  the  cathedral 
of  Parma  the  month  is  placed  between  two  palm-trees  one  of 
which  he  holds  in  either  hand.  At  Modena  and  at  S.  Savino 
of  Piacenza  (Plate  186,  Fig.  8)  he  is  similarly  placed  between 
two  shrubs;  the  motive  is  doubtless  borrowed  from  represen- 
tations of  martyrs  in  Early  Christian  monuments.  At  Aosta 
April  is  symbolized  by  a  bird's  nest."" 

The  sign  of  the  zodiac  for  the  month  of  May  is  either 
Taurus  (S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Gemini,  the  twins  (Cremona 
and  the  baptisterj'  of  Parma).  The  month  is  usually  repre- 
sented as  a  youtlr  who  starts  out  for  warfare  with  his  horse.  At 
S.  Savino  of  Piacenza,  the  cathedral  of  Parma  and  Modena  he 
is  represented  as  leading  this  horse  which  is  saddled.  At 
Cremona,  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  and  Aosta  he  has  already  mounted. 
At  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  he  is  armed  with  bow  and  arrows;  at 

29  At  the  cathedral  of  I.ucea  the  month  holds  in  his  hand  a  birdling. 

362 


THE  MONTHS,  THE  SEASONS  AND  THE  YEAR 

S.  Zeno  with  lance  and  shield,  at  the  cathedral  of  Parma  with 
a  lance,  and  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma  with  a  lance  with  banner. 
Only  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  174,  Fig.  2)  is  the  month 
represented  cutting  hay  with  a  scythe. 

For  the  month  of  June  the  sign  of  the  zodiac  is  either 
Gemini  (S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Cancer,  the  crab  (Cremona 
and  the  baptistery  of  Parma).  At  Modena  and  at  Aosta  the 
month  is  represented  as  mowing.  In  the  cathedral  of  Parma 
he  sharpens  his  scythe.  At  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  he  gathers  fruit. 
At  Cremona  also  he  is  represented  by  a  youth  carrying  a  pail 
or  bucket,  doubtless  full  of  fruit ;  behind  is  a  tree  in  full  foliage 
and  a  little  pig.  In  the  baptistery  of  Parma  the  month  appears 
to  be  depicted  driving  two  oxen. 

The  sign  of  the  zodiac  for  the  month  of  July  is  either  Cancer 
(S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Leo,  the  lion  (Cremona,'"  and  the 
baptistery  of  Parma) .  At  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza,  in  the  cathedral 
and  baptistery  of  Parma,  at  Modena  and  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  the 
month  is  represented  as  reaping  the  harvest.  At  Aosta  he  binds 
the  grain  into  sheaves.    At  Cremona  he  holds  a  flail. 

The  sign  of  the  zodiac  for  the  month  of  August  is  either  Leo 
(S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Virgo,  the  virgin  (the  baptistery  of 
Parma).  At  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza,  Bobbio,  the  cathedral  of 
Piacenza,  Cremona,  the  baptistery  of  Parma,  and  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona  the  month  is  represented  as  nailing  up  a  barrel.  At 
Modena  and  Aosta  he  threshes. 

For  September  the  sign  of  the  zodiac  is  either  Virgo 
(S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Libra,  the  scales  (Cremona  and  the 
baptistery  of  Parma).  The  month  is  generally  represented  as 
plucking  grapes,  as  at  S.   Savino  of  Piacenza,   Cremona,  the 

30  The  restored  condition  of  the  zodiac  at  Cremona  makes  its  study  extremely 
difficult.  Since  the  second  volume  of  this  work  was  published,  a  further  study  of  the 
sculptures  has  convinced  me  that  the  two  restored  cows  which  I  had  taken  as  a  trans- 
formation of  Capricorn  really  are  a  metamorphosis  of  Virgo.  The  month  which  nails 
up  the  barrel  must  therefore  be  not  November  but  August.  This  necessitates  also 
revising  the  names  of  some  of  the  other  months  as  given  in  Vol.  II,  p.  388.  The  month 
holding  the  flail  and  with  the  sign  Leo  is  doubtless  July  not  August.  The  month  reaping 
and  with  the  sign  Scorpio  is  not  July  but  October.  The  month  with  the  peasant  dressing 
swine,  and  the  sign  Sagittarius  is  not  December  but  November.  The  scene  with  the 
two  peasants  one  of  whom  drinks,  is  not  October  but  December. 


363 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

baptistery  and  cathedral  of  Parma  and  S.  Zeno  of  Verona.  At 
Modena,  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  and  Aosta  he  treads  the  grapes. 

For  October  the  sign  of  the  zodiac  is  either  Libra  (S.  Savino 
of  Piacenza)  or  Scorpio,  the  scorpion  (the  baptistery  of  Parma 
and  Cremona) .  In  the  cathedral  of  Parma  the  month  is  crowned, 
and  holds  a  cup  of  new-made  wine.  At  Cremona  he  reaps.  At 
Modena  the  month  holds  a  funnel  to  pour  wine  into  a  cask.'^  At 
the  baptistery  of  Parma  and  Aosta  he  sows.  At  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona  he  gathers  acorns  accompanied  by  a  hog. 

The  month  of  November  has  for  a  sign  of  the  zodiac  either 
Scorpio  (S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Sagittarius,  the  archer  (the 
baptistery  of  Parma) .  At  Bobbio  the  month  is  represented 
holding  a  pole  perhaps  for  knocking  down  chestnuts.  In  the 
baptistery  of  Parma  he  stows  vegetables  awaj^  in  a  sack.  At 
ISIodena  he  sows,  at  Aosta  he  carries  a  load  of  wood.  In  the 
cathedrals  of  Parma  and  Cremona  and  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona 
he  butchers  swine. 

The  month  of  December  has  for  its  sign  of  the  zodiac  either 
Sagittarius  (S.  Savino  of  Piacenza)  or  Capricornus,  Capricorn 
(baptistery  of  Parma).  The  month  is  represented  at  S.  Savino 
of  Piacenza  and  Aosta  as  butchering  swine.  In  the  cathedrals 
of  Parma  and  Modena  he  cuts  wood.  At  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  he 
carries  fagots.  In  the  baptistery  of  Parma  he  prunes  the  vines; 
at  Cremona  he  drinks. 

The  zodiac  once  represented  in  the  pavement  of  Isola  S. 
Giulio  has  perished.  In  the  pavement  of  Acquanegra  the  signs 
are  depicted  without  the  corresponding  works  of  the  months,  as 
the  latter  are  often  depicted  without  the  signs.  The  constel- 
lations of  the  zodiac  also  find  their  place,  as  has  been  mentioned, 
among  the  constellations  sculptured  by  Nicolo  at  Sagra  S. 
Michele  and  in  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza.  In  addition  there  are 
numerous  semi-grotesque  sculptures  which  seem  to  have  been 
inspired  by  the  works  of  the  months.  Thus  in  the  Porta  dei 
Principi  of  the  cathedral  of  INIodena  there  are  represented  a 
workman  pruning  a  vine,  and  a  wind-god.  A  capital  of  Vico- 
fertile  seems  to  contain  representations  of  the  months  of  April, 

31  In  the  cathedral  of  Lucca  the  month  pours  wine  into  a  barrel. 

364 


THE  MONTHS,  THE  SEASONS  AND  THE  YEAR 

December  and  May.  On  the  apse  of  Borgo  are  sculptures  which 
recall  the  months  of  January,  INIarch,  April,  May  and  September. 
The  two  men  dressing  an  animal  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  are 
doubtless  an  echo  of  the  month  of  December,  as  the  two  persons 
with  saddled  horse  are  evidently  a  reminiscence  of  the  month  of 
May. 

The  seasons  were  represented  in  Early  Christian  iconog- 
raphy as  symbolical  of  the  Resurrection,^'^  were  almost  personified 
by  Boethius,"  and  became  familiar  in  French  iconography.^' 
They  are  represented  only  once  in  Lombard  art— in  the  baptistery 
of  Parma. 

According  to  Siccardo  the  year  is  a  symbol  of  Christ,  for 
its  members  are  the  four  seasons,  that  is  to  say,  the  four  Evange- 
lists. The  twelve  months  are  the  twelve  apostles,  the  seven  days 
of  the  week  the  seven  gifts  of  the  Ploly  Spirit.  The  twenty-four 
hours  are  the  tAvelve  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament  and  twelve 
apostles  of  the  Xew.^^  The  four  seasons  are  also  the  symbols 
of  the  four  cardinal  virtues. 

It  is  doubtless  in  reference  to  this  symbolism  that  the  year 
in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  the  cathedral  of  Aosta  is  represented 
as  haloed  and  bearing  in  his  hands  the  Sun  and  the  JNIoon.  The 
central  figure,  symbolical  of  God,  is  surrounded  by  the  four 
rivers  of  Paradise,  symbols  of  the  Evangelists,  and  of  the  four 
cardinal  virtues.  In  the  mosaic  pavement  of  S.  Savino  of 
Piacenza  similarly  the  year  holds  in  his  hands  the  Sun  and  the 
Moon,  and  is  surrounded  by  the  four  rivers  of  Paradise  and 
genre  scenes  representing  the  four  cardinal  virtues. 

32Laraberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archwology,  XV,  513.     The  seasons  also 
appear  in  the  pavement  of  Sur. 
S3  Phil.  Cons.,  I,  6. 

s^Didron,  Symbolique  ChrHienne,  in  Annales  ArcMologiques,  I,  1844,  243. 
35  Sicardi  Cremonensis  Episcopi,  Mitrale,  V,  7,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCXIII,  232. 


365 


CHAPTER  IV.    THE  WIXDS,  THE  SEA  xlND  THE 
RIVERS  OF  PARADISE 

There  was  a  strong  feeling  in  the  JMiddle  Ages  that  on  the 
pavement  which  was  trampled  under  foot  bj^  the  crowd  there 
should  not  be  represented  saints  nor  scenes  from  sacred  history.' 
It  therefore  resulted  that  except  in  the  choir  the  subjects 
depicted  in  mosaic  pavements  were  generally  limited  to  the 
jMirrors  of  Nature,  of  Science  and  of  ISIorals.  It  is  felt  to  be 
particularljr  fitting  that  those  cj'cles  which  were  symbolical  of 
the  world  should  be  represented  in  this  least  dignified  portion 
of  the  church-building,  for  the  Middle  Ages  scorned  the  earth 
and  its  vanities,  and  believed  that  salvation  was  to  be  sought 
only  in  the  immaterial.  That  is  why  the  labyrinth,  symbol  of 
human  error,  was  represented  on  the  pavements  of  S.  Michele 
of  Pavia  and  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza.  That  is  why  the  Wheel 
of  Fortune,  symbol  of  the  vicissitudes  of  human  destiny  on  earth, 
was  represented  in  the  pavement  of  S.  Salutore  of  Turin.  That 
is  why  the  labours  of  man  in  the  various  months  Avere  depicted 
in  the  pavements  of  Bobbio,  Isola  S.  Giulio,  S.  Tommaso  of 
Reggio,  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  (Plate  186,  Fig.  8)  and  S. 
Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  174,  Fig.  2). 

Baudri  in  describing  the  pavement  of  the  imaginary  bed- 
chamber of  Adele,  daughter  of  William  the  Conqueror,  says 
that  on  this  pavement  was  represented  the  image  of  the  world 
with  all  the  monsters  of  the  sea  and  land : 

Quippe  pavimentum  mundi  fuit  altera  mappa: 
Ilic  viileas  terrcB  monstra  marisque  simttl. 

Ne  vera  pulvis  picturam  Imderet  ullus, 
Tota  fuit  vitrea  tecta  superficie. 

Ipsa  superficies  vitreum  mare  nomen  habebat.  .  .   . 

1  Exceptions  were  made  in  the  case  of  the  stories  of  the  Maccabees,  Judith,  etc. 

366 


WINDS,  SEA  AND  RIVERS  OF  PARADISE 

Cingebatur  opus  fluido  vividique  colore, 

Ut  maris  esset  opus  quod  fluitare  putes. 
Hoc  opus  Oceani  nomen  formamque  gerebat, 

Quod  penitus  limbo  cinxerat  arva  suo 
Insula  non  deerat  et  secla  marina  videres: 

Ballenas,  cete,  cetera  monstra  maris. 
Gurgitibus  propriis  pisces  innare  putares, 

Sique  forent  pisces,  prendere  posse  manu. 
Oceano  totus  terrce  sic  obsitus  orbis 

Humectabatur  fluminibus  mediis; 
Forma  rotunda  sibi,  speciem  qum  prmferat  ovi, 

Constans  mensuris  ponderibusque  suis. 
Porro  venustabat  operum  variatio  terras, 

Humanusque  labor  auxerat  effigiem. 
Divinus  siquidem  quoedam  construxerat  ordoj 

Qucedam  vera  manus  fecerat  artificum. 
Disposuit  cursus  summus  moderator  aquarum 

Tigris  et  Eufratis,  Eridani,  Ligeris. 

The  poet  also  speaks  of  the  Mediterranean  placed  in  the  middle 
of  the  continents,  of  the  mountains,  of  the  various  kinds  of 
animals  and  monstrous  men,  of  the  sands  of  certain  shores  so 
red  that  the  sea  over  them  reflects  the  same  colour,  of  the  Syrtes, 
of  the  Sicilian  danger,  of  the  flames  which  ^tna  vomits,  of  hot 
springs,  of  fresh  and  salt  water.  He  describes  the  sea  of 
Asphaltites  which  covers  the  site  of  Sodom  and  is  different  from 
all  other  lakes.  On  these  waters  float  all  living  things  whether 
men,  beasts,  bulls  or  camels,  for  they  will  not  sink,  but  there  are 
no  fish  nor  are  there  any  ships.  The  poet  goes  on  to  describe 
the  three  continents — Asia,  Europe  and  Africa — into  which  the 
world  is  divided.  Paradise  is  placed  in  Asia;  the  Nile  separates 
Asia  from  Africa.  There  follows  a  treatise  on  geography.  In 
Asia  there  are  griffins,  panthers,  tigers  and  lionesses.  In  Africa 
one  finds  the  bear,  the  rhinoceros,  the  panther,  the  camel,  the 
wild  ass,  the  hyena,  the  aspic,  the  basilisk  and  many  other 
animals.^ 

The  description  of  Baudri  must  have  been  inspired  by  some 
such  pavement  as  that  at  S.  Salutore  at  Turin  in  which  indeed 

2  Baudri,  ed.  Delisle,  719  f. 

367 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

is  represented  symbolically  the  world,  the  sea  that  surrounds  it, 
the  islands  of  the  sea  and  the  winds  that  blow  over  the  earth. 

Pliny'  says  that  the  ancients  knew  only  the  four  cardinal 
winds,  Septentrio  or  Aparctias  (north),  Subsolanus  or  Apilioten 
(east),  Auster  or  Notus  (south),  Favonius  or  Zephyrus  (west) ; 
but  a  later  age  increased  this  number  to  eight,  adding  the  inter- 
mediate winds  Aquilo  or  Boreas  (north-east),  Vulturnus  or 
Eurus  (south-east),  Africus  or  Liba  (south-west).  Corns  or 
Argestes  (north-west).  Between  these  eight  winds  others  had 
been  added,  and  the  process  had  been  continued  indefinitely.  He 
goes  on  to  speak  of  the  characteristics  of  the  different  winds. 
Favonius  blows  in  the  spring  and  brings  the  swallows.  Subso- 
lanus brings  the  heat  of  summer  and  blows  in  May.  Aquilo 
blows  for  the  eight  days  preceding,  and  the  forty  during  the  dog 
days;  also  in  the  winter,  but  in  a  ver}'  different  manner.  The 
northern  winds  are  the  coldest  and  drive  away  clouds.  Africus 
and  Auster  are  humid,  Corus  and  Vulturnus  are  dry,  Aquilo  and 
Septentrio  are  snowy,  Septentrio  and  Corus  bring  hail,  Auster 
is  hot,  Vulturnus  and  Favonius  tepid,  although  drier  than 
Subsolanus ;  Aquilo  is  the  most  helpful,  Auster  the  most  harmful, 
of  winds. 

This  classification  of  the  winds  was  somewhat  modified  by 
Isidore  of  Seville;*  for  him  tliere  are  four  cardinal  winds  each 
flanked  on  either  side  by  subsidiary  winds.  Thus  Septentrius  is 
placed  between  Circius  on  his  right  and  Aquilonis  or  Boreas  on 
his  left;  Subsolanus  has  Vulturnus  on  his  right  and  Eurus  on 
his  left;  Auster  has  Euroaustrum  on  his  right  and  Austroafricum 
on  his  left;  Flavonius  or  Zephyrus  has  Africum  on  his  right  and 
Corus  on  his  left.  This  classification  was  the  one  usually 
adopted  in  the  Middle  Ages.  It  is  the  one  used  by  Honore  of 
Autun^  and  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  S.  Salutore.  Isidore  of 
Seville  also  gives  a  description  of  the  characteristics  of  the  various 
winds,"  which  differs  in  numerous  particulars  from  the  account 

^Nat.  Hist.,  II,  47,  119,  ed.  Teubner,  I,  170. 
*  Etymologiarum,  XIII,  11,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  479. 
5  Honorii    Augustodunensis,   De   Imagine    Mundi,    I,   55,   ed.    Migne,    Pat.    Lat., 
CLXXII,   136. 

8Z)e  Natura  Berum,  Cap.  XXXVII,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIV,  1006. 

368 


WINDS,  SEA  AND  RIVERS  OF  PARADISE 

of  Pliny,  but  is  substantially  in  agreement  with  Honore  of  Autun 
and  with  the  inscriptions  in  the  Turin  pavement.'  The  editors 
of  the  Patrologice^  have  printed  a  poem  earlier  than  the  time  of 
Isidore  in  which  each  of  the  four  cardinal  winds  is  represented 
as  flanked  by  two  subsidiary  winds  and  the  characteristics  of 
each  are  briefly  described.  The  winds  were  represented  as  early 
as  the  IV  century  A.  D.  in  the  pavement  of  Sur.  In  Lombard 
iconography  they  appeared  in  addition  to  the  mosaic  of  S. 
Salutore  of  Turin  in  the  now  destroyed  pavement  in  the  cathedral 
of  Novara. 

The  sea  which  is  represented  in  the  catacomb  frescos  of  the 
IV  century"  appears  in  Lombard  iconography  in  the  mosaic 
pavements  of  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza,  S.  Tommaso  of  Reggio 
and  S.  Salutore  of  Turin.  In  the  latter  instance  it  is  repre- 
sented with  its  islands:  Ireland,  where  there  are  no  serpents 
{Scocia  ubi  nulla  unguis),  Britain  and  the  Orkneys.  The  fact 
that  it  is  placed  near  the  Wheel  of  Fortune  suggests  that  the 
artist  had  in  mind  a  passage  of  Boethius  in  which  the  sea  is 
referred  to  as  a  symbol  of  the  changeableness  of  human  fortune." 
It  is  almost  certain,  however,  that  there  is  also  an  even  broader 
symbolism.  The  sea  as  we  have  seen  is  the  figure  of  the  Church ; 
in  the  pavement  of  Turin  it  surroimds  the  Wheel  of  Fortune, 
obviously  a  rejjresentation  of  the  infelicity  of  the  life  of  man 
in  the  world,  to  indicate  that  the  Church  surrounds  the  accidents 
of  man's  destinies  in  the  world  as  the  ocean  flows  around  the 
continents. 

For  in  the  medifeval  conception  the  ocean  flowed  around 
the  world."  Honore  of  Autun'"  conceives  of  the  continents  of 
Africa  and  Europe  as  consisting  each  of  a  semicircle  separated 
by  the  Mediterranean,  and  surrounded  by  the  ocean,  as  by  a  ring 
of  water.  From  the  Mediterranean  flows  outward  a  current 
which  at  the  eastern  and  western  extremities  of  the  sea  divides 

7  For  an  analysis  see  below,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  445  f.  s  LXXXIV,  1006. 

»  I.amberton,  In  American  Journal  of  Archcrology,  XV,  516. 

10  Phil.  Cons.,  II,  3. 

11  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarum,  XIII,  15,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  484. 

12  Honorii  Augustodunensis,  J)e  Philosophia  Mundi  Libri  Quatuor,  Lib.  Ill,  Cap. 
XIV,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CLXXII. 

369 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

itself  into  two  branches,  one  flowing  north,  the  other  south.  The 
tides  are  produced  by  the  meeting  of  these  currents,  and  the 
winds  are  also  produced  by  the  same  means.  Zephyrus,  the  west 
wind,  is  born  from  the  gap  which  is  left  by  the  two  receding 
currents  at  the  west  end  of  the  Mediterranean;  Eurus,  the  east 
wind,  from  the  similar  gap  at  the  east  end;  Boreas,  the  north 
wind,  from  the  meeting  of  the  two  currents  in  the  north ;  Auster, 
the  south  wind,  from  their  meeting  in  the  south.  The  inter- 
mediate winds  are  caused  by  the  meeting  of  two  of  the  cardinal 
winds.  We  now  see  the  reason  why  the  sea  is  placed  about  the 
Wheel  of  Fortune  in  the  Turin  pavement,  and  why  the  winds 
are  associated  with  the  sea. 

'No  feature  of  geography  gave  rise  to  more  profound 
speculation  by  the  church-fathers  than  the  four  rivers  of  Para- 
dise. St.  Augustine  considers  that  Paradise  is  a  symbol  of  the 
life  of  the  saints,  and  its  four  rivers  of  the  foiu*  cardinal  virtues: 
Prudence,  Fortitude,  Temperance  and  Justice;  and  also  that 
it  is  the  figure  of  the  Church,  and  its  four  rivers  of  the  four 
Evangelists."  St.  Ambrose  carries  the  symbolism  even  further. 
The  fountain  of  Paradise  is  Christ,  which  divides  into  four  rivers : 
Phison,  the  figure  of  Prudence;  Gehon,  the  figure  of  Temper- 
ance; Tigris,  the  figure  of  Fortitude,  and  Euphrates,  the  figure 
of  Justice.  The  four  rivers,  moreover,  are  also  symbolical  of 
the  four  Ages  of  the  World.  For  the  First  Age  which  extended 
from  the  beginning  of  the  world  to  the  time  of  the  flood,  was  the 
age  of  Prudence;  in  this  time  lived  Abel  called  just  by  God, 
Enos  the  man  made  in  the  image  of  God  who  began  to  call  upon 
the  name  of  the  Lord,  Enoch  who  was  carried  up  to  Heaven, 
and  Noah  who  was  also  just.  The  Second  Age  is  the  time  of 
Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob  and  other  patriarchs  distinguished  by 
a  certain  chaste  and  pure  temperance  in  religion.  The  Third 
Age  is  the  time  of  Fortitude  since  in  it  lived  the  prophets  who 
were  always  persecuted.  The  Fourth  Age,  which  is  the  time 
of  Christ,  is  the  age  of  Justice."     Isidore  of  Seville  ignores  the 

13  S.  Augustini,  De  Civitate  Dei,  XIII,  21,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lot.,  XLI,  394. 
n  S.  Ambrosii,  Liber  de  Paradiso,  3,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  296. 

370 


WINDS,  SEA  AND  RIVERS  OF  PARADISE 

symbolism,  but  agrees  with  Ambrose  in  identifying  the  Gehon 
with  the  Nile,  Phison  with  the  Ganges.'^ 

The  rivers  of  Paradise  were  represented  once  in  the  catacomb 
frescos  of  Rome"  and  frequently  in  Early  Christian  and  Byzan- 
tine mosaics.^'  In  Lombard  iconography  they  were  represented 
in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  Aosta  cathedral,  where  they  were  put 
in  parallel  with  the  four  Evangelists.  In  the  mosaic  pavement 
of  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza  the  four  figures  at  the  corners  of  the 
disk  about  the  year  are  probably  personifications  of  the  four 
rivers  of  Paradise;  they  are  placed  in  parallel  with  the  four 
cardinal  virtues.  In  the  pavement  of  Xovara  the  four  rivers 
are  personified  and  placed  near,  though  not  exactly  in  parallel 
with,  the  four  Evangelists.  In  the  frescos  of  Civate  the  fountain 
of  Paradise  is  represented  by  Christ.  From  His  feet  flow  the 
four  rivers  which  are  put  in  parallel  with  the  four  Evangelists, 
the  four  virtues,  and  apparentlj'  also  the  four  archangels. 

15  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarwm,  XIII,  20,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  490. 
1"  Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archcfology,  XV,  515. 

1"  E.g.,  at  SS.  MarceUino  e  Pietro  and  SS.  Cosma  a  Damiano  of  Rome  and  S. 
Vitale  of  Ravenna. 


871 


Book  III.    The  Mirror  of  Morals 


CHAPTER  I.     THE  VIRTUES  AND  VICES 

The  canon  of  the  four  cardinal  virtues  of  Prudence,  Forti- 
tude, Temperance  and  Justice  had  been  established  by  Plato.' 
From  Plato  it  was  taken  over  by  Isidore  of  Seville"  and  other 
church-fathers  who  passed  the  conception  on  to  the  INIiddle 
Ages.  In  Lombard  iconography  the  four  cardinal  virtues  are 
represented  by  personifications  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  S. 
Benedetto  Po  (1151),  and  by  genre  scenes  in  the  pavement  of 
S.  Savino  of  Piacenza — 1107 — (Plate  183). 

With  the  cardinal  virtues  were  associated  the  three  theo- 
logical virtues  of  Faith,  Hope  and  Charity  derived  from  St. 
Paul.'  These  three  personified  as  virgins  with  crowns  are 
represented  on  the  portal  of  the  cathedral  of  Verona  (1139). 

Although  the  INIiddle  Ages  frequentlj^  departed  from,  and 
elaborated  upon,  this  simple  classification  of  the  four  cardinal 
and  three  theological  virtues,  the  canon  was  nevertheless  deeply 
impressed  upon  mediaeval  thought,*  and  is  frequently  to  be  traced 
as  an  underlying  principle  even  in  those  iconographic  representa- 
tions wliich  seem  to  dej^art  most  widely  from  tlie  classification. 

Tertullian  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to  have  personified 

1  Republic,  IV,  428  f. 

^  Etymologiarum,  II,  Si,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  141. 

3  I  Cor.,  xiii,  13. 

4  Dante  constantly  alludes  to  the  four  cardinal  and  the  three  theological  virtues. 
The  stars  of  Purgatory  appear  in  two  constellations,  one  of  three,  the  other  of  four 
{Pvrg.,  VIII).  The  seven  sins  with  which  the  angel  brands  Dante  (Purg.,  IX,  112) 
refer  to  this  classification.  Virgil  is  said  to  have  possessed  the  four  cardinal  but  not 
the  three  theological  virtues.  Three  women  symbolizing  the  theological  virtues  accom- 
pany the  chariot  of  the  Church,  four  others  obviously  the  cardinal  virtues  follow 
{Purg.,  XXIX,  123).  Of  the  seven  deadly  sins  the  theological  have  two  horns,  the 
cardinal  one  each  {Purg.,  XXXII,  142).  Indeed  the  whole  scheme  of  the  Purgatorio 
is  dominated  by  this  conception.     (See  Tozer's  prefatory  note  to  Canto  X). 

372 


THE  VIRTUES  AND  VICES 

the  virtues  and  vices.  He  speaks  of  Wantonness  overcome  by 
Chastity,  Perfidy  killed  by  Faith,  Cruelty  struck  down  by  Pity, 
Petulance  mastered  by  Modesty.^  It  was,  however,  as  is  well 
known,  Prudentius  who  in  his  Psychomachia  was  the  first  to 
establish  the  tradition  of  the  personification  of  the  virtues  and 
vices,  and  to  conceive  the  idea  of  a  battle  waged  between  the  two 
in  the  soul  of  man.  This  poem  is  of  such  vital  importance  for 
later  iconography  that  it  will  be  Avell  to  examine  it  at  some  length. 

The  epic  begins  with  a  brief  preface  containing  an  invocation 
to  Christ  Who  ever  takes  pity  on  the  hard  labours  of  man,  and 
Who,  understanding  the  sedition  which  often  arises  in  his 
disturbed  senses,  has  placed  in  him  virtues  to  combat  the  vices. 
Then  the  action  begins.  The  first  combatant  to  seek  the  field 
is  Faith.  Her  behaviour  is  wild  and  uncouth,  her  shoulders 
naked,  her  hair  uncut,  her  arms  bare.  In  her  enthusiasm  she  has 
forgotten  her  sword  and  her  shield,  but  without  thought  she 
rushes  into  war.  Behold!  The  worship  of  the  ancient  gods 
gathering  its  strength  dares  first  to  strike  Faith  who  is  shouting 
a  challenge.  Faith  overthrows  her  enemy  whose  head  and  temples 
are  ornamented  with  garlands,  forces  her  mouth,  satiated  with 
the  blood  of  beasts,  to  bite  the  dust,  and  kicks  her  head  as  her 
eyes  roll  in  death.  The  broken  cords  of  the  neck  of  Paganism 
contract,  she  dies  slowly  heaving  long  sighs.  The  victorious  army 
of  the  virtues  exults.  Queen  Faith  spurs  them  on,  overcoming 
the  enemy  by  a  thousand  martj^rs;  then  she  crowns  her  brave 
allies  with  flowers,  and  orders  that  they  be  clothed  in  flaming 
purple. 

The  next  virtue  to  take  the  field  is  ISIodesty  who  shines  in 
her  well-polished  armour.  She  is  assailed  bj^  the  Sodomite, 
Voluptuousness,  who  is  surrounded  by  torches.  The  vice  thrusts 
in  the  face  of  the  virtue  a  pitchy-pine  fagot  and  burning  sulphur, 
attacks  her  with  the  shameless  light  of  the  flame  and  tries  to 
suffocate  her  with  the  foul  smoke;  but  the  fearless  virtue  strikes 
the  right  hand  of  the  flaming  fury;  then  drawing  her  sword  she 
cuts  the  throat  of  her  enemy.  The  latter  vomits  smoke  mixed 
with    dirty   blood;    exhaling   her    foul    spirit,    she    pollutes    the 

sTertuUiani,  De  Spectaculis,  XXIX,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  I,  735. 

373 


LO^IBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

neighbouring  air.  The  virtue  addresses  her  fallen  enemy 
referring  to  the  victory  of  Judith  over  Holofernes.  ISIodesty 
then  washes  her  tainted  sword  in  the  waters  of  the  Jordan, 
abolishing  by  baptism  the  taint  of  the  wicked  enemy.  Nor  even 
after  this  is  she  content  to  put  the  sword  away  in  its  sheath, 
fearing  lest  it  should  rust;  instead  she  consecrates  it  on  the  altar 
of  a  Catholic  temple. 

Patience  stands  looking  at  the  dead  body  of  Voluptuousness ; 
Wrath  sees  her  from  afar,  Wrath  whose  mouth  foams  and  whose 
eyes  are  bloody,  and  immediately  challenges  Patience  to  battle. 
Wrath  impatiently  demands  the  reason  of  the  delay;  her  throat 
rattles,  and  she  shakes  the  crest  of  her  helmet.  She  hurls  a  spear 
at  Patience,  but  the  virtue  catches  it  on  her  shield,  for  Patience 
has  a  triple  shield  of  the  hardest  steel,  and  scale  armour  of  iron 
and  leather.  Therefore  Patience  stands  quietlj'  amid  the  rain 
of  missiles,  and  unmoved  by  the  onset  of  the  furious  monster, 
awaits  quietly  until  Wrath  wears  herself  out.  Finally  Wrath 
is  quite  exhausted  by  having  hurled  so  many  javelins,  and  her 
arms  hang  in  fatigue.  She  nevertheless  seizes  her  sword  and 
strikes  Patience  on  the  head.  The  bronze  helmet  of  the  virtue 
rings  like  a  bell,  but  the  sword  breaks  in  pieces.  Wrath  angrily 
throws  the  useless  hilt  from  her,  and  rushes  to  her  own  destruction. 
She  picks  up  one  of  the  spears  which  she  had  thrown,  fastens 
the  wood  in  the  ground,  and  turning  the  point  towards  herself 
runs  upon  it  piercing  her  lung.  Triumphant  Patience  returns 
to  the  ranks  of  the  virtues  accompanied  by  Job. 

Inflated  Pride  on  her  mad  horse  flies  through  the  distended 
hosts.  She  has  covered  the  horse  with  a  lion's  skin  and  fine 
armour  that  he  make  a  striking  appearance,  and  she  has  accumu- 
lated on  her  head  a  tower  of  carefully  dressed  hair.  Her  cloak 
of  fine  linen  hangs  from  her  shoulders,  being  fastened  by  a  knot 
over  her  breast;  a  thin  scarf  blows  from  her  neck  and  waves  in 
the  breeze.  The  horse  is  not  less  proud,  and  bears  the  bit 
impatientlj^ ;  he  neighs,  turns  hither  and  thither,  and  arches  his 
neck  when  he  is  restrained.  Pride  towers  high  above  both  lines 
of  battle,  and  challenges  the  army  of  the  virtues.  Humility 
prepares  for  war  with  few  soldiers  and  few  arms;  she  is  a  queen 

374 


THE  VIRTUES  AND  VICES 

indeed,  but  she  needs  outside  aid,  and  she  is  insufficiently 
equipped.  Therefore,  she  has  taken  as  a  colleague  Hope  whose 
standard  bears  as  a  device  the  riches  of  the  heavenly  kingdom. 
When  Pride  sees  Humility  instructed  bj^  the  simple,  and  making 
no  display  of  her  armour,  she  taunts  her  with  bitter  words.  She 
boasts  that  Adam  would  still  be  naked  had  she  not  given  him 
clothes.  Looking  over  the  ranks  of  the  Virtues  she  despises 
Justice  who  is  ever  needy.  Honesty  who  is  poor,  Sobriety  who 
is  arid.  Fasting  whose  face  is  white,  Decency  who  is  pale,  and 
Simi^licity  who  is  oijen.  Then  the  vice  spurs  her  horse  and 
attacks  her  enemy,  confident  that  she  will  overwhelm  her  at  the 
first  charge;  but  she  falls  in  a  ditch  which  Fraud  had  secreth^ 
made  and  covered  with  twigs.  Pride  is  thrown  over  the  neck 
of  her  horse  and  lies  at  the  feet  of  Humility,  her  legs  broken. 
The  virtue  of  placid  countenance,  perceiving  the  fall  of  her 
enemy,  advances  slowly,  raising  her  head,  her  beautiful  face 
moderately  suffused  with  joy.  Her  faithful  ally  Hope  still  aids 
her,  offers  her  an  avenging  sword,  and  inspires  her  with  the  love 
of  praise.  Humility  seizes  the  hair  of  her  enemy  with  her  left 
hand,  and  severs  the  head  which  she  holds  up  bleeding.  Then 
Hope  speaks  to  the  dead  vice  citing  the  story  of  David  and 
Goliath;  she  then  spreads  her  golden  wings  and  flies  away  to 
Heaven.  The  virtues  watch  her  departure,  and  wish  to  go  with 
her,  but  are  detained  by  the  earthly  warfare. 

For  at  this  moment  appears  the  enemy  Luxury,  who  wastes 
after  having  over-eaten,  whose  hair  is  smeared,  whose  ej'^e  is 
bleary,  whose  voice  is  languid,  whose  strength  has  been  sapped 
by  pleasures,  who  lives  for  the  joy  of  the  senses.  Although 
enervated  she  petulantly  demands  pleasures,  then  she  vomits  up 
her  undigested  supper.  She  had  been  sitting  at  table  until  the 
morning,  when  she  heard  the  hoarse  trumpets,  and  left  her  cups. 
She  comes  to  the  battle  reeling  with  wine,  not  on  foot  but  drawn 
in  a  cart.  She  shoots  not  arrows,  nor  does  she  hurl  lances  nor 
brandish  spears,  but  she  throws  violets  lasciviously,  and  fights 
with  the  petals  of  roses,  and  flings  baskets  of  fruit  amid  the 
ranks  of  the  enemy.  After  having  flattered  the  virtues,  she 
breathes  tender  love  into  their  relaxed  muscles;  her  bad  sweet 

375 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

odour  emanates  from  her  mouth,  her  breasts,  her  arms.  She 
breaks  the  strength  of  her  enemies,  and  sucks  away  the  power 
of  armed  biceps.  Meanwhile  men  admire  her  cart,  which  shines 
with  the  reflected  Hght  of  gems.  The  reins,  which  arc  made  of 
metal  phitcs,  rustle.  The  axle  is  of  solid  gold,  the  wheels  of  ivory 
with  silver  spokes.  The  whole  army  of  the  virtues  is  about  to  be 
seduced,  but  Sobriety  comes  to  the  rescue,  bearing  the  banner 
of  the  cross.  She  stimulates  her  friends  by  her  example  and  by 
her  words,  reminding  them  of  JNIoses  striking  the  rock,  of  the 
manna  in  the  desert,  and  of  the  fasting  of  Jonathan  as  examples 
of  sobriety,  and  inciting  them  to  war  by  the  example  of  David 
and  Samuel.  When  she  has  finished  speaking,  she  opposes  the 
cross  of  the  Lord  to  the  raging  four-horse  chariot  of  Luxury, 
placing  the  venerable  wood  against  the  bridle.  The  horses 
immediately  turn  in  flight,  the  lady  charioteer  looses  her  reins 
and  falls  to  the  ground,  where  she  is  caught  in  the  wheels  of  the 
chariot.  Sobriety  gives  her  the  final  coup  de  grace  with  a 
millstone  which  she  hurls  against  her  mouth.  The  teeth  of 
Luxury  are  knocked  out,  her  tongue  is  torn  to  pieces,  her  throat 
broken  and  filled  with  blood.  She  vomits  up  this  unaccustomed 
food.  Sobriety  exults,  and  the  followers  of  Luxury,  among 
whom  are  Play,  Petulance,  Love  and  Discord,  fly  in  disorder. 

Sobriety  refrains  from  stripping  her  fallen  enemy,  but 
Avarice  comes  along  with  a  capacious  wallet,  and  gathers  up 
everything  which  the  softer  vices  had  been  obliged  to  drop.  She 
is  accompanied  by  various  furies.  Care,  Hunger,  Fear,  Anxiety, 
Perjury,  Paleness,  and  the  like.  Like  rabid  wolves  crimes 
spring  up  everywhere  nursed  by  mother  Avarice  on  black  milk. 
One  man  Avarice  persuades  to  put  out  his  light  and  wander  in 
darkness  amid  many  stumbling  blocks.  She  shows  another  man 
a  false  bait,  and  when  he  seeks  it,  strikes  him.  Avarice  is  the 
worst  of  all  vices.  The  priests  oppose  Avarice,  but  would  have 
been  worsted  by  her,  had  not  Reason  come  to  their  aid.  Reason 
wounds  Avarice  slightly  on  the  head;'  that  filthy  agent  of 
destruction  is  amazed,  and  the  more  so  that  her  own  weapons  are 
so  easily  repelled.    Avarice  makes  a  long  speech  in  which  Judith 

»  I  believe  this  is  the  meaning  of  the  involved  line  507. 

376 


THE  VIRTUES  AND  VICES 

and  Achan  are  cited  as  typical  examples  of  the  vice;  then  she 
takes  off  her  armour,  puts  on  honest  raiment,  and  pretends  to 
be  a  virtue,  although  her  nature  is  really  unchanged.  Men  are 
deceived  by  this  appearance,  so  that  they  more  readih'  fall  a 
prey  to  the  furies  who  follow  the  train  of  Avarice.  Even 
the  virtues  are  doubtful  as  to  her  identity-.  Then  suddenly 
Generosity  leaps  to  the  aid  of  her  allies,  attacking  Avarice.  She 
throws  off  all  weight  from  her  shoulders,  and  goes  naked  to  the 
contest.  This  virtue  had  formerh'  been  rich,  but  she  has  given 
all  to  the  poor.  With  her  strong  arms  she  chokes  the  trembling, 
dry  throat  of  Avarice,  until  the  latter  dies.  Then  Generositj' 
puts  her  knee  upon  her,  kicks  her,  and  pierces  her  side.  She 
strips  the  spoils  from  her  dead  body  to  give  to  the  poor. 

Concord  gives  the  signal  for  the  victorious  Virtues  to  return 
to  camp.  She  marshals  the  host  in  perfect  order,  like  that  in 
Avhich  Israel  marched  through  the  Red  Sea,  which  was  destined 
later  to  overwhelm  the  disordered  ranks  of  the  Egj-ptians.  On 
entering  the  camp,  however,  Concord  is  treacherously  wounded 
in  the  left  side  by  a  blow  of  the  sword.  The  armour  of  the 
Virtue  prevents  the  weapon  from  penetrating  her  vitals.  The 
hidden  enemy  is  Discord,  who  has  stripped  off  her  cloak,  and 
thrown  away  her  whip  with  lashes  of  serpents  and  perfumed  her 
hair  with  oil,  but  has  kept  under  her  garment  the  sword 
with  which  she  attacks  Concord.  The  virtue  is  disturbed,  but 
Discord,  who  betrays  herself  by  her  guilty  conscience  and  pallor, 
is  dragged  forward.  The  virtues  with  drawn  swords  demand 
to  know  who  she  is.  She  makes  answer:  "Discord,  whose  sur- 
name is  Heresy.  God  is  to  me  of  two  colours,  now  He  appears 
greater,  now  less,  now  double,  now  single.  ^ly  teacher  was 
Belial."  Faitli,  the  queen  of  the  \nrtues,  can  bear  no  longer  the 
blasphemies  of  the  captured  monster.  The  vice  is  seized  by 
inmmierable  hands,  she  is  torn  to  pieces,  and  scattered  to  the 
winds  of  Heaven: 

Non  tulit  ulterius  capti  blasphemia  monstri 
Virtutiim  regina  Fides:  sed  verba  loquentis 
Impedit,  et  vocis  claudit  spiramina  pilo, 
Pollutam  rigida  transfigens  cuspide  linguam 

377 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Carpitur  innumeria  ferialis  bestia  dextris: 
Frustatim  sibi  quisque  rapit,  quod  sparcjat  in  auras. 
Quod  canibus  donet,  corvis  quod  edacibus  ultra 
Offerat,  immundis  cceno  exhalante  cloacis 
Quod  tradat,  monstris  quod  mandet  habere  tnarinis. 
Discissum  foedis  animalibus  omne  cadaver 
Dividitur:  ruptis  Heresis  peril  horrida  membris. 

After  Discord  has  been  killed,  the  virtues  enter  in  peace  into  their 
castle.'    Such  is  the  Psychomachia  of  Prudentius. 

This  poem,  and  especially  the  final  scene  of  Faith  overcoming 
Discord,  was  a  favourite  source  of  inspiration  for  Lombard 
artists.  In  the  mosaic  of  S.  ^Maria  Maggiore  of  Pavia  (Plate  171, 
Fig.  1)  is  represented  Faith  striking  down  Discord,  and  Faith 
and  a  young  man  dismembering  Discord,  and  feeding  her  limbs 
to  a  wolf  and  a  crow.  The  correspondence  with  Prudentius  is 
so  literal  that  the  mosaic  must  have  been  directly  inspired  bj'  the 
poem.  In  the  mosaic  of  the  Campo  Santo  of  Cremona  (Plate  8.5, 
Fig.  1)  we  find  again  represented  Faith  overcoming  Discord. 
The  virtue  transfixes  the  tongue  of  the  vice  precisely  as  described 
by  the  poet.  In  a  sculpture  by  Guglielmo  da  Modena  in  the 
cathedral  of  INIodena  (Plate  145,  Fig.  1)  Truth  is  engaged  in 
tearing  out  the  tongue  of  Fraud;  the  action  and  significance  is 
the  same,  but  the  change  in  the  names  gives  some  reason  to  think 
that  the  artist  may  have  been  onlj'-  indirectly  inspired  by  Pru- 
dentius. The  most  remarkable  part  of  this  relief,  however,  is 
that  Truth  and  Fraud  are  put  in  parallel  with  Jacob  wrestling 
with  the  Angel ;  the  latter  scene  is  symbolical  of  the  strife  between 
the  Church  and  the  Synagogue,  so  that  it  is  evident  that  in  the 
thought  of  the  artist  the  former  must  have  been  also.  Finally 
in  the  mosaic  of  the  Campo  Santo  of  Cremona  (Plate  85,  Fig.  1) 
is  represented  a  duel  between  Cruelty  and  Impiety  which  seems 
like  an  echo  of  the  Psychomachia,  although  it  corresponds  with 
no  scene  described  by  Prudentius. 

The  personification  of  the  virtues  and  vices  from  the  time 
of  Prudentius  was  a  favourite  motive  with  mediaeval  poets. 
Ennodio  personifies  INIodesty  as  a  fecund  virgin,  and  contrasts 

'  Prudentii,  Psychomachia,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lot.,  LX,  11-90. 

378 


THE  VIRTUES  AND  VICES 

her  Avith  Shamelessness.  He  also  introduces  Chastity  and  the 
two  arts  Rhetoric  and  Grammar.'  In  imitation  of  Prudentius 
was  written  a  poem  upon  the  Psychomachia  which  has  been 
attributed  to  Ambrose  of  Benevento  (flourished  c.  778).  Like 
a  sermon  it  begins  with  a  quotation  from  II  Timothj-,  iii,  12: 
and  all  that  will  live  godlj^  in  Christ  Jesus,  shall  suffer  persecu- 
tion. The  poet  proceeds  to  observe  that  the  persecution  meant 
in  this  text  is  not  that  of  the  material  enemy  but  that  of  the  soul 
by  the  vices.  Like  Prudentius  he  brings  forward  in  duel  each 
virtue  and  the  opposite  vice,  but  the  battle  is  not  one  of  fisticuffs 
but  of  words.  Pride  is  first  encountered  by  Humility,  then 
Vainglory  by  Reverence,  Hypocrisy  by  Religion,  Contempt  by 
Discipline,  Envy  by  Sympathy,  Hate  by  Love,  Slander  by 
Truth,  Wrath  by  Patience,  Impudence  by  Pity,  Fear  by  Confi- 
dence, Worldliness  b}'  Spirituality,  Sloth  by  Activity,  Unstead- 
fastness  by  Resolution,  Despair  by  Faith,  Cupidity  by  Other- 
worldliness.  Cruelty  by  Pity,  Fraud  by  Innocence,  Untruth- 
fulness by  Truth,  Gluttony  by  Fasting,  Hilarity  by  Serenity, 
Garrulousness  by  Taciturnity,  Luxury  by  Chastity,  Spiritual 
Fornication  by  Cleanness  of  Heart,  Love  of  the  World  by  Love 
of  Heaven.  It  is  evident  that  the  number  of  virtues  and  vices 
has  vastly  increased  over  the  original  seven,  and  over  those 
introduced  by  Prudentius.* 

Under  the  veil  of  a  battle  of  the  virtues  and  vices  a  political 
satire  was  written  by  Rutebeuf.  Humility  presses  Pride  to  the 
ground  with  her  shield;  Generosity  overcomes  Avarice;  Good 
Nature,  Wrath ;  Charity,  Envy ;  Fortitude,  Laziness ;  Abstinence, 
Gluttony;  Chastity,  Luxury." 

The  Anticlaudianus  of  Alain  de  Lille  ends  with  a  psycho- 
machia. The  first  to  enter  the  list  is  Discord  whose  horses  are 
Envy,  whose  chariot  is  Rage,  whose  arms  are  Fury,  whose 
charioteer  is  Wilfulness,  whose  arm-bearer  is  Dissent,  whose 
companion  is  Wrath,  at  whose  right  is  Terror,  at  whose  left  is 

»  Ennodius,  CDLII  (opuse.  6),  ed.  Vogel,  M.  G.  H.,  Auct.  Antiq.,  VII,  310  f. 
0  De  Conflictu  Vitiorum  et  Virtutum,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XL,  1091. 
10  Rutebeuf,  La  Bataille  des   Vices,  ed.  Jubinal,  18T6,  II,  204;  cf.  De  la  Mort 
Larguece,  ibid.,  II,  375;  La  Voie  de  Paradis,  ibid.,  II,  169. 

379 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Disaster,  upon  whose  footsteps  tread  Death  and  Faihire,  and 
whose  followers  are  Impiety,  Avarice,  and  others  of  like  colour. 
In  behalf  of  the  man  who  must  fight  these  vices  there  come 
forward  Poverty  with  arms  taken  from  the  poor,  who  rushes 
heedlessl)'  into  the  combat  knowing  no  fear;  Hope  who  gives 
him  horses.  Chastity  who  gives  him  reins,  Concord  who  becomes 
his  armour-bearer.  Fame  who  becomes  his  herald,  Reason  who 
stands  at  his  right,  Constancy  who  stands  at  his  left,  JNIodesty 
who  is  his  general,  and  Prudence  who  is  his  tribune.  Discord 
begins  the  battle,  but  is  beheaded;  Excess  is  overcome  by 
jNIoderation,  Pride  by  Reason,  Vengeance  bj^  Tolerance,  Luxury 
by  Sobriety,  Imprudence  by  Wisdom,  Sloth  by  Alertness, 
Frivolity  by  Seriousness,  Waste  by  Utility,  Laziness  by  Study, 
Foolishness  by  Sense,  Nonsense  by  Silence,  Impiety  by  Piety, 
Fraud  by  Faith,  Avarice  by  Generosity." 

In  other  parts  of  the  same  poem  the  author  personifies 
various  virtues.  In  the  face  of  Concord  shines  the  image  of  God ; 
although  unpinned,  her  hair  lies  smooth,  not  ruffled  by  the  wind, 
more  flaming  than  gold.  The  different  members  of  her  person 
are  perfectly  harmonious  among  themselves  in  proportion  and 
conjunction.  Her  dress  is  of  one  fashion  and  one  colour,  and 
fits  perfectly.  In  her  right  hand  Concord  carries  a  branch  of 
olive." 

Prudence  is  described  as  of  placid  countenance,  of  modest 
demeanor,  guarded  in  her  manner,  with  golden  hair  flowing  about 
her  shoulders,  but  caught  by  a  pin  and  parted  in  front,  not 
allowed  to  run  riot  in  luxurious  masses.  Her  eyes  resemble 
sunshine,  her  forehead  lilies,  her  nose  balsam,  her  teeth  ivory, 
her  mouth  a  rose.  Her  healthy  blush  relieves  the  whiteness  of 
her  complexion.  Her  neck  is  not  unduly  long,  her  breasts 
protrude  only  moderately,  and  their  firmness  is  a  sign  of  her 
chastity;  her  arms  are  held  in  an  easy  gesture  of  supplication. 
Her  garments  are  fine  and  of  a  colour  harmonizing  with  that 

11  Alani  de  Insulis,  Anticlaudiaims,  Lib.  VIII,  Cap.  V,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
CCX,  563. 

12  Alani  de  Insulis,  Anticlaudianus,  II,  4,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCX,  501. 

380 


THE  VIRTUES  AND  VICES 

of  her  person;  they  do  not  behe  her  form;  in  her  right  hand  she 
carries  a  pair  of  scales." 

Alain  de  Lille  also  describes  a  council  attended  bj^  the 
virtues,  all  of  whom  are  personified.  Concord  the  companion 
of  Peace  comes  first,  then  Abundance  with  the  horn  of  plenty, 
Good  Will,  Youth,  Laughter,  Shame,  Modesty,  Reason, 
Honesty,  Decorum,  Prudence  balancing  the  scales.  Piety,  Faith 
who  never  descends  to  the  hj^percritical  love  of  Fraud,  and  finally 
Nobility." 

Hugh  of  St.  Victor"  introduces  a  long  allegorical  dialogue 
in  which  are  personified  Charity,  Humility,  Obedience,  ISIercy, 
Justice,  Chastity  and  Perseverance.  With  these  fight  in 
continuous  battle  Excess,  Intoxication  and  Sloth. 

A  treatise  on  the  seven  vices  and  the  seven  gifts  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  gives  the  vices  as  Pride,  Envy,  Wrath,  Moroseness, 
Avarice,  Gluttony  and  Luxur}\"  It  is  evident  that  mediaeval 
writers  were  far  from  being  in  accord  either  upon  the  classi- 
fication of  the  virtues  and  vices,  or  the  attributes  peculiar  to  each. 
The  Fiore  di  Virtu  emphasizes  the  impression  of  this  divergence. 
This  long  and  important  work  which  was  apparently  written 
about  1300  consists  of  a  number  of  chapters  each  consecrated  to 
a  certain  vice  or  virtue.  The  opposing  vice  or  virtue  is  mentioned, 
comparisons  and  examples  are  drawn  from  bestiary  stories,  from 
ancient  and  mediaeval  fables,  and  from  the  lives  of  the  saints. 

The  virtue  of  Concord  was  not  practised  by  the  artists  of 
the  INIiddle  Ages  in  their  representations  of  the  virtues  and  vices 
any  more  than  by  the  writers,  and  in  Lombard  iconography 
especially  the  subject  was  treated  with  the  greatest  variety. 

Avarice,  the  opposite  of  Charity  the  greatest  of  the  virtues, 
was  considered  by  the  INIiddle  Ages  to  be  the  greatest  of  all  the 

13  Alani  de  Insulis,  Anticlaudianus,  I,  7,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCX,  493. 

'♦  Alani  de  Insulis,  Anticlaudianus,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  II,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCX, 
489.    See  also  the  description  of  Reason,  ibid.,  I,  10,  ed.  M.,  496. 

15  Appendix,  De  Anima  Liber  quartus.  Cap.  XII-XVI,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
CLXXVII,  185. 

18  Tractatus  de  Septem  Vitiis  et  Septem  Bonis  Spiritus  Sancti,  ed.  Migne,  Pat. 
Lat.,  XL,  1039. 

881 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

vices,  the  root  of  all  evils.''  The  vice  is  represented  at  Piacenza 
twice.     The  allied  vice  of  Usury  is  there  also  twice  portrayed.'' 

In  the  porch  of  Moissac  the  woman  whose  sex  is  eaten  by 
serpents  appears  to  represent  the  vice  of  Luxury"  (Plate  94, 
Fig.  5).  In  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (c.  1030) 
the  vice  of  Luxurj'  seems  to  be  thus  portrayed,  and  is  put  in 
parallel  with  Eve  giving  suck  to  two  children  ( Plate  232,  Fig.  1 ) , 
At  Sagra  S.  Michele  serpents  bite  the  breasts  and  feet  of  women. 

In  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza,  Patience  and  Humility  are 
twice  represented;  they  are  without  distinguishing  attributes, 
except  that  Patience  once  has  a  book.  On  the  bronze  doors  of 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (c.  1030)  a  virtue  with  clasped  hands  is 
generally  identified  as  Faith.  Another  with  scales  is  generally 
called  Justice,  although  the  texts  of  Alain  de  Lille  we  have  cited 
above  would  perhaps  give  reason  for  renaming  this  figure 
Prudence.  A  virtue  with  a  lamp  has  been  christened  Vigilance, 
and  one  with  a  crown  and  sceptre  JNIagnanimity.  All  these 
identifications  are  exceedingly  doubtful,  as  is  also  that  of  Envy 
at  Piacenza. 

Undoubtedly  the  most  logical  classification  of  the  virtues 
and  vices  made  during  the  JNIiddle  Ages  was  that  of  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas.""  All  the  minor  virtues  and  vices  are  made  to  proceed 
from  the  three  theological  and  four  cardinal  virtues.  Rutebeuf 
groups  together  Humility,  Pity  and  Concord  as  a  trinity,  makes 
Generosity  a  niece  of  Pity,  and  Humility  a  cousin  of  Obedience."' 
A  somewhat  similar  classification  was  undertaken  by  Peter 
Lombard.  None  of  these  sources,  however,  exactly  corresponds 
with  the  sculptures  of  the  baptisterj'^  of  Parma.  Here  are 
represented  four  principal  virtues — Faith,  Hope,  Charity  and 
Chastity — portrayed  as  crowned  and  seated  virgins;  in  their 

1'  De  Substantia  Dilectionh,  attributed  to  St.  Augustine,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
LX,  843;  Vita  S.  Ambrosii,  auctore  Paulino,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  44;  Salimbene, 
ad  ann.  1262,  ed.  Parma,  1857,  242. 

IS  With  these  representations  compare  Dante,  Purg.,  X,  130. 

19  fimile  Male,  Religious  Art  in  France  of  the  XIII  Century,  119;  L'Art  Rell- 
gieux  de  la  Fin  du  Moyen  Age  en  France,  516;  Cahier  et  Martin,  Nouveaux  Melanges, 
Ivoires,  259. 

-°  Summa,  Secundae  Secundae. 

21  io  Voie  de  Paradis,  ed.  Jubinal,  1876,  II,  190;  ibid..  Ill,  211. 

382 


THE  VIRTUES  AND  VICES 

hands  thej'^  hold  two  flowers  from  each  of  wliieh  emerges  a 
woman's  head  representing  a  secondary  virtue.  The  thought 
evidently  is  that  from  each  of  the  principal  virtues  neces- 
sarily follow  two  minor  virtues.  Thus  Faith  holds  in  her  hands 
Justice  and  Peace;  Hope,  Prudence  and  Modesty;  Charity, 
Piety  and  Liberality;  Chastity,  Patience  and  Humility. 

In  addition  to  personifications  the  virtues  and  vices  were 
sometimes  portrayed  in  Lombard  art  by  means  of  scenes  repre- 
senting examples  of  the  virtue  or  vice  in  question.  Thus  in  the 
bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (c.  1030)  Samson  and  the 
lion  seems  to  typify  Fortitude.  It  is  probable  that  this  scene 
elsewhere  may  often  have  the  same  significance.""  A  sculpture 
representing  nude  persons  struggling  at  Sagra  S.  Michele 
(c.  1120)  perhaps  represents  the  vice  of  Discord,  as  seems  to  be 
indicated  by  the  inscription."  In  the  mosaic  pavement  of  S. 
Savino  of  Piacenza  (Plate  183)  the  four  cardinal  virtues  are 
represented  by  genre  scenes.  A  duel  stands  for  Fortitude; 
Justice  is  represented  by  a  scene  which  apparently  represents 
a  king  administering  justice;  Prudence  is  portrayed  by  a  game 
of  chess;  and  Temperance,  by  a  drinking  scene.  It  is  probable 
that  the  history  of  Judith  and  Holofernes  in  the  pavement  of 
S.  JNIaria  INIaggiore  at  Vercelli  was  intended  to  represent  the 
virtue  of  Temperance  in  strife  with  the  vice  of  Intemperance."' 

It  is  possibly  an  illustration  of  the  virtue  of  Justice  and  of 
the  opposite  vice  Injustice  that  is  portrayed  on  a  capital  of  the 
campanile  of  ISIodena,  sculptured  with  a  series  of  reliefs  depicting 
upright  and  iniquitous  judges  (Plate  142,  Fig.  5).  It  will  be 
remembered  that  St.  Thomas  has  much  to  say  a  propos  of  the 
virtue  of  Justice  regarding  judges  and  their  verdicts." 

--  See  below,  p.  395.  23  Domus  est  pacts  causas  deponite. 

2<  S.  Ambrosii,  Liher  de  EUa  et  Jejiinio,  IX,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  741. 

25  Summa,  Secundae  Secundae,  Quaestio  67  f. 


383 


CHAPTER  II.     THE  WHEEL  OF  FORTUNE 

Pliny  has  discanted  upon  the  instabihty  of  human  fortune,' 
but  it  was  Boethius  who  first  fixed  the  conception  of  the  Wheel 
of  Fortune  destined  to  become  so  popular  during  the  Middle 
Ages.  The  passage  from  the  philosopher,  or  I  should  rather  say 
poet,  which  deals  with  this  subject  is  striking.  "Thou  hast  given 
thyself  into  the  hands  of  Fortune  to  be  governed,  thou  must 
comply  with  the  character  of  thy  mistress.  Wouldst  thou  attempt 
to  hold  back  the  turning  wheel,  O,  stupidest  of  men?  If  Fortune 
commenced  to  be  constant,  she  would  cease  to  be."  Then  follows 
a  poem:  "When  the  proud  right  hand  of  Fortune  revolves 
changing  destinies,  these  move  with  the  swftness  of  rushing 
waters.  Sometimes  the  cruel  and  treacherous  mistress  drives 
down  terrible  kings,  at  other  times  she  raises  up  the  humble 
countenance  of  the  conquered.  She  does  not  hear  the  miserable, 
nor  does  she  care  for  weeping,  nay  she  laughs  at  the  groans  which 
she  herself  has  caused.  Thus  she  plays,  thus  she  tries  her 
strength."  Fortune  then  speaks.  "This  is  our  power,  we  play 
this  unending  game;  we  turn  the  wheel  quickly,  and  we  rejoice 
to  make  those  who  have  been  low  high,  those  high  low.  ISIount 
if  thou  wilt,  but  on  this  condition :  that  thou  shalt  not  consider  it 
an  injury  to  descend  when  my  decree  demands  it.  Wast  thou 
ignorant  of  my  nature?"" 

It  was  well  known  that  the  work  of  Boethius  enjoyed  great 
popularity  during  the  Middle  Ages.  The  author  was  considered 
a  Christian  and  a  saint.  A  copy  of  the  De  Consolatione  Philoso- 
phae  is  mentioned  in  an  inventory  of  the  library  of  the  cathedral 
of  Cremona  of  984.^  The  conception  of  the  Wheel  of  Fortune 
was  taken  over  by  Dante.* 

iJVa«.  Hist.,  VII,  40  (130  f.). 

2  Boethius,  Phil.  Cons.,  II,  1,  2,  ed.  Peiper,  26-28. 

3  Hist.  Pat.  Mon.,  XIII,  1443.  *  Inferno,  VII,  80,  94  f. 

884 


THE  WHEEL  OF  FORTUNE 

The  Wheel  of  Fortune  was  frequently  represented  in  French 
iconography/  It  appears  only  twice  in  Lombard  monuments. 
In  the  pavement  of  S.  Salutore  of  Turin,  Fortune  wearing  a 
diadem  is  seen  turning  her  wheel,  raising  the  part  on  her  right, 
lowering  that  on  her  left.  To  her  right  is  a  crown,  the  prize  of 
those  who  are  on  the  favoured  side  of  the  wheel.  On  top  of  the 
wheel  is  a  crowned  king  bearing  a  sceptre,  at  the  bottom  a  nude 
prostrate  person. 

The  other  representation  is  in  the  fa9ade  at  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona  (Plate  224,  Fig.  1).  The  wheel  is  represented  by  the 
rose-window,  the  figure  of  Fortune  is  omitted.  On  top  is  a  king, 
at  the  bottom  a  nude  prostrate  figure.  On  one  side  are  persons 
rising,  on  the  other  figiu-es  falling.  The  idea  of  combining  the 
Wheel  of  Fortune  with  a  rose- window  seems  to  have  been  derived 
from  French  iconography  (compare  St.-Etienne  of  Beauvais, 
Plate  224,  Fig.  2). 

5  Didron  Aine,  Symbolique  Chritienne,  La  Vie  Humaine,  in  Annales  ArcMolo- 
giqites,  I,  1844,  241.  The  best  study  of  this  whole  subject  is  that  of  Male,  Religious  Art 
in  France  of  the  Thirteenth  Century,  94  f. 


385 


Book  IV.    The  Mirror  of  History 

CHAPTER  I.    THE  FIRST  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

The  history  of  the  world  was  divided  by  mediaeval  thinkers 
into  different  ages.  The  number  of  these  periods  varied  consider- 
ably, and  was  probably  often  determined  by  the  symbolism  which 
the  particular  writer  wished  to  give  to  them.  St.  Ambrose,  as 
we  have  seen,  puts  the  Ages  of  the  World  in  parallel  with  the 
rivers  of  Paradise,  and  accordingly  makes  their  number  four.^ 
The  more  common  number,  however,  is  six;  this  is,  for  example, 
the  classification  made  by  Isidore  of  Seville."  These  Ages  are  as 
follows:  (1)  From  Adam  to  the  Flood;  (2)  from  Noah  to 
Abraham;  (3)  from  Abraham  to  David;  (4)  from  David  to 
the  Captivity;  (5)  from  the  Captivity  to  Christ;  (6)  from 
Christ  to  the  end  of  the  World.  This  became  the  standard 
division  adopted  by  the  Middle  Ages.  The  author  of  the 
Chronicon  Imaginis  Mundi  even  goes  so  far  as  to  state  that  it 
has  been  recognized  ah  omnibus  ystorigr aphis. ^ 

The  Ages  of  the  World  are  plastically  represented  only 
once  in  Lombard  iconography.  In  the  baptistery  of  Parma  they 
are  placed  in  parallel  with  the  Parable  of  the  Vineyard,  the  six 
works  of  INIercj'^  (Plate  165,  Fig.  2)  and  the  six  Ages  of  Man. 
In  later  times  the  Ages  of  Man  were  made  seven  in  number,  and 
are  thus  represented,  for  example,  in  the  pavement  of  the 
cathedral  of  Siena,  and  the  famous  speech  of  Jacques  in 
Shakespeare's  As  You  Like  It.  According  to  Didron,  however,* 
the  standard  number  during  the  Middle  Ages  was  six.    He  states 

1  See  above,  p.  370. 

2  Etymologiarum,  V,  39,  ed.  Mipne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  224. 

3  Ed.  Hist.  Pat.  Hon.,  V,  1357.    See  also  Enoch,  xciii,  1  f. 

*  Didron  Aine,  La  Vie  Humaine,  In  Annales  Archiologiques,  XV,  1855,  413. 

386 


THE  FIRST  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

that  six  are  represented  in  the  cathedral  of  Canterbury  where 
they  are  also  put  in  parallel  with  the  six  Ages  of  the  World. 

In  the  conception  of  the  INIiddle  Ages  history  began  before 
the  creation  of  the  world.  The  curtain  rises  on  the  drama  of  the 
fall  of  the  rebellious  angels.  The  iconographical  representation 
of  the  subject  seems  to  have  been  inspired  directly  by  the  familiar 
passages  of  the  Apocalypse.^  It  is  depicted  in  full  detail  in  the 
cathedral  and  baptistery  of  Parma  and  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino. 
With  allusion  to  this  scene  the  archangel  Michael  is  frequently 
represented  trampling  upon  the  dragon,  as  at  the  baptistery  of 
Parma  (Plate  165,  Fig.  3),  Borgo  S.  Donnino  (c.  1135),  on 
the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— c.  1030— (Plate  231, 
Fig.  1),  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  173,  Fig.  1),  and  on  a 
capital  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia. 

It  is  well  known  that  following  the  classification  of  Dionysius 
the  Areopagite,  the  Middle  Ages  divided  angels  into  nine 
hierarchies  of  Seraphim,  Cherubim,  Thrones,  Dominations, 
Virtues,  Powers,  Principalities,  Archangels  and  Angels.'  The 
hierarchies  of  angels  do  not  seem  to  have  been  represented  in  art 
at  a  very  early  date.  In  the  catacomb  frescos  angels  are  depicted 
only  twice,  and  the  earlier  example  dates  only  from  the  IV 
century.'  On  the  facade  of  Vezzolano  there  appear  to  be  repre- 
sented four  of  the  hierarchies  of  angels — 1189 — (Plate  235, 
Fig.  1).  The  cherubim  are  portrayed  with  wheels'  and  six 
wings;  the  order  of  the  archangels  is  represented  by  INIichael 
and  Raphael,  and  there  are  two  ordinary  angels.  The  angels 
holding  candles  may  possibly  represent  the  hierarchy  of  Powers. 
A  cherub  with  six  wings  is  depicted  in  the  lunette  in  the  portal 
of  Cemmo  (c.  1110).  The  four  archangels,  Michael,  Raphael, 
Gabriel  and  Uriel,  are  represented  on  a  capital  of  S.  ISIaria 
Maggiore  of  Bergamo    (1137).'     Archangels  distinguished  by 

=  Apoc,  xii,  7-9;  xx,  1-3.  See  also  Enoch,  x,  10,  and  Sicardi  Cremonensis  Episcopi, 
I,  12,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCXIII,  41. 

6  See  Male,  Religious  Art  in  France,  8.  Compare  also  Origenis,  irepl  "ApxiSi-, 
VIII,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Orec,  XI,  17G;  Isidore  of  Seville,  Etymologiarum,  VII,  S,  ed. 
Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  2T2;  and  Dante,  Par.,  XXVIII,  16  f. 

"  Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archaeology ,  XV,  522. 

«  Ezec,  X,  9.  »  Enoch,  ix,  1. 

387 


LO.AIBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

a  sceptre  or  a  sphei'e  are  portrayed  on  the  sarcophagus  of  S. 
Agricola  at  S.  Pietro  at  Bologna  (c.  1100),  in  a  fragment  of 
S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia  (c.  1120),  at  S.  jSIichele  of  Pavia, 
at  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia,  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma, 
and  on  the  gable  of  JNIodena.  Ordinary  angels  appear  at  S. 
Michele  of  Pavia  (Plate  173,  Fig.  1),  at  S.  Stefano  of  the  same 
city  (Plate  179,  Fig.  5),  and  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma. 

The  story  of  Genesis  was  a  favourite  one  with  the  Lombard 
artists.  Guglielmo  da  Modena,  in  a  series  of  reliefs  depicting  the 
early  history  of  the  world,  places  first  a  sculpture  representing 
the  Deity  in  an  aureole  upheld  by  angels  (Plate  143,  Fig.  1). 
It  was  evidentlj'^  the  thought  of  the  artist  that  in  the  beginning 
was  God. 

The  works  of  the  six  days  of  creation  were  generally  passed 
over.  The  creation  of  the  animals  is  represented  only  once — by 
Nicolo  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  230,  Fig.  2).  The  creation 
of  Adam  was  sculptured  by  Guglielmo  da  INIodena  at  Modena 
(Plate  143,  Fig.  1 ) ,  and  by  Nicolo  at  S.  Zeno  (Plate  230,  Fig.  2) . 
The  creation  of  Eve  was  depicted  in  the  same  cycles  (Plate  143, 
Fig.  1;  Plate  230,  Fig.  2),  and  also  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S. 
Zeno— 1138— (Plate  233,  Fig.  1). 

By  the  church-fathers  Adam  and  Eve  were  often  put  in 
parallel  with,  or  perhaps  it  would  be  more  exact  to  say  in 
antithesis  to,  Christ  and  the  Virgin.'"  It  is  probably  in  reference 
to  this  symbolism  that  the  figures  of  Adam  and  Eve  are  placed 
on  the  jambs  of  the  portal  at  S.  Antonino  of  Piacenza — 1171 — 
(Plate  182,  Fig.  1),  and  the  cathedral  of  Lodi— c.  1180— 
(Plate  104,  Fig.  1). 

The  temptation  of  Adam  and  Eve  was  a  favourite  subject. 
The  earliest  representation  that  I  know  is  in  the  mosaic  pavement 
of  the  cathedral  of  Reggio  which  dates  from  c.  1090;  others  may 
be  found  at  Modena— 1099-1106— (Plate  143,  Fig.  1),  at 
Cremona  (1107-1117),  on  a  capital  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso 
of  Aosta  (1133)  now  at  Turin,  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno 
of  Verona— 1138— (Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  and  in  the  sculptures 

ins.  Ambrosii,  Sermo  XLV,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XVII,  715;  S.  Augustlni, 
Sermo  de  Scripturis,  LI,  Cap.  II,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXVIII,  335. 

388 


THE  FIRST  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

of  the  same  church  (Plate  230,  Fig.  2).  On  a  capital  by 
Benedetto  (e.  1185)  now  in  the  museum  of  Parma,  the  subject 
is  represented  in  a  peculiar  wa3\  Adam  and  Eve  are  fully 
clothed  and  sit  on  a  bench  beneath  the  tree  around  which  the 
serpent  coils.  This  curious  iconography  was  copied  at  Fornovo 
c.  1200. 

God  reproving  Adam  and  Eve  is  represented  in  the  cathedral 
of  Modena— 1099-1106— (Plate  144,  Fig.  1),  in  the  bronze 
doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— 1138— (Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  and 
on  a  capital  by-Benedetto  now  in  the  museum  of  Parma. 

The  expulsion  from  Paradise  is  represented  almost  as 
frequently  as  the  temptation.  It  is  found  at  Modena — 1099- 
1106— (Plate  144,  Fig.  1),  at  Cremona  (1107-1117),  on  a 
capital  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (1133)  now  at  Turin, 
on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — c.  1030,  1138 — 
(Plate  232,  Fig.  1;  Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  in  Nicolo's  sculptures  at 
the  same  church— 1138— (Plate  230,  Fig.  2) ,  and  on  Benedetto's 
capital  now  in  the  museum  of  Parma  (c.  1185) . 

The  shame  of  Adam  and  Eve  after  the  fall  is  represented 
on  sculptures  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza  (1122-1132)  ;  in  the 
pavement  of  Novara  (c.  1125)  the  pair  are  represented  naked 
except  for  fig-leaves  in  an  attitude  of  shame  on  either  side  of  a 
tree  on  which  coils  the  serpent.  Their  shame  is  also  represented 
on  Benedetto's  capital  in  the  museum  of  Parma  (c.  1185). 

The  labour  of  Adam  and  Eve  is  depicted  in  various  ways. 
In  a  Byzantine  ivorj'-carving  of  the  INIorgan  collection  dating 
possibly  from  the  XI  century  Adam  is  seen  forging  an  iron  over 
an  anvil,  while  Eve  blows  the  bellows;  in  another  Adam  reaps 
wheat,  while  Eve  carries  a  sheaf.  The  earliest  representation 
of  the  subject  in  Lombard  iconography  occurs  in  the  bronze 
doors  of  S.  Zeno — c.  1130— (Plate  232,  Fig.  1).  Adam  and 
Cain  are  seen  ploughing,  Eve  spins,  while  the  soul  leaves  the 
murdered  Abel.  In  another  panel  (Plate  232,  Fig.  1)  Eve 
gives  suck  to  two  infants.  In  the  cathedral  of  IModena,  Adam 
and  Eve  are  represented  hoeing  the  ground  around  the  roots  of 
a  plant — 1099-1106 — (Plate  144,  Fig.  1).  In  the  sculptures  of 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona   (Plate  230,  Fig.  2)   Eve  spins  and  nurses 

389 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

two  children  while  Adam  hews  wood  (1138).  In  Benedetto's 
capital  at  Parma,  Adam,  stripped  to  the  waist,  hoes,  while  Eve 
spins. 

The  sacrifices  of  Cain  and  Abel  were  frequentl_y  repre- 
sented in  the  XII  century.  One  of  the  earliest,  and  also  most 
interesting,  examjjles  is  the  sculpture  of  Guglielmo  da  ]\Iodena 
at  Modena— 1099-1106— (Plate  144,  Fig.  2).  The  subject  is 
represented  twice  at  S.  JNIichele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  at  Sagra  S. 
Michele  (c.  1120),  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 
1138 — (Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  on  Benedetto's  capital  in  the  museum 
of  Parma,  and  on  the  capital  of  the  XIII  century  in  the  crypt 
of  JNIodena. 

This  scene  is  generally  accompanied  by  its  logical  sequel, 
the  murder  of  Abel  by  Cain,  which  is  represented  at  JNIodena 
(Plate  144,  Fig.  2),  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (?),  in  the  Porta 
dello  Zodiaco  of  Sagra  S.  Michele  (c.  1120),  on  a  capital  of  the 
cathedral  of  Piacenza  (1122-1132),  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S. 
Zeno  of  Verona — 1138 — (Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  and  on  Benedetto's 
capital  in  the  museum  of  Parma  (c.  1185).  The  Lord  asking 
of  Cain:  Where  is  thy  brother?,  is  represented  only  at  JNIodena 
(Plate  144,  Fig.  2). 

In  the  view  of  the  INIiddle  Ages  the  drama  of  Cain  and  Abel 
did  not  end  with  the  fratricide.  Genesis,  iv,  23-24  was  inter- 
preted to  mean  that  Cain  was  subsequently  slain  b}^  Lamech  who 
thus  became  the  avenger  of  Abel."  Cain  shooting  Lamech  with 
bow  and  arrows  is  represented  in  Guglielmo's  relief  at  JNIodena 
(Plate  145,  Fig.  3).  The  blindness  of  Lamech  is  clearly 
expressed  by  the  sculptor,  and  although  the  figure  of  Tubalcain 
is  not  introduced,  as  it  is  in  the  mosaics  of  JNIonreale,  it  is 
nevertheless  evident  that  the  artist  was  acquainted  with  the 
apocryphal  legend.'^ 

^^  Qno'Stiones  ex  Veteri  Testnmento,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXV,  2221;  Isidore 
of  Seville,  Allegoria:,  10,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  101. 
12  Male,  Religious  Art  in  France,  204. 


390 


CHAPTER  II.     THE  SECOND  AND  THIRD  AGES 

OF  THE  WORLD 

The  simple  Bible  stories  from  the  book  of  Genesis  were  in 
particular  favour  with  the  artists  of  the  first  half  of  the  XII 
century,  for  they  offered  an  opportunity  for  the  direct  and 
straightforward  narrative  in  which  the  sculptors  of  that  age 
especially  excelled.  Not  that  the  church-fathers  had  failed  to  read 
symbolism  and  mysterious  meanings  into  this  portion  of  the 
Bible;  but  the  artists  in  general  were  content  to  illustrate  the 
obvious  history,  neglecting  any  ulterior  significance.  At  S.  Zeno 
of  Verona,  it  is  true,  the  story  of  man's  redemption  (Plate  230, 
Fig.  1)  is  placed  in  parallel  with  that  of  his  fall  (Plate  230, 
Fig.  2) ;  but  this  example  stands  almost  alone.  As  a  rule  the 
artists  of  the  first  half  of  the  XII  century  were  not  interested 
in  philosophy. 

The  story  of  Noah  which  would  seem  to  have  offered  as 
enticing  opportunities  for  plastic  representations  as  the  cycle  of 
Adam  and  Eve,  was  in  fact  much  less  popular.  Noah  collecting 
the  animals  for  the  ark — that  scene  so  dear  to  childhood — is 
represented  only  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 
c.  1030— (Plate  231,  Fig.  1).  The  building  of  the  ark  is  also 
represented  but  a  single  time,  and  in  the  same  place  (Plate  231, 
Fig.  1).  Noah  and  his  wife  in  the  ark  which  floats  upon  the 
waters,  were  depicted  by  Guglielmo  at  INIodena — 1099-1106 — 
(Plate  145,  Fig.  3).  In  this  relief  the  ark  is  represented  like  a 
Romanesque  church.  We  have  here  doubtless  a  touch  of  sym- 
bolism, for  according  to  the  church-fathers  the  ark  was  the  symbol 
of  the  Church.^  It  is  probably  with  a  similar  symbolism  that  the 
ark  is  represented  like  an  altar  in  the  relief  of  Noah  and  the  dove 
in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  at  Verona — 1138 — (Plate  233, 

1  S.  Ambrosii,  Liber  de  JS'oe  et  Area,  VIII,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  387. 

391 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Fig.  1 ) .  Noah  and  his  sons  leaving  the  ark  were  sculptured  by 
Guglielmo  at  Modena  (Plate  145,  Fig,  3).  The  drunkenness 
of  Noah  and  the  curse  of  Canaan  are  represented  in  the  bronze 
doors  of  S.  Zeno— 1138— (Plate  233,  Fig.  1). 

The  story  of  Abraham  was  more  popular  than  that  of  Noah. 
According  to  the  fathers,  Abraham  is  the  type  of  God  the 
Father,  who  sacrificed  His  beloved  Son  for  the  safety  of  the 
world.  The  three  angels  who  came  to  him  signify  the  Trinity. 
His  two  wives,  one  of  whom  was  a  bond  woman,  the  other  free, 
signify  the  two  Testaments.'  Although  the  symbolism  of 
Abraham  is  seldom  clearly  expressed  in  Lombard  art,  knowl- 
edge of  it  was  doubtless  one  reason  for  the  popularity  of  certain 
subjects  from  this  cycle. 

The  victory  of  Abraham  over  the  four  kings'  is  represented 
in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  Casale — c.  1140 — (Plate  45,  Fig.  2). 
God  showing  to  Abraham  the  stars  of  heaven*  is  the  subject  of 
one  of  the  panels  of  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 
1 138—  ( Plate  233,  Fig.  1 ) .  The  story  of  Abraham  and  the  three 
angels  is  represented  on  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza 
(1122-1132),  on  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130- 
1150),  and  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno— 1138— (Plate  233, 
Fig.  1 ) .  The  casting  out  of  Hagar  is  represented  a  single  time — 
in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno — (Plate  233,  Fig.  1).  The 
sacrifice  of  Isaac,  a  favourite  subject  from  the  earliest  times  and 
the  transparent  symbol  of  the  Passion  of  Christ,^  is  represented 
in  Lombard  art  on  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130- 
1150),  on  another  in  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza  (1122-1132),  on 
the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 1138 — (Plate  233, 
Fig.  1),  and  on  a  capital  of  c.  1210  at  S.  INIaria  Maggiore  of 
Bergamo.  Abraham  in  glory  gathering  the  blessed  to  his  bosom" 
is   portraj'ed   at   Borgo    (1184-1196).      It   is   notable   that   in 

2  Isidore  of  Seville,  AlUgoria;  22,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  104. 

3  Gen.,  xiv.  *  Gen.,  xv,  5. 

5  This  .subject  is  represented  twenty-one  times  in  the  catacomb  frescos  of  the 
II,  III  and  IV  centuries  (Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archeology,  XV,  513). 
It  is  depicted  on  the  sarcophagus  beneath  the  pulpit  at  S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan.  At 
S.  Vitale  of  Ravenna  this  scene  is  put  in  parallel  with  other  symbols  of  the  Eucharist. 

«  I-uke,  xvi,  22. 

892 


THE  SECOND  AND  THIRD  AGES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Lombard  art  there  is  extant  not  a  single  representation  of 
Abraham  and  jNIelchisedec,  so  favourite  a  subject  in  earlier  and 
later  times. 

There  were  few  subjects  in  the  Old  Testament  upon  which 
the  church-fathers  meditated  more  profoundly  than  upon  Jacob 
wrestling  with  the  angel.'  It  was  generally  admitted  that  Jacob 
was  the  symbol  of  the  Sjmagogue,  the  angel  the  figure  of  the 
Church.'  St.  Augustine  explains  the  symbolism  at  length.  The 
wish  of  Jacob  to  be  blessed  by  the  angel  whom  he  had  overcome 
in  wrestling  is  prophetic  of  Christ.  Every  man  wishes  to  be 
blessed  by  his  superior,  not  by  his  inferior.  "WHierefore,  then, 
should  Jacob  have  wished  to  be  blessed  by  him  whom  he  had 
overcome  in  wrestling?  As  Jacob  overcame  the  angel  or  seemed 
to  overcome  him,  the  Jews  who  were  the  seed  of  this  same  Jacob, 
crucified  Christ;  nevertheless  Christ  blessed  those  Jews  who 
believed  in  Him,  for  it  is  written:  I  also  am  an  Israelite  of  the 
seed  of  Abraham  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  The  same  Jacob  is 
therefore  at  once  cursed  (that  is  lame)  and  blessed, — cursed  in 
the  hollow  of  his  thigh,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  multitude  of  his  seed, 
and  blessed  in  those  of  whom  it  is  said:  there  is  a  remnant  saved 
according  to  the  election  of  grace. ^  A  sermon  attributed  to 
St.  Augustine  further  explains  that  when  Jacob  says  to  the  angel : 
let  me  go  for  it  is  break  of  day,  it  is  with  reference  to  the 
resurrection  of  Christ,  for  the  Lord  rose  from  the  dead  before 
the  dawn.^" 

St.  Ambrose  and  certain  other  fathers  turn  the  sj'mbohsm 
about.  Jacob  becomes  the  sjonbol  of  the  Church,  for  although 
younger  than  Esau  (the  Synagogue)  he  took  the  latter's  blessing 
when  Esau  tarried  too  long."     St.  Ambrose  commenting  on 

'  Gen.,  xxxii,  24-26. 

8  Isidore  of  Seville,  AUegoricF,  30,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  105;  Isidore 
of  Seville,  Qucestiones  in  Vet.  Test.,  XXVII;  ibid.,  266. 

9  S.  Augustini,  In  Hcptateuchum,  Lib.  I,  104,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXIV,  574. 

10  Sermo  Supposititius  S.  Augustini,  De  Veteri  et  Novo  Testamenti,  XII,  S,  ed. 
Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXIX,  1764. 

n  S.  Paterii,  Expositio,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXIX,  713;  S.  Ambrosii,  De  Jacob 
et  Vita  Beata,  Lib.  II,  2,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  647;  S.  Augustini  Episcopi, 
Sermo  IV,  De  Scripturis,  Cap.  XI,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXVIII,  38;  ibid.,  Sermo  V, 
I  6,  ed.  M.,  57. 

393 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Jacob  wrestling  with  the  angel  from  this  point  of  view  meditates 
that  whoever  neglects  the  things  of  this  world  approaches  the 
image  and  similitude  of  God.  What  is  it  to  wrestle  with  God, 
if  not  to  undertake  the  strife  of  virtue,  to  meet  with  one's  superior 
and  to  become  a  nearer  imitator  of  God?  And  since  Jacob's 
faith  and  devotion  were  insuperable,  by  touching  him  God 
revealed  to  him  secret  mysteries,  that  from  his  seed  should  be 
born  the  Lord  Jesus  whose  cross  is  signified  by  the  hollow  in 
Jacob's  thigh.  If  Jacob  limped  in  one  leg,  it  is  because  from 
him  there  were  to  arise  two  peoples,  one  of  whom  was  destined 
to  be  lame  in  faith.'"  In  the  light  of  these  texts  it  is  not  difficult 
to  understand  the  sculpture  of  Guglielmo  at  Modena  (Plate  145, 
Fig.  1 ) ,  in  which  Jacob  wrestling  with  the  angel  is  put  in  parallel 
with  the  virtue  of  Truth  (that  is  Faith)  pulling  the  tongue  from 
Fraud  (that  is  to  say,  the  Synagogue) .  Jacob  wrestling  with  the 
angel  is  also  represented  on  capitals  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia — 
1160—  (Plate  36,  Fig.  6) ,  and  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (1133) . 

The  twelve  sons  of  Jacob  are  represented  in  the  baptistery 
of  Parma  (1196-1214),  and  on  capitals  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso 
at  Aosta.  In  the  latter  monument  may  be  found  a  whole  cycle 
of  scenes  representing  the  history  of  Jacob  (Plate  13,  Fig.  3; 
Platel5,  Fig.  3).'= 

Moses  is  represented  among  the  prophets  in  the  portal  of 
Modena,  in  the  frescos  of  the  baptistery  of  Parma,"  on  a  capital 
of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta,  and  on  the  portal  of  the  cathedral  of  Borgo. 
In  the  latter  monument  Moses  is  one  of  a  series  of  prophets 
typifying  the  commands  of  the  Decalogue,  and  is  put  in  parallel 
with  the  Beatitudes  and  the  Apostles.  Elsewhere  in  Lombard 
iconography  the  story  of  ]\Ioses  is  represented  only  in  the  bronze 
doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona.  The  scenes  depicted  are:  Moses 
before  Pharaoh— 1138— (Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  marking  the  tau 
on  the  doorways— 1138— (Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  killing  the  first- 
born— 1138— (Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  the  tables  of  the  law— 1138— 
(Plate  233,  Fig.  1),  and  the  brazen  serpent— 1138— (Plate  233, 

12  S.  Ambrosii,  De  Jacob  et  Vita  Beata.  II,  7,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XIV,  656. 

13  For  detailed  description  see  below.  Vol.  II,  pp.  61  f. 

i*He  bears  the  scroU:  P[RO]FETA  ESCIT  A  VITA   E   FRATRIB  SV. 

394 


THE  SECOND  AND  THIRD  AGES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Fig.  1 ) .  In  this  last  panel  the  serpent  is  represented  on  a  cross 
obviously  in  reference  to  the  well  known  sj-mbohsm  of  the  scene. 
The  story  of  Samson  and  the  lion"  was  a  favourite  one  with 
Lombard  artists,  less  perhaps  because  Samson  was  the  figure 
of  Christ,'"  than  because  the  scene  was  understood  to  typify  the 
virtue  of  Fortitude.  Samson  is  depicted  astride  the  lion  the  jaws 
of  which  he  tears  to  pieces  with  his  hands."  This  scene  is  por- 
trayed on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (c.  1030),  in 
the  pavement  of  the  Duomo  of  Reggio  (c.  1090),  twice  at  S. 
Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  in  the  rinceau  of  Cremona  by 
Gughelmo  da  Modena  (1107-1117),  in  the  north  transept  of 
S.  Fedele  of  Como  (c.  1115),  in  a  fragment  of  S.  Giovanni  of 
Borgo  of  Pavia  now  in  the  museum  of  that  city  (c.  1120),  at 
Vaprio  d'Adda  (c.  1115),  on  the  portal  of  Nonantola  (1121  f.), 
on  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150)  and  S. 
Salvatore  of  Brescia  (c.  1160),  in  the  campanile  of  Modena 
(1167-1184) ,  in  the  lunette  of  the  portal  of  Castelnuovo  Scrivia — • 
1183 — (Plate  50,  Fig.  -1),  on- a  capital  of  Vezzolano  (1189),  and 
on  the  holy-water  basin  at  Piobesi.'*  Samson  held  prisoner  by 
two  Philistines  is  sculptured  on  a  capital  at  Sagra  S.  JNIichele, 
and  the  hero  pulling  down  the  pillars  on  the  heads  of  the  Philis- 
tines is  portrayed  on  capitals  of  Sagra  S.  Michele  (c.  1120)  and 
of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150). 

15  Judic,  xi%',  5-14. 

ic  Isidore  of  Seville,  Allegoria>,  80,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  111. 

1"  In  an  ivory  book-cover  illustrated  by  Martin  et  Cahier  {Noui'eaux  Melanges, 
Ivoires,  2)  David  is  represented  in  the  manner  usually  peculiar  to  Samson  (I  Reg.,  xvii, 
34-35).  In  an  ancient  dish  of  the  Morgan  collection  assigned  to  the  VI  century  and 
belonging  to  the  treasure  discovered  at  Karavas,  Cyprus,  in  1903,  David  is  represented 
with  his  left  knee  on  a  lion.  With  his  left  hand  he  grasps  the  ear  of  the  lion,  and  with 
his  right  hand  he  holds  a  club  (Antique  Bronze  Catalogue,  No.  7  A). 

18  The  subject  is  also  sculptured  in  the  cloisters  of  Moissac,  at  St.-Gllles  and  at 
St.-Trophime  of  Aries. 


395 


CHAPTER  III.     THE  FOURTH  AGE  OF  THE 

WORLD 

The  Fourth  Age  of  the  World  opens  with  the  imposing 
figure  of  David  which  impressed  itself  with  especial  power  upon 
the  imagination  of  the  Lombard  artists.  From  the  early  times 
of  the  Church,  David  had  been  recognized  as  the  figure  of  Christ.' 
This  is  not  only  because  he  was  the  ancestor  in  the  flesh  of  Jesus' 
but  because  in  his  anointment  was  seen  the  figure  of  Christ's 
baptism,  in  his  passing  from  a  shepherd's  to  a  king's  life,  the 
image  of  Christ  turning  from  the  Jews  to  the  Gentiles,  in  the 
harp  by  which  he  charmed  Saul  the  figure  of  the  cross  of  Christ, 
and  in  the  lion  which  he  overcame  the  symbol  of  the  Devil. ^ 

Of  the  subjects  connected  with  David  the  most  frequently 
represented  and  also  the  most  profound  and  most  interesting  is 
the  so-called  Dance.  Since  this  has  never  been  explained,  it  will 
be  well  to  study  it  at  some  length. 

Walafried  Strabo  comments  on  the  twenty-fifth  chapter  of 
the  first  book  of  Paralijiomenon  (I  Chronicles).  A  propos  of 
the  first  verse,  he  recalls  that  David  is  the  figure  of  Christ.  In 
verse  seven  he  explains  that  by  cuncti  doctores,  'all  the  teachers,' 
are  meant  those  who  have  commentated  upon  the  Bible;  for  two 
hundred  and  eighty-eight  is  evidently  four  times  seventy-two, 
and  sevent5'-t\vo,  as  is  well  known,  is  the  number  of  the  books  in 
the  Bible.  The  multiple  four  is  introduced  in  reference  to  the 
four  cardinal  virtues.  The  same  author  commentating  upon  the 
fifteenth  chapter  of  the  same  book  dwells  at  length  upon  the 
sixteenth  verse:  and  David  spoke  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Levites  to 

1  Gregorii  Episcopi  Turonensis,  Psalterii  Tractatum  Commentarius,  ed.  M.  G.  H., 
Script.  Rer.  3Ier.,  I,  874.. 

2  Isidore  of  SeviUe,  Allegoria-,  80,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  11^. 

3  Isidore  of  Seville,  Quastiones  ...  in  Regum  I,  9,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
LXXXIII,  398. 

396 


THE  FOURTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

appoint  some  of  their  brethren  to  be  singers  with  musical 
instruments,  to  wit,  on  psalteries,  and  harps  and  cymbals,  that 
the  jo\'ful  noise  might  resound  on  high.  The  psaltery,  Walafried 
explains,  is  a  wind  instrument  with  the  bag  in  the  upper  part 
and  ten  stops;  the  instrument  itself  is  the  symbol  of  the  Church, 
and  the  stops  of  the  Decalogue.  The  harp  on  the  other  hand, 
which  has  twenty-four  strings  and  is  triangular  in  shape  like  the 
Greek  letter  delta,  signifies  the  Church,  its  triangular  form  the 
Trinity,  and  its  twenty-four  strings  the  four  and  twenty  elders. 
The  lyre  is  also  the  figin-e  of  the  Church.  Cymbals  which,  when 
struck,  give  a  sweet  sound  are  the  lips  of  the  faithful.  The 
trumpets  of  the  priests  mentioned  in  verse  twenty-four  signify 
the  gospels.  In  the  same  commentator's  prologue  to  the  book 
of  the  Psalms  we  read  that  David  appointed  four  thousand  men 
to  sing  the  psalms,  not  only  with  their  voice  but  with  musical 
instruments.  Over  these  he  placed  as  leaders  Asaph,  Heman, 
Ethan  and  Idithun,  all  four  sons  of  Korah.*  The  same  four  sons 
of  Korah  are  classed  together  by  Isidore  of  Seville,^  and  in  a 
poem  believed  to  date  from  the  IX  century."  Walafried  Strabo 
informs  us  that  the  four  sons  of  Korah  were  the  sj-mbols  not  only 
of  the  four  cardinal  virtues,  but  of  the  four  Evangelists.^ 

The  ideas  we  have  traced  were  given  concrete  form  in 
iconography.  David,  the  symbol  of  Christ,  is  often  depicted 
in  the  midst  of  the  four  sons  of  Korah,  types  of  the  four 
Evangelists.  The  people  who  dance  wuth  J03'  to  this  divine 
music  are  the  Gentiles  made  joyful  by  the  message  of  the 
Gospel.  This  is  distinctly  implied  by  the  inscription  at  Yercelli, 
where  the  whole  representation  is  made  a  plastic  expression  of  the 
psalm  numbered  fortj'-six  in  the  Vulgate.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  in  the  Vulgate  psalms  xlix  and  Ixxii-lxxxii  have  a  super- 
scription indicating  that  they  were  sung  by  the  choir  of  Asaph.* 

The  earliest  representation  in  iconography  of  the  Dance  of 

i  Walafridi  Strabi,  Olossa  Ordinaria,  Lib.  I,  Paral.,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CXIII, 
660;  Prologus,  Liber  Psalmorum,  ibid.,  891. 

5  Etymologiarum,  VII,  8,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXII,  285. 

6  Carmina  Salisburgensia,  ed.  M.  G.  H.,  P.  L.  M.  A.,  646.  ^  Loc.  cit. 

8  Compare  II  Par.,  xxix,  30;  I  Esdr.,  ii,  41;  II  Esdr.,  vii,  44-t5;  I  Par.,  vi,  31  f.; 
Exod.,  vi,  24. 

397 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

David  I  know  is  in  a  B3zantine  manuscript  assigned  to  the  VI 
century  and  illustrated  by  Labarte.'  In  the  centre  are  David 
and  his  son  Solomon,  on  either  side  are  three  choirs  of  eight 
persons  each,  labelled  respectivelj^  the  choirs  of  Heman,  Asaph, 
of  the  sons  of  Korah,  of  the  sons  of  Isaar,  of  Ethan,  and  of 
Closes.  In  a  Byzantine  psalter  at  Paris  described  by  Aus'm 
Weerth,'"  the  Dance  is  represented  among  other  scenes  from  the 
life  of  David.  David  holds  a  harp,  and  about  him  are  repre- 
sented the  two  warriors  Cerethi  and  Phelethi,''  and  Asaph, 
Heman,  Ethan  and  Idithun,  all  playing  musical  instruments. 

A  psalter  of  Charles  the  Bald'"  contains  a  miniature  of  the 
same  subject.  David  in  the  centre  plays  a  sort  of  rectangular 
harp,  Asaph  dances  swinging  a  piece  of  drapery  over  his  head, 
Heman  has  two  cymbals,  Ethan  has  a  wind  instrument,  evidently 
the  psaltery  described  by  Walafried,  and  Iditlnm  a  trumpet. 

A  Bible  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  same  monarch  and 
is  now  at  Paris  contains  a  representation  of  the  same  subject." 
In  the  centre  David  is  depicted  dancing;  he  is  crowned,  and 
carries  in  his  hand  a  triangular  harp  of  ten  strings  doubtless 
symbolical  of  the  Trinity  and  the  Decalogue.  On  either  side 
of  him  are  standing  the  two  warriors  Cerethi  and  Phelethi,  about 
him  seated  in  chairs  are  Asaph,  Heman,  Ethan  and  Idithun, 
all  playing  musical  instruments.  In  the  corners  by  each 
of  the  figures  of  the  four  sons  of  Korah  is  represented  a 
personification  of  one  of  the  four  cardinal  virtues.  The  symbolism 
is  unmistakable. 

In  another  Bible  which  belonged  to  Charles  the  Bald  and  is 
now  at  S.  Paolo,  Rome,"  the  Dance  of  David  is  also  represented. 
As  exactlj'  as  I  can  tell  from  Seroux'  poor  reproduction,  David 
is  crowned  and  standing  between  the  two  warriors  Cerethi  and 
Phelethi.     Asaph  is  seated  and  appears  to  hold  a  scroll  in  his 

0  Planches,  II,  Plate  LXXIX.  10,5.  u  H  Reg.,  viii,  18. 

1=  Illustrated  by  Venturi,  II,  315;  described  ibid.,  320;  also  by  Cahier  et  Martin, 
MManges,  I,  27  f.  Illustrated  also  by  Louandre,  Planches,  I,  Plate  s.  n. ;  Texte,  II,  47; 
Labarte,  Planches,  II,  Plate  LXXXIX. 

13  Illustrated  by  Venturi,  II,  281;  described  ibid.,  306,  and  by  Labarte,  III,  102  f. 

"  Illustrated  by  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  V,  Peintnre,  Plates  XL-XL V,  and  described 
by  Labarte,  III,  117. 

398 


THE  FOURTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

hands,  perhaps  also  a  musical  instrument;  Heman  has  a  book 
and  a  psaltery ;  Ethan,  who  is  seated,  holds  a  viol ;  Idithun  plays 
cymbals.  In  the  middle  are  two  seated  figures,  one  of  whom 
holds  a  book,  and  in  the  foreground  a  person  writing  in  tablets. 

Arco^^  illustrates  and  describes  two  miniatures  representing 
the  Dance  of  David;  in  one  David  is  seated  on  a  chair,  his  feet 
resting  on  a  stool.  The  four  musicians  are  standing  and  probably 
dancing,  since  their  postures  suggest  motion;  one  plays  the  viol, 
another  rings  a  bell,  the  third  blows  a  trumpet,  and  the  fourth 
plays  a  psalter}\  In  the  second  miniature  the  Ark  of  the 
Covenant  represented  as  a  cart  drawn  by  oxen  is  seen  above; 
David  holding  his  square  lyre  stands  in  the  centre,  the  four 
musicians  play,  one  a  viol,  one  a  trumpet,  one  a  lyre,  and  one 
cymbals.  Numerous  other  figures  are  introduced  in  the  back- 
ground. 

Cahier  et  Martin"  have  published  an  ivory  book-cover  on 
which  are  represented  six  scenes  from  the  life  of  David  surrounded 
by  a  psychomachia  and  impersonations  of  the  virtues.  The  last 
scene  is  the  Dance  of  David.  David  is  seated  as  are  his  four 
companions,  two  of  whom  play  harps,  two  viols.  Heman,  Ethan 
and  Idithun  are  named. 

In  the  pavement  of  St.  Gereon  at  Cologne,  David  is  repre- 
sented seated  between  the  two  warriors  Cerethi  and  Phelethi." 
Aus'm  Weerth  also  speaks  of  a  miniature  at  S.  Gallo  in  which 
David  sitting  on  a  throne  and  playing  a  harp  is  surrounded  by 
four  figures,  two  plajnng  musical  instruments,  two  dancing. 
According  to  the  same  authority  an  almost  identical  represen- 
tation is  also  found  in  another  miniature  of  the  XI  century  in 
the  same  library.  Two  contemporarj^  miniatures  of  S.  Benedetto 
Po  represent  the  same  subject.^^ 

One  of  the  most  important  representations  of  the  Dance  of 
David  in  Lombard  iconography  was  in  the  destroyed  pavement 
of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Vercelli.  Fortunately  full  descriptions 
are  extant.  Above,  David  was  seated,  but  he  played  upon  no 
instrument.     About  him  were  the  four  sons  of  Korah  playing 

15  Tav.  6,  7;  also  page  19.  ^^Nouveaux  Milanges,  Ivoires,  2. 

17  Aus'm  Weerth,  5.  i"  Aus'm  Weerth,  6. 

399 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

upon  harps  and  viols;  below  were  six  musicians  dancing  and 
playing  musical  instruments  among  which  could  be  recognized 
the  bass-viol  and  trumpets.  The  inscription  mentions  the  nablum 
or  psaltery;  possil)ly  by  this  word  the  artist  understood  some 
instrument  verj'  different  from  that  described  by  Walafried. 
Idithun  Inlays  a  triangular  harp  of  ten  strings. 

In  the  baptistery  of  Parma,  Benedetto  sculptured  the  Dance 
of  David  in  one  of  the  interior  lunettes  (Plate  103,  Fig.  3) .  The 
king  sits  in  the  middle  playing  the  triangular  harp  of  ten  strings; 
he  is  surrounded  by  iVsaph,  ITeman,  Ethan  and  Idithun  who 
play  musical  instruments,  while  a  man  and  a  woman  with  clasped 
hands  dance. 

On  a  capital  of  the  campanile  of  the  cathedral  of  IModena, 
David  is  represented  twice:  once  playing  the  harp,  and  once 
writing  songs.  A  woman  holds  a  flower  and  dances,  as  does  also 
a  beardless  youth;  a  man  and  a  woman  hold  hands  and  dance 
together  as  in  the  relief  in  the  Parma  baptistery;  one  musician 
plaj's  a  wood  instrument. 

On  the  exterior  of  the  campanile  of  Modena  the  Dance  of 
David  is  also  represented.  David,  seated  and  crowned,  plays 
a  harj) ;  near  by  is  a  warrior  doubtless  either  Cerethi  or  Phelethi. 
There  are  two  musicians,  one  with  a  trumpet,  one  with  a  flute; 
a  man  and  woman  dance  together  holding  hands;  a  youth  dances, 
as  does  also  a  woman  with  a  band  on  her  head  and  holding  a 
flower. 

On  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of  IModena  the  subject  is  repre- 
sented again  in  very  abbreviated  form.  David  bare-headed  and 
beardless  plays  the  harp,  a  woman  stands  on  her  head  whirling  a 
sword  in  her  hands.  There  are  present  two  other  standing  figiu'es 
and  a  musician.  The  Dance  of  David  is  also  represented  on  a 
capital  in  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza.  In  the  rinceau  of  Cremona 
the  subject  appears  much  simplified:  David  plays  a  harp,  and 
a  girl  cymbals.  It  is  obvious  that  a  reminiscence  of  the  Dance  of 
David  inspii'ed  many  semi-grotesque  sculptiu'cs  of  similar  char- 
acter." On  a  capital  of  Vezzolano,  David  is  represented  playing 
the  harp,  another  man  the  viol.    On  a  capital  of  the  cloister  of  S. 

i»  See  above,  p.  345. 

400 


THE  FOURTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

Orso  at  Aosta,  David  himself  plays  the  viol.  David  is  repre- 
sented playing  the  harp  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona.  On  a  capital  of 
Toano  the  Dance  of  David  is  represented  in  a  peculiar  way.  The 
king  seems  to  have  been  confused  with  the  persons  who  generally 
accompany  him.  Thus  he  is  represented  as  dancing,  as  playing 
the  harp,  as  playing  a  reed  instrument,  as  holding  a  woman  in 
his  arms,  and  as  a  warrior  riding  on  a  caparisoned  horse. 

At  Berceto  is  a  peculiar  parody  of  the  Dance  of  David 
(Plate  22,  Fig.  3).  In  the  centre  an  animal,  apparently  an  ass, 
strums  the  triangular  hai'p  of  ten  strings.  To  the  music  dance 
four  animals  which  seem  to  be  perversions  of  the  beasts  of  the 
Evangelists,  a  man,  a  woman,  and  a  child.  The  relief  is  obviously 
a  travesty  of  Benedetto's  sculpture  (Plate  163,  Fig.  3) .  Another 
similar  parody  is  found  on  a  capital  of  Fornovo.  A  donkey 
strums  a  harp,  a  man  plays  the  viol,  and  a  man  and  woman  dance. 
The  famous  ass  strumming  a  harp  of  the  cathedral  of  Chartres, 
and  countless  other  representations  of  a  similar  nature  through- 
out Europe,  are  evidentlj^  echoes  of  this  theme."" 

The  representations  of  David  in  Lombard  art  were  not 
confined  to  the  Dance.  The  Shepherd  King  had  appeared  in 
iconography  as  early  as  the  third  century."  In  the  plates  from 
the  treasure  of  Karavas  now  in  the  ISIorgan  collection  and 
assigned  to  the  VI  century,  there  are  a  series  of  scenes  portraying 
the  life  of  David.  In  the  scene  of  David's  duel  with  Goliath 
there  is  represented  to  the  left  a  snake  and  three  round  objects. 
The  snake  is  probably  symbolical  of  the  devil  Goliath,  and  the 
three  round  objects  possibly  represent  the  three  stones  of  the 
Trinity  by  which  David,  the  symbol  of  Christ,  overcame  the 
enemy.  There  is  perhaps  a  similar  symbolism  in  the  scene  of 
David  killing  Goliath  represented  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of 
S.  Michele  at  Pavia.  On  a  capital  at  Piacenza  is  represented 
David  killing  and  beheading  the  giant,  also  Saul.  A  capital  in 
the  museum  of  Parma  possibly  represents  David  with  Bath-sheba 
and  Absalom. 

In  the  cathedral  of  Verona  David  is  represented  as  king, 

20  The  Dance  of  David  is  represented  In  the  cloister  of  Moissac. 

21  Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archaology,  XV,  514. 

401 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

crowned  and  holding  a  sceptre.  He  appears  with  two  prophets 
on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona.  In  the  baptistery  of 
Parma  he  holds  a  medallion  with  the  bust  of  Matthias.  He  is 
depicted  as  a  prophet  above  the  nave  arcade  at  Piacenza.  Finally, 
he  is  represented  with  Ezekiel  as  the  prophet  and  symbol  of 
Christ  in  three  works  of  art  of  the  first  rank — the  sculpture  of 
Benedetto's  master  in  the  museum  of  Piacenza  (Plate  181, 
Fig.  4) ,  and  the  statues  by  Benedetto  himself  at  Borgo  (Plate  28, 
Fig.  1 ) ,  and  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma.  At  Piacenza  he  bears 
a  scroll  with  an  inscription  from  Psalmus,  xviii,  6;  at  Borgo  a 
scroll  with  an  inscription  from  Psalmus,  cxvii,  20.  The  inscrip- 
tion of  the  figure  of  David  in  the  portal  of  the  cathedral  of 
Verona  is  taken  from  Psalmus,  cxxxi,  1. 

According  to  the  church-fathers  Solomon  was  the  figure 
of  Christ  who  built  the  temple  of  the  Lord  in  the  celestial 
Jerusalem,  not  with  M'ood  and  stones,  but  with  all  his  saints. 
The  Queen  of  Sheba  or  of  the  South"  who  came  to  hear  the 
wisdom  of  Solomon,  is  the  image  of  the  Church  which  at  the  word 
of  God  was  gathered  together  from  the  ends  of  the  world."'  On 
the  baptistery  of  Parma  are  two  superb  statues  of  Solomon  and 
the  Queen  of  Sheba  by  Benedetto,  evidently  there  placed  as 
symbols  of  Christ  and  the  Church.  In  only  one  other  instance  is 
Solomon  represented  in  Lombard  iconography.  A  capital  now  in 
the  museum  of  Parma  and  also  by  Benedetto,  depicts  in  two 
scenes  the  story  of  his  judgment. 

The  ]Middle  Ages  were  interested  in  the  kings  of  Juda 
chiefly  as  ancestors  of  Christ  according  to  the  genealogies  of 
Matthew"*  and  Luke."  In  Lombard  art,  at  least  so  far  as  it 
is  possible  to  determine,  the  genealogj'  of  ]Matthew  was  always 
preferred.  In  the  jube  of  Vezzolano  (Plate  238,  Fig.  4)  are 
represented  the  fourteen  kings  who  were  ancestors  of  Christ; 
the  ancestors  who  were  before  David  and  after  Josias,  since  they 
were  not  kings,  are  without  crown.     In  a  capital  of  the  cloister 

22  Matt.,  xli,  42;  Luc,  xi,  31. 

23  Isidore  of  Seville,  AUegorvs,  92,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  113; 
Queestiones  in  Vet.  Test.,  in  Regum  III,  Cap.  v,  ed.  M.,  417. 

2*  Matt.,  i,  1-18.  25  Luc,  iii,  23-38. 

402 


THE  FOURTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  the  series  of  kings  is  reduced  to  two:  David 
and  Jesse  who  holds  a  lily  in  evident  allusion  to  the  Virgin.  On 
the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  the  Jesse  tree  is  repre- 
sented as  in  French  art  (Plate  231,  Fig.  1).  Jesse  is  seen 
sleeping  on  the  ground;  from  his  side  issues  a  tree  on  whose 
branches  are  seated  the  various  kings.  This  subject  was  repeated 
by  Benedetto  in  the  baptisterj-  of  Parma. 


403 


CHAPTER  IV.    THE  FIFTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

The  Fifth  Age  of  the  World  is  dominated  by  the  majestic 
and  serene  figures  of  prophets,  in  the  representation  of  which 
the  Lombard  artists  perhaps  rose  to  greater  heights  than  in  any 
other  subject.  For  the  Middle  Ages  interest  in  the  jjrophets 
primarily  centered  in  what  they  had  foretold  concerning  Christ 
and  the  Virgin.  The  inscriptions  upon  their  scrolls  or  books  are 
invariablj'  those  passages  from  the  prophetic  books  which  were 
interpreted  to  have  reference  to  the  incarnation  of  Christ. 
Perhaps  no  figures  in  the  Bible  offer  the  artist  greater  oppor- 
tunities for  the  expression  of  psychological  and  poetic  content. 
The  Lombard  sculptors  were  remarkably  successful  in  grasping 
and  expressing  the  sibylline  character  of  these  mysterious  mes- 
sengers of  God.  In  French  iconography  the  four  major  prophets 
were  often  put  in  parallel  with  the  four  Evangelists,  the  twelve 
minor  prophets  with  the  twelve  apostles.  In  Lombard  iconog- 
raphy such  parallelism  is  attempted  onlj^  once.  In  the  baptistery 
of  Parma,  Benedetto  sculptured  twelve  prophets  holding 
medallions  with  busts  of  the  twelve  ajwstles  (Plate  1(54,  Fig.  1). 

Among  the  prophets  represented  in  Lombard  churches  are 
many  who,  properly  speaking,  belong  to  earlier  Ages  of  the 
World  than  the  fifth.  It  will,  however,  be  convenient  to  consider 
these  with  the  others  in  this  chapter. 

The  first  of  the  major  propliets  is  Isaiah.  As  might  be 
expected,  he  enjoys  great  popularity  in  Lombard  art,  doubtless 
especialljr  because  his  prophecy  contains  the  familiar  verse:  ecce 
virgo  concipiet,  et  pariet  filium.^  The  figure  of  the  prophet  is 
associated  with  this  quotation  in  the  eastern  window  of  the 
cathedral  of  Piacenza  and  at  Castell'Arquato ;  it  is  also  inscribed 
upon  his  scroll  in  the  cathedrals  of  Cremona  (Plate  83,  Fig.  8), 
Ferrara,  and  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  1).     Since  the  scrolls  of 

1  Isai.,  vii,  14. 

404. 


THE  FIFTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

other  prophets  in  the  three  last  named  churches  are  literal 
quotations  from  a  pseudo- Augustine  sermon"  in  which  this  verse 
is  also  cited  from  Isaiah,  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  iconographic 
tradition  was  derived  from  the  sermon.  On  a  capital  of  S.  Orso 
of  Aosta  is  cited  the  verse :  et  egredietur  virga  de  radice  Jesse.^ 
In  the  porch  of  Modena,  Isaiah  bears  a  book  without  inscription. 

Jeremiah  is  represented  at  Cremona,  Ferrara  (Plate  89, 
Fig.  1)  and  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  1)  with  an  inscription  taken 
from  the  pseudo-Augustine  sermon.^  The  scroll  which  the 
prophet  bears  on  a  capital  in  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta,  was 
perhaps  inspired  by  the  same  source,  since  it  cites  the  verse  from 
Baruch:  hie  est  Deits  noster,  et  non  (vstimahitur  alius;'  quoted 
in  the  sermon.  In  the  central  portal  at  IVIodena,  Jeremiah  is 
represented  without  beard  carrying  a  book. 

Ezekiel  at  the  cathedrals  of  Cremona,  Ferrara,  and  Borgo 
(Plate  28,  Fig.  2)  bears  a  scroll  with  the  inscription:  vidi  portam 
in  domo  Domini  claiisam  et  vir  non  transiet  per  earn  quani  solus 
deus  ingreditur  et  egreditur  per  earn,  which  is  evidently  a  para- 
phrase of  Ezekiel,  xliv,  1-2.  The  scroll  of  Ezekiel  at  S.  Orso 
of  Aosta  has  the  verse:  patres  comederunt  uvam  acerham.'^  In 
the  cathedral  of  INIodena,  Ezekiel  is  without  inscription. 

Alone  of  the  major  prophecies,  the  book  of  Daniel  contained 
narratives  which  lent  themselves  to  plastic  representation.  The 
three  Israelites  in  the  burning  fiery  furnace  were  depicted  in  the 
bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — c.  1030— (Plate  234,  Fig.  1) 
and  on  a  capital  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta.  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den, 
a  subject  which  has  been  extremely  popular  ever  since  the  earliest 
days  of  the  Church,'  was  frequently  represented  in  Lombard 
art.^  It  is  portrayed  several  times  at  S.  INIichele  of  Pavia 
(c.  1100),  at  Vaprio  d'Adda    (c.  1115),  in  a  capital  now  at 

2  Contra  JucUbos,  Paganos  et  Arianos,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XLII,  1124. 

3  Isai.,  xi,  1. 

4  See  below,  Vol.  II,  pp.  386,  419;  Vol.  Ill,  p.  476.  The  credit  of  having 
recognized  these  quotations  belongs  to  Male  (Religious  Art  in  France  of  the  XIII 
Century,  162). 

5  Bar.,  iii,  36.  «  Ezec,  xviii,  2. 

'  There  are  thirty-nine  representations   extant  in  catacomb   frescos   of  the   first 
four  centuries  (Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archaology,  XV,  511). 
8  Dan.,  vi,  16-22. 

405 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Villanterio  (c.  1120),  and  in  capitals  of  the  cathedrals  of 
Piacenza  (c.  1135-1150)  and  Borgo  (c.  1184-1196).  The  second 
experience  of  Daniel  in  the  den  of  the  lions,  when,  as  the  Vulgate 
relates,  the  angel  of  the  I^ord  took  Habakkuk  by  the  top  of  his 
head  and  transported  him  to  Babylon  that  he  might  carry  dinner 
to  Daniel,"  is  represented  at  S.  Fedele  of  Como  (c.  1115)  and  on 
capitals  of  the  baptistery  of  Parma  and  the  crypt  of  JNIodena. 
In  reference  to  this  story  the  prophet  Habakkuk  is  represented 
with  a  bowl  on  the  portal  of  JNIodena.  In  the  same  series  of 
sculptures  Daniel  is  represented  beardless,  carrying  a  book.  In 
the  baptistery  of  Parma  he  carries  a  medallion  with  a  bust  of 
the  apostle  James.  In  the  cathedrals  of  Cremona,  Ferrara 
(Plate  89,  Fig.  4)  and  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  1)  Daniel 
carries  a  scroll  with  a  quotation  from  the  pseudo-Augustine 
sermon."  On  a  capital  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta, 
Daniel  bears  a  scroll  with  the  verse:  aspiciebam  ergo  in  visione 
nociis.^^ 

Hosea  is  represented  only  a  single  time  in  Lombard  iconog- 
raphy. On  a  capital  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  he  bears 
the  scroll :  et  erit  quasi  oliva  gloria  ejus}'  Joel  in  the  same  series 
is  associated  with  the  inscription:  plange  quasi  virgo"  but  at 
Verona  with  the  quotation:  venit  dies  Domini,  quia  prope  est." 
Amos  is  represented  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma,  once  in  the 
lunette  of  the  northern  portal,  and  once  in  the  frescos  of  the 
inte^rior.  In  the  latter  instance  and  in  the  capital  of  the  cloister 
of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (Plate  14,  Fig.  1)  the  prophet  bears  a  scroll 
with  the  quotation:  Dominus  de  Sion  rugiet,  et  de  Jerusalem 
dahit  vocem  suarn^^  Obadiah  is  represented  in  the  central  portal 
at  JModena,  and  at  S.  Orso  of  Aosta.  In  the  latter  he  is  associated 
with  the  inscription:  perdam  sapientes  de  Idumcea.^'^ 

The  story  of  Jonah  and  the  whale  had  been  extremely 
popular  in  Early  Christian  art,"  since  it  was  interpreted  as  a 

»  Dan.,  xiv,  30-iO. 

^''Contra  Judwos,  Paganos  et  Arianos,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XLII,  1124. 
11  Dan.,  vii,  13.  12  Ose.,  xiv,  7.  13  Joel,  i,  8. 

14  Joel,  ii,  1.  15  Amos,  i,  2.  10  Abd.,  8. 

1'  It  is  represented  fifty-eight  times  in  the  catacomb  frescos  of  the  II,  III  and  IV 
centuries  (Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archwology,  XV,  519). 

406 


THE  FIFTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

transparent  symbol  of  the  death  and  resurrection  of  Christ.  The 
subject  appears  to  have  appealed  to  the  Lombard  artists  chiefly 
because  the  whale  offered  an  opportunity  for  the  introduction 
of  those  grotesque  animal  forms  which  were  so  dear  to  them. 
Jonah  being  thrown  overboard  is  represented  in  a  well  preserved 
fragment  (Plate  45,  Fig.  5)  of  the  pavement  of  Casale  (c.  1140) . 
He  is  represented  with  the  whale  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of 
Acqui  (1067),  four  times  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  and 
in  the  southern  portal  of  the  cathedral  of  Verona — ^1139-c.  1153 — 
(Plate  216,  Fig.  5).  On  a  capital  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of 
Aosta,  Jonah  is  represented  with  a  scroll :  de  ventre  inferni,  which 
is  evidently  a  paraphrase  of  Jonah,  ii,  2. 

Micah  is  represented  in  the  central  portal  of  Modena,  in 
the  cathedral  of  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  3)  and  at  S.  Orso  of 
Aosta.  At  S.  Orso  he  has  the  inscription :  periit  sanctus  de  terra^^ 
at  Verona  a  paraphrase  of  Micah,  v,  2,  and  Matthew,  ii,  6. 
Nahum  is  represented  only  at  Aosta;  he  bears  the  inscription: 
sol  ortus  est.^^  Habakkuk  at  Verona  bears  upon  his  scroll  a 
quotation  from  the  pseudo- Augustine  sermon;^"  at  Aosta  he  has 
the  inscription:  vce  qui  potum  dat  amico  suo.^^ 

Zephaniah  is  represented  in  the  central  portal  at  INIodena, 
on  the  baptistery  of  Parma  where  he  bears  a  medallion  with  a 
bust  of  Paul,  and  at  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  where  he  has  the  scroll: 
laiida  filia  Sion.^^  Haggai  is  represented  at  S.  Orso  with  the 
inscription :  Ego  movebo  ccelum^^  and  in  the  cathedral  of  Verona 
(Plate  217,  Fig.  3)  with  the  scroll:  et  vcniet  desiderntus  cunctis 
gentihus.'*  Zechariah  is  depicted  in  the  central  portal  at  ^lodena ; 
in  the  cathedral  of  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  3)  he  is  represented 
with  a  scroll  which  is  a  paraphrase  of  Zacharias,  ix,  9,  and  at 
S.  Orso  of  Aosta  with  a  scroll  which  is  a  paraphrase  of  Zacharias, 
i,  2.  Malachi  is  represented  in  the  central  portal  at  ^Modena  and 
at  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  with  the  inscription:  Mcdedkius  dolosus,'' 
and  at  the  cathedral  of  Verona   (Plate  217,  Fig.  1)   with  the 

18  Mic,  vii,  2.  19  Nah.,  iii,  17. 

20  Contra  Judccos,  Paganos  et  Arianos,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XLII,  1124. 

21  Hab.,  ii,  15.  For  representations  for  Hakakkuk  in  connection  with  Daniel  see 
above,  p.  406. 

22  Soph.,  iii,  14.  28  Agg.,  ii,  22.  24  Agg.,  ii,  8.  25  Mai.,  i,  14. 

407 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

quotation:  ecce  ego  mitto  angelum  meum,  et  prceparabit  viam 
ante  faciem  meam.'^ 

In  addition  to  the  four  major  and  the  twelve  minor 
prophets,  others  mentioned  in  the  earlier  books  of  the  Old 
Testament  were  represented  in  Lombard  iconography.  Of  these 
the  most  interesting  are  undoubted!}^  Enoch  and  Elijah,  who  are 
frequently  portrayed  in  parallel. 

Enoch  to  whom  the  Scriptures  refer  somewhat  mysteriously 
as  having  been  translated  to  Heaven,"  early  became  a  favourite 
subject  of  speculation.  He  was  glorified  by  the  popular  legends 
of  the  Hebrews  into  a  heroic  figure.  In  the  tradition  of  the 
rabbis,  Enoch  became  the  exemplar  of  piety  and  wisdom,  the 
friend  and  confidant  of  God,  the  accredited  revealer  of  divine 
secrets  to  man."'  The  Hebraic  traditions  were  taken  up  by  the 
church-fathers.  St.  Augustine  reflects  that  God  has  chosen  in 
all  ages  a  certain  few  men  to  whom  He  has  shown  a  special 
friendship.  These,  veiy  few  in  the  early  ages,  became  more 
numerous  as  the  time  of  the  coming  of  Christ  approached.  Before 
the  flood  only  two  were  conspicuous,  namely,  Abel  and  Enoch. 
Enoch  did  not  taste  of  death,  but  is  kept  removed  from  inter- 
course with  men  for  almost  the  entire  duration  of  the  world,  in 
order  that  it  may  be  shown  how  man,  if  he  does  not  sin,  may  be 
translated  to  the  spiritual  life."  Isidore  of  Seville  comments 
that  Enoch,  who  knew  neither  sin  nor  death,  was  translated  from 
pernicious  contact  with  the  world  into  the  earthly  Paradise; 
there  he  still  lives  in  the  flesh,  and  at  the  end  of  the  world  he  shall 
take  on  with  Elijah  the  mortal  state.^" 

Elijah  was  admitted  by  the  fathers  to  be  the  figure  of  Christ. 
The  pseudo- Augustine  explains  that  the  widow  symbolizes  the 
Church,  for  the  former  was  absolved  from  her  debts  for  oil,  the 
latter  from  her  sins  by  charity.    Elijah  bent  down  to  revive  her 

26  Mai.,  iii,  1. 

2' Gen.,  V,  23-24;  Hebr.,  xi,  5;  Eccle.,  xliv,  16;  Eccle.,  xlix,  16. 

28  Sirach,  xlix,  14,  ed.  Charles,  506;  ibid.,  xliv,  16,  ed.  C,  482;  Enoch,  Ixx,  1  f. 

23Z)«  Mirabilibus  Sacrw  Scripturw,  S.  Augustini,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  Ill,  ed.  Migne, 
Pat.  Lat,  XXXV,  2154. 

30  Isidore  of  Seville,  De  Ortu  et  Obitu  Patrum,  III,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
LXXXIII,  132. 

408 


THE  FIFTH  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD 

boy;  so  Christ  descended  to  save  the  world."  Isidore  of  Seville 
explains  that  Elijah  symbolizes  Christ  because  he  was  sent  to 
the  widow,  that  is,  the  Church;  the  two  pieces  of  wood  are  the 
symbol  of  the  cross.""  There  was  much  controversy  among  the 
fathers  as  to  whither  Eh j  ah  was  translated.  Some  like  Augustine 
thought  he  went  to  Heaven.  Gregory  placed  him  in  the  caelum 
aereum  which  he  distinguishes  from  the  caelum  cethercum.  The 
rabbis  believed  he  was  consumed  in  the  sphere  of  fire,  and  that 
only  his  spirit  penetrated  Heaven.  Irenjeus  and  others  placed 
him  in  the  terrestrial  paradise.  Still  others  asserted  that  the 
place  he  was  translated  is  unknown;  but  all  agree  that  Enoch  and 
Elijah  are  alive  and  busily  occupied,  some  say  in  recording  the 
deeds  of  men.  Elijah  after  his  translation  wrote  a  letter  and 
sent  it  to  King  Joramus.''" 

It  was  universal^  admitted  that  Enoch  and  Elijah  were  the 
two  witnesses  referred  to  in  the  Apocalypse." 

An  iconographic  representation  of  the  translation  of  Elijah 
is  found  in  a  catacomb  fresco  of  the  IV  centurj\"°  Baudri 
describes  an  imaginary  tapestrj^  on  which  Enoch  was  repre- 
sented.'" In  Lombard  art  the  two  prophets  are  constantly 
represented  together,  and  probably  are  both  symbolical  of  Christ. 
Such  representations  are  found  at  Modena — 1099-1106 — 
(Plate  142,  Fig.  2),  at  Cremona  (IIOMIIT),  and  at  Piacenza 
(1122-1132).  Enoch  in  the  earthly  paradise"  and  the  trans- 
lation of  Elijah  (Plate  30,  Fig.  5)  were  represented  by  Benedetto 
at  Borgo  (1184-1196).  In  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta, 
Elijah  is  represented  alone  with  the  text:  faciatnus  hie  tria 
tabernacula.^^ 

Bj'  Benedetto  and  his  master  the  figures  of  Enoch  and 
Elijah    Avere    generally    supplanted    by    David    and    Ezekiel 

31  Sermo  Supposititius  S.  Augustlni,  XLIV,  LX,  De  veteri  et  novi  Teatamento, 
ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXIX,  1823,  1827. 

~-  Isidore  of  Seville,  Quastiones  in  Vet.  Test.,  in  Regum  III,  Cap.  viii,  ed. 
Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  418;  Allef/oria;  93,  ed.  M.,  113. 

33  Acta  Sanctorum,  V,  Julii,  die  XX,  20  f. 

3*  Apoc,  xi,  3;  Acta  Sanctorum,  V,  Julii,  die  XX,  20  f.;  Salimbene,  ad.  ann.  1248, 
ed.  Parma,  1857,  118. 

35  Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archaeology,  XV,  516. 

36  Ed.  Delisle,  line  120.  3-  See  Enoch,  xcvi,  6.  38  Matt.,  xvii,  4. 

409 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

(Plate  28,  Fig,  1,  2;  Plate  181,  Fig.  3,  4)  which  were  given  the 
same  symbolism. 

Balaam  with  his  ass  is  represented  on  the  bronze  doors  of 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona— 1138— (Plate  231,  Fig.  1).  In  the  east 
window  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza,  Balaam  is  represented  with 
the  scroll:  orietur  Stella  ex  Jacoh,^"  and  in  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso 
of  Aosta  with  the  quotation:  moriatur  anima  mea  morte 
justorum*'' 

Aaron  is  represented  with  his  rod  on  the  central  portal  at 
jModena.  Xathan  in  the  cloister  at  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  bears  a  scroll 
with  the  inscription:  Dominus  quoque  transtulit  peccatum  tuum: 
non  morieris."  Samuel  is  possibly  represented  as  a  prophet  in 
the  baptistery  of  Parma. 

Job  is  portrayed  in  Lombard  iconography  only  once.  In 
the  cathedral  of  Borgo  he  appears  in  connection  apparently  with 
a  coffin  and  the  Devil.  The  significance  entirely  escapes  me, 
unless  it  be  a  graphic  representation  of  some  of  Job's  thoughts." 
The  story  of  Tobias  appears  to  be  sculptured  on  a  capital  of 
Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo  (Plate  10,  Fig.  7).  Scenes  from  the 
book  of  Judith  were  represented  in  the  pavement  of  S.  Maria 
Maggiore  of  Vercelli  (1148). 

Several  scenes  from  the  book  of  Machabees,  including  the 
battle  of  Emmaus,  were  represented  in  the  magnificent  mosaic 
pavement  of  Bobbio.  At  Casale,  Judas  Machabeus  hanging 
the  head  and  arms  of  Nicanor  in  the  temple  (Plate  45,  Fig.  6), 
and  Eleazar  killing  the  elephant,  were  depicted  in  the  mosaic 
pavement.     At  Acquanegra  a  battle  of  Simon  is  portrayed. 

89  Num.,  xxiv,  17.  *o  Num.,  xxiii,  10.  n  II  Reg.,  xii,  13. 

■•2  Such  as,  for  example.  Job,  xvii,  II  f. 


410 


CHAPTER  V.     THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  CHRIST 

The  cycle  of  the  Sixth  Age  of  the  World  opens  with  the 
incarnation  of  Christ,  and  precisely  at  that  moment  when  the 
archangel  Gabriel  greeted  the  Virgin  with  the  words :  ave  gratia 
plena.  This  subject  was  represented  by  the  Lombard  artists 
more  frequently  than  any  other  in  the  entire  ]Mirror  of  History. 
The  earliest  example,  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona 
(Plate  231,  Fig.  1),  dates  from  c.  1030.  The  Virgin  is  to  the 
right  and  both  figures  are  standing  in  an  adicule.  On  the  archi- 
volt  of  Calvenzano  executed  c.  1095  (Plate  42,  Fig.  7)  both 
figures  are  standing,  but  ]Mary  is  to  the  left.  At  S.  ^lichele  of 
Pavia  (Plate  174,  Fig.  1)  the  subject  is  represented  with  peculiar 
iconographic  detail.  JNIary  to  the  right  is  seated,  and  at  her  feet 
is  one  of  the  five  young  girls  given  her  by  the  high  priest 
according  to  the  Apocryphal  gospels.^  In  the  portal  of  Nonan- 
tola  (1121  f.)  Mary  stands  to  the  right  and  Gabriel  carries  a 
book.  On  a  capital  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (1133)  the 
Virgin  is  crowned  in  obvious  reference  to  her  royal  lineage,  since 
Judah  is  represented  near  by.  In  the  east  window  of  Piacenza 
(c.  1150-1165)  Gabriel  and  ]Mary  are  placed  in  parallel  with  the 
two  prophets  Balaam  and  Isaiah  who  had  foretold  the  incar- 
nation of  Christ.  Also  in  the  cathedral  of  Ferrara  the  Annun- 
ciation is  associated  with  the  figures  of  prophets.  In  Guglielmo 
da  Verona's  sculptures  at  S.  Zeno  (Plate  230,  Fig.  3)  the 
Virgin  is  seated  to  the  right  and  holds  in  her  hand  the  skein  of 
purple.  In  a  capital  at  Borgo  (1184-1196)  the  Virgin  is  seen 
spinning  on  a  double  distaff^.  In  the  fine  ambo  sculptures  of 
Castell'Arquato  the  Virgin  stands  to  the  right.  In  the  sculptures 
of  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona  the  Virgin  is  shown  standing 

1  There  is  an  analogous  representation  at  Angers  which  has  been  explained  by 
Male,  Religious  Art  in  France  of  the  XIII  Century,  244. 

411 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

in  front  of  the  stool  and  to  the  right;  she  holds  in  her  hands  the 
skein  of  purple,  and  two  handmaidens  are  present." 

The  scene  of  the  Visitation  frequently  followed  that  of  the 
Annunciation.  Mary  and  Elisabeth  are  shown  both  standing 
and  generally  embracing,  as  in  the  archivolt  of  Calvenzano — 
c.  1095 — (Plate  42,  Fig.  7)  and  on  the  architrave  of  Ferrara — 
1135— (Plate  88,  Fig.  1).  At  Nonantola— 1121  f.— (Plate  155, 
Fig.  3),  and  in  the  font  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona  the 
two  figures  are  seen  standing  but  not  embracing.  In  the  portal 
of  the  south  transept  of  S.  Maria  JNIaggiore  of  Bergamo  the 
Virgin  in  the  Visitation  is  accompanied  by  two  handmaidens.  As 
with  the  similar  figures  occasionally  introduced  in  the  scene  of 
the  Annunciation,  these  bondwomen  are  doubtless  carried  over 
from  the  Apocryphal  gospels.  In  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of 
Parma  instead  of  two  bondwomen,  two  prophets  are  present  at 
the  Visitation.^ 

The  angel  appearing  to  Joseph  is  represented  on  the  archi- 
volt of  Calvenzano  (Plate  42,  Fig.  7)  and  on  a  capital  of  S. 
Abondio  of  Como  now  in  the  museum  of  that  city  (c.  1135). 

The  Nativity  is  represented  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno 
of  Verona — c.  1030— (Plate  231,  Fig.  1).  On  the  archivolt  of 
Calvenzano — 1095 — (Plate  42,  Fig.  7)  it  is  also  depicted  in  a 
simple  manner  according  to  the  gospel  narrative.  At  Nonantola, 
however  (1121  f.).  Apocryphal  details  are  introduced.  The 
Nativity  is  divided  into  two  scenes.  In  the  first,  which  is 
probably  supposed  to  take  place  in  a  cave,  the  Christ  Child  is 
seen  being  washed  by  one  of  the  midwives.*  The  second  shows 
the  familiar  scene  of  the  manger  with  the  ox  and  ass,  symbolical 
of  the  New  and  the  Old  Testament.    On  the  font  of  S.  Giovanni 

2  The  Annunciation  is  also  represented  on  a  capital  of  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna 
(c.  1095),  on  the  southern  portal  of  the  cathedral  of  ^^erona  (1139-c.  1153),  on  a  capital 
and  in  the  apse  of  Vezzolano  (1189),  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma  (1196-1214)  and  in  the 
apse  of  Borgo  (1196-1207). 

3  Other  representations  of  the  Visitation  are  found  on  a  capital  of  S.  Pietro  of 
Bologna  (c.  1095),  on  the  ambo  of  CasteU'Arquato  (c.  1185)  and  on  a  capital  of 
Vezzolano  (1189). 

<  The  bath  of  the  Christ  Child  is  represented  in  a  catacomb  fresco  of  the  VII 
century  (Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Arclurology,  XV,  522). 

412 


THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  CHRIST 

in  Fonte  of  Verona  the  Apocryphal  legend  is  again  followed, 
two  midwives  being  introduced.  The  simpler  rendering  of  the 
scene  is  found  on  a  capital  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (1133),  at 
Ferrara— 1135— (Plate  88,  Fig.  1),  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— 
1138— (Plate  230,  Fig.  1)  and  on  a  capital  of  Vezzolano  (1189). 

The  angel  appearing  to  the  shepherds  was  represented  on 
the  archivolt  of  Calvenzano — 1095 — (Plate  42,  Fig.  7) .  On  the 
portal  of  Nonantola  (1121  f.)  the  subject  is  repeated.  It  is 
notable  that  in  both  these  instances  the  sheep  are  seven  in  number ; 
in  fact  this  is  the  regular  tradition  in  Lombard  iconography,  and 
it  is  only  very  rarely  and  probably  for  lack  of  space,  as  at 
Ferrara — 1135 — (Plate  88,  Fig.  1)  that  the  number  is  varied. 
There  are  generally  two  shepherds  as  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 
1138— (Plate  230,  Fig.  1);  for  lack  of  space  this  number  is 
sometimes  reduced  to  one  as  at  Ferrara  (Plate  88,  Fig.  1),  but 
on  the  font  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona  (c.  1200)  there 
are  three  shepherds.  One  other  representation  of  this  subject  in 
the  tympanum  of  the  cathedral  of  Verona  (1139-c.  1153)  remains 
to  be  mentioned. 

Herod  ordering  the  slaughter  of  the  innocents  is  repre- 
sented at  Borgo  (1184-1196)  and  at  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of 
Verona  (c.  1200).  The  slaughter  of  the  innocents  is  poi'trayed 
at  Calvenzano  (Plate  42,  Fig.  7),  and  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of 
Verona.  The  three  INIagi — Caspar,  Balthazar  and  ]Melchior — 
riding  on  horse-back  to  visit  the  Christ  Child  are  depicted  at 
Borgo."  The  three  Magi  before  Herod  are  depicted  on  a  capital 
of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (1133)  and  at  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona— 1138— (Plate  230,  Fig.  1).  The  Adoration  of  the 
Magi  was  depicted  as  early  as  c.  1030  on  the  bronze  doors  of 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  231,  Fig.  1).  On  the  archivolt  of 
Calvenzano — c.  1095 — (Plate  42,  Fig.  7)  all  three  kings  are 
represented  as  bearded;  on  the  portal  of  Nonantola  (1121  f.) 
only  one  of  the  Magi  is  bearded,  but  at  Ferrara  (1135)  only  one, 
doubtless  INIelchior,  is  without  beard.  The  latter  is  the  general 
tradition,  followed,  for  example,  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 1138 — 

5  See  Fumagalli,  IV,  279. 

418 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

(Plate  229,  Fig.  3)  and  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma— 1196-1214— 
(Plate  164,  Fig.  1).*  In  the  tympanum  at  the  cathedral  of 
Verona  (1139-c.  1153)  is  an  Epiphany  in  which  two  of  the  ^lagi 
are  represented  on  horse-back.  The  curious  legend  of  the  death 
of  Herod  is  sculptured  at  Calvenzano  (Plate  42,  Fig.  7).' 

The  presentation  of  Christ  in  the  temple  is  represented  on 
the  portal  of  Nonantola  (1121  f.),  on  the  architrave  of  the 
southern  portal  of  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza — 1122-1132 — 
(Plate  182,  Fig.  4),  at  Ferrara— 1135— (Plate  88,  Fig.  1),  at 
S.  Zeno  of  yerona—1138— (Plate  230,  Fig.  1),  at  Borgo  (1184- 
1196),  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (1195),  in  the  baptistery 
of  Parma  (1196-1214),  and  in  the  portal  of  the  southern  transept 
of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Bergamo  (c.  1210) . 

Joseph  warned  by  the  angel  to  fly  into  Egj'pt  is  represented 
on  the  portal  of  Nonantola  (1121  f.),  on  a  capital  of  the  cloister 
of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (1133),  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— 1138— 
(Plate  230,  Fig.  1),  at  Borgo  (1184-1196),  in  the  baptistery  of 
Parma— 1196-1214— (Plate  164,  Fig.  1),  in  the  font  of  S. 
Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona  (c.  1200),  and  in  the  portal  of  the 
southern  transept  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  of  Bergamo  (c.  1210). 

The  flight  into  Egj'pt,  at  all  epochs  one  of  the  most  popular 
of  biblical  subjects,  was  in  special  favour  with  the  Lombard 
artists.  In  this,  as  in  other  scenes  from  the  life  of  Christ,  the 
artists  of  Lombardy  seem  to  have  followed  closely  the  simple 
narratives  of  the  Gospels,  and  not  to  have  introduced  the 
amplifications  with  which  the  scene  was  embellished  in  the 
Apocr}'pha.  In  Lombard  art  the  subject  occin-s  on  the  bronze 
doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— 1030— (Plate  231,  Fig.  1),  on  the 
archivolt  of  Calvenzano— c.  1095— (Plate  42,  Fig.  7),  at  the 
cathedral  of  Piacenza— 1122-1132— (Plate  182,  Fig.  4),  on  a 
capital  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta  (1133),  at  Ferrara — 
1135 — (Plate  88,  Fig.  1),  on  a  capital  of  S.  Abondio  now  in  the 
museum  of  Como  (c.  1135),  in  the  baptistery  of  the  cathedral  of 

«  other  representations  of  the  Epiphany  in  addition  to  those  mentioned  in  the 
text  may  be  found  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  on  a  capital  of  S.  Abondio  of 
Como  now  in  the  museum  (c.  1135)  and  at  Borgo  (1184-1196). 

'  For  details  see  below,  Vol.  II,  p.  231. 

414 


THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  CHRIST 

Parma— 1196-1214— (Plate  163,  Fig.  2),  and  on  the  font  of 
S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona  (c.  1200). 

The  baptism  of  Christ  is  depicted  on  the  bronze  doors  of 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona — c.  1030—  (Plate  231,  Fig.  1 ) ,  on  the  southern 
portal  of  Piacenza— 1122-1132— (Plate  182,  Fig.  4),  at  Fer- 
rara— 1135— (Plate  88,  Fig.  1),  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— 1138— 
(Plate  230,  Fig.  1),  on  the  font  of  Varese  (1187),  and  on  the 
font  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Fonte  of  Verona  (c.  1200).  In  the  latter 
instance  two  angels  are  introduced.* 

The  three  temptations  of  Christ  by  the  Devil  appear  in 
Lombard  art  only  in  the  architrave  of  the  southern  portal  of 
Piacenza— 1122-1132— (Plate  182,  Fig.  4). 

Jesus  teaching  in  the  temple  appears  to  be  represented  three 
times  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — c.  1030,  1138 — 
(Plate  231,  Fig.  1).  The  scene  of  the  merchants  driven  from 
the  temple  is  represented  in  the  same  monument — c.  1030^ 
(Plate  231,  Fig.  1). 

The  raising  of  Lazarus,  and  Mary  IMagdalen  anointing  the 
feet  of  Jesus  are  sculptured  in  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  at 
Aosta  (1133). 

8  In  the  Certosina  altar-piece  of  the  Morgan  collection,  the  baptism  of  Christ  is 
put  in  parallel  with  the  appearance  of  the  three  angels  to  Abraham  and  Sarah.  There 
are  three  angels  in  the  representation  of  the  baptism  in  the  Parma  baptistery 
(Plate  164,  Fig.  1). 


41 S 


CHAPTER  VI.    THE  SAYINGS  AND  PARABLES 

OF  CHRIST 

The  plastic  representation  of  the  teaching  of  Christ  might 
seem  to  be  a  task  beyond  the  scope  of  any  artist.  The  Lombards 
nevertheless  undertook  it. 

The  Beatitudes'  are  represented  plastically  on  the  voussoirs 
of  the  principal  portal  at  Borgo  S.  Donnino  (Plate  27,  Fig.  3).^ 
They  are  inscribed  upon  the  scrolls  of  apostles  who  are  put  in 
parallel  with  prophets  having  scrolls  from  the  Decalogue.^ 

St.  Gregory  the  Great'  in  commenting  upon  the  parable 
of  the  vineyard^  explains  that  the  householder  is  God,  the  vine 
the  Church.  The  morning  in  which  the  householder  first  went 
out  to  hire  labourers  is  the  First  Age  of  the  World.  The  third 
hour  corresponds  to  the  Second  Age,  the  sixth  hour  to  the  Third 
Age,  the  ninth  hour  to  the  Fourth  Age,  and  the  eleventh  hour 
to  the  Fifth  Age.  In  order  to  make  his  parallelism  hold,  the 
number  of  the  Ages  of  the  World  is  reduced  from  six  to  five. 
The  Hebrew  prophets  were  the  workman  called  in  the  morning 
and  in  the  third,  sixth  and  ninth  hours.  The  Gentiles  were  those 
called  in  the  eleventh  hour  to  whom  it  was  said:  why  stand  you 
here  all  the  day  idle?  St.  Gregory  carries  the  sj^mbolism  even 
farther.  The  different  hours  corresi)ond  also  to  the  Ages  of 
JVIan:  morning  is  childhood,  the  third  hour  is  adolescence,  the 
sixth  hour  is  youth,  the  ninth  hour  is  maturity,  the  eleventh  hour 
is  old  age.  The  parable,  therefore,  signifies  that  a  man  may  be 
called  to  salvation  at  any  time  in  his  life. 

St.  Augustine^  gives  substantially  the  same  interpretation 

1  Matt.,  V,  3-11. 

2  The  Beatitudes  are  also  sculptured  in  the  cloi.ster  at  Moissac. 

s  Compare  S.  Augustini,  Sermo  LIII,  X>e  Scripturis,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat., 
XXXVIII,  364. 

4  Homilia,  XIX,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXVI,  1153.  5  Matt.,  xx,  1-14. 

6  Sermo  LXXXVII,  De  Scripturis,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXVIII,  530. 

416 


THE  SAYINGS  AND  PARABLES  OF  CHRIST 

of  the  parable.  The  five  hours  of  the  daj"-  are  put  in  parallel  with 
the  Five  Ages  of  the  World  and  the  Five  Ages  of  ]Man;  the 
reward  is  eternal  lifeJ  The  explanation  of  Isidore  of  Seville  is 
identical/ 

The  Works  of  Mercj-  were  inspired  by  the  familiar  passage 
in  Matthew."  Although  the  Scriptures  only  mention  six,  the 
JNIiddle  Ages  generally  admitted  that  there  were  seven.^"  INIan 
comes  naked  into  the  world,  he  must  be  clothed;  he  hungers  and 
thirsts,  he  must  be  given  food  and  drink;  grown  to  maturity,  he 
travels,  he  must  be  sheltered;  cast  into  prison,  he  must  be 
consoled;  sick,  he  must  be  visited;  dead,  he  must  be  buried.  The 
Works  of  INIercy,  therefore,  are  only  so  many  stages  on  the  path 
of  life  from  birth  to  death.  It  is  therefore  not  astonishing  that 
they  should  be  put  in  parallel  with  the  Ages  of  INIan.  To  the 
six  Works  of  JSIercy  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures  the  duty  of 
burying  the  dead  was  generally  added.  St.  Augustine  even 
includes  this  duty  although  he  keeps  the  Works  of  Mercy  six 
in  number."  Cahier  et  ^lartin  have  published  an  ivory  book- 
cover  on  which  are  represented  six  Works  of  Mercy.'" 

In  the  baptistery  of  Parma  the  Parable  of  the  Vineyard  is 
put  in  parallel  with  the  Works  of  Mercy,  the  Ages  of  Man  and 
the  Ages  of  the  World.  The  five  hours  mentioned  in  the  Parable 
are  made  six  by  dividing  the  eleventh  into  two.  The  parallelism 
with  the  Six  Ages  of  jSIan,  the  Six  Ages  of  the  World,  and  the 
Six  Works  of  jSIercy  is  thereby  accomplished  (Plate  165,  Fig.  2) . 

St.  Augustine  commenting  upon  the  parable  of  the  wise  and 
foolish  virgins"  says  that  the  virgins  are  symbols  not  only  of 
nuns  but  of  the  entire  Church,  of  all  the  souls  who  have  received 
the  Catholic  faith.  There  are  ten,  that  is  to  say,  twice  five, 
virgins  because  there  are  five  senses  of  the  body  by  means  of 
which  corruption  may  enter.    He  who  avoids  corruption  of  the 

7  See  also  Origenis,  Comment,  in  Matthceum,  Tomus  XV,  28  f.,  ed.  Migne,  Pat. 
Grec,  XIII,  1338. 

s  AllegorUe,  178,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  131.  »  Matt,  xxv,  35. 

10  Didron  A\a€,  Les  Oeuvres  de  Mis4ricorde,  in  Annales  ArchMogiques,  XXI, 
1861,  195. 

11  Sermo  XCIII,  De  Scripturis,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXVIII,  575. 
1=  Kouveaux  Milanges,  Ivoires,  10.  i3  Matt.,  xxv,  1-13. 

417 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

five  senses  is  a  virgin.  The  lamps  of  the  virgins  are  their  good 
works,  the  oil  of  the  lamps  is  charity.  The  sleep  into  which  the 
wise  and  foolish  virgins  alike  fall,  is  death.  The  coming  of  the 
bridegroom  signifies  the  day  of  judgment;  the  awakening  of  the 
virgins  is  the  resurrection  of  the  dead.  Those  who  have  oil  in 
their  vases,  that  is  to  say,  charity  in  their  hearts,  are  prepared 
to  meet  God." 

It  is  therefore  easy  to  understand  why  on  the  portal  of 
S.  Simpliciano  of  ISIilan  the  five  wise  virgins  are  put  in  parallel 
with  five  sainted  clerics  of  the  Milanese  church. 

n  S.  Augustini,  Sermo  XCIII,  De  Scripturis,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXVIII, 
573;  De  Diversis  Qua-stionibus,  LIX,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XL,  44.  See  also  Isidore  of 
Seville,  Allegoria;  198,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXXXIII,  124;  S.  Paulini  Nolani  Episcopi, 
Epistola  XLI,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  LXI,  377. 


418 


CHAPTER  VII.     THE  PASSIOX  OF  CHRIST 

The  entry  into  Jerusalem  is  represented  in  Lombard  art 
only  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 1138 — (Plate  231, 
Fig.  1).  Jesus  washing  the  feet  of  the  disciples  is  sculptured 
on  the  same  doors — c.  1030 — (Plate  231,  Fig.  1),  and  on  the 
XIII  century  choir  balustrade  at  ]Modena.  The  Last  Supper 
is  sculptured  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno — c.  1030 — 
(Plate  231,  Fig.  1),  on  fragments  of  Lodi  Vecchio  (c.  1115) 
now  at  Lodi,  and  on  the  choir  balustrade  at  ^Modena  (Plate  145, 
Fig.  4).  In  the  Lodi  sculptures  the  table  is  seen  as  it  were  in 
plan,  but  the  objects  upon  it  are  shown  in  elevation.  This 
probably  shows  the  influence  of  Byzantine  ivory-carvings  since 
the  same  convention  is  found  in  a  Byzantine  piece  now  in  the 
Morgan  collection. 

Christ  returning  from  Gethsemane  and  finding  Peter  and 
John  sleeping  is  represented  on  the  XIII  century  ambo  of 
Modena  (Plate  144,  Fig.  4). 

The  betrayal  of  Christ  is  depicted  on  the  bronze  doors  of 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona— c.  1030— (Plate  231,  Fig.  1),  in  the 
sculptures  by  Guglielmo  da  Verona  (Plate  230,  Fig.  1)  in  the 
same  church  (1138),  and  in  the  XIII  century  choir  balustrade 
at  ]\Iodena.  In  the  latter  instance  Peter  is  shown  cutting  off  the 
ear  of  Malchus.  On  the  INIodena  choir  balustrade  is  sculptured 
the  unusual  scene  of  Judas  receiving  the  blood-money  from 
Caiaphas.  In  the  same  series  of  sculptures  are  represented  Christ 
before  Pilate,  and  Peter  denying  Christ,  both  scenes  which  are 
not  found  elsewhere  in  Lombard  art.  The  flagellation  of  Christ 
is  represented  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— 
c.  1030 — (Plate  232,  Fig.  1),  and  on  the  choir  balustrade  at 
^Modena.  Carrying  the  cross  is  depicted  in  the  same  monimients 
(Plate  231,  Fig.  1;  Plate  144,  Fig.  4).     At  Modena  it  is  not 

419 


LOINIBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Jesus  but  Simon  the  Cyrene  who  bears  the  cross,'  accompanied 
by  a  smith  with  liammer  and  nails. 

It  is  well  known  that  in  mediaeval  art  the  Crucifixion  was 
treated  not  so  much  as  a  representation  of  historical  fact  as  an 
exposition  of  dogma.  The  death  of  Christ  signified  above  all 
the  birth  of  the  Church  and  the  passing  of  the  Synagogue.  Hence 
to  the  right  of  Christ  were  placed  the  figures  of  the  Church  (often 
catching  the  blood  which  flows  from  His  side  in  a  chalice)  and 
of  Mary  and  the  centurion,  figiu'es  of  the  Church.  To  the  left 
of  Christ  were  placed  the  Synagogue  and  its  symbols,  John  and 
the  sponge-bearer."  The  sun  was  put  in  parallel  with  the  Church, 
the  moon  with  the  Synagogue.'' 

It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  the  Early  Christians  avoided 
representations  of  scenes  from  the  Passion.  In  the  entire  field 
of  catacomb  art  only  one  fresco  of  the  Crucifixion  has  been 
discovered,  and  that  is  not  earlier  than  the  VII  century.* 

A  group  of  ivory-carvings  and  enamels  in  the  Morgan 
collection  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  symbolism  which  the  Middle 
Ages  placed  in  representations  of  the  Crucifixion.  In  a  Byzan- 
tine ivory-carving  assigned  to  the  XI  century  Clu-ist  is  seen  on 
the  cross.  His  head  inclines  to  the  right,  towards  tlie  figure  of 
the  Virgin  who  is  obviously  the  symbol  of  the  Church.  To  the 
left  stands  John,  the  symbol  of  the  Synagogue.  Below  the 
crucifix  is  seen  growing  out  of  the  bowels  of  the  recumbent  figure 
of  Adam.  It  will  be  recalled  that  in  the  view  of  the  church- 
fathers  Christ  was  the  new  Adam  who  redeemed  the  world  by 
His  Passion,  as  the  first  Adam  had  lost  it  by  his  sin.  Moreover 
the  wood  of  the  cross  was  believed  to  be  from  the  tree  of  the 
knowledge  of  good  and  evil  that  had  been  buried  with  Adam. 
In  the  INIorgan  carving  between  Adam  and  the  foot  of  the 
crucifix  is  seen  a  group  of  three  figin-es.  In  the  centre  is  God 
the  Father,  on  His  right  apparently  a  personification  of  Mercy, 
on  His  left  a  personification  of  Justice  carrying  a  sword. 

1  Marc,  XV,  21. 

-  See  Male,  Religious  Art  in  France  of  the  XJII  Century,  188,  222. 

3  See  De  Altercatione  Ecclesiae  el  Synagogw,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XLII,  1131. 

<  Lamberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archccology,  XV,  517. 

420 


THE  PASSION  OF  CHRIST 

In  another  ivory-carving  of  the  Morgan  collection,  appar- 
ently a  French  work  of  the  XII  century,  Christ  is  shown  on  the 
cross,  to  His  right  are  JSIary  and  the  centurion,  symbols  of  the 
Church,  to  His  left  John  and  the  sponge-bearer.  The  latter 
carries  a  stick  with  a  sponge  in  his  right  hand,  a  pail  in  his  left. 
Two  angels  perhaps  recall  the  angel  who  drove  Adam  and  Eve 
from  Paradise. 

Another  ivory-carving  in  the  same  collection,  a  Byzantine 
work  of  the  XI  century,  shows  above  the  cross  an  angel  holding 
a  cross  and  the  wafer  of  the  Eucharist.  To  the  right  of  Christ 
are  Mary  and  the  sun,  to  the  left  John  and  the  moon.  The  same 
iconographic  details,  with  the  exception  of  the  angel  which  is 
lacking,  are  found  in  a  champleve  enamel  of  the  German  school 
in  the  same  collection. 

Bearing  in  mind  the  traditional  symbolism  of  the  scene,  it 
will  not  be  difficult  to  understand  the  not  very  numerous  repre- 
sentations in  Lombard  art.  In  a  sarcophagus  of  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona  dating  from  c.  1100  the  Crucifixion  is  shown  with  Mary 
to  the  right  and  John  to  the  left  of  the  cross.  A  similar  repre- 
sentation by  Guglielmo  da  Verona  is  found  in  the  same  edifice — 
1138 — (Plate  230,  Fig.  1).  A  rather  crude  sculpture  of  the 
Crucifixion  was  executed  for  the  lunette  of  the  portal  at  Carpi 
in  1184  (Plate  43,  Fig.  3).  Mary  placed  to  the  right  of  Christ 
undoubtedly  symbolizes  the  Church,  as  John  placed  at  His  left 
symbolizes  the  Synagogue.  The  centurion  who  pierces  Christ's 
side  is  placed  at  the  right  and  hence  is  doubtless  also  a  figure  of 
the  Church.  The  sponge-bearer  to  the  left  with  the  usual  pole 
and  pail  must  be  the  figure  of  the  Synagogue.  The  two  other 
personages  introduced  perhaps  represent  the  populace.  At  S. 
Pietro  di  Civate  (c.  1195)  are  two  representations  of  the  Cruci- 
fixion. One  on  the  ciborio  (Plate  57,  Fig.  2)  shows  Mary  and 
the  sun  to  the  right  of  the  cross,  John  and  the  moon  to  the  left. 
The  other  in  the  crypt  has  Mary  and  the  centurion  Longinus 
to  the  right  of  the  cross,  John  and  the  sponge-bearer  to  the  left. 
Finally  at  Berceto  the  Crucifixion  is  very  crudely  represented 
by  an  ignorant  artist  (Plate  22,  Fig.  1).  At  the  ends  of  the 
arms  of  the  cross  are  figures  of  ISIary  and  John,  an  arrangement 

421 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

which  clearly  shows  the  influence  of  painted  wooden  crucifixes. 
To  the  right  of  Christ  are  shown  ^lary  and  a  bearded  figure, 
probabl}^  Joseph  of  Arimathea.  To  the  left  of  Christ  is  a  figin-e 
holding  an  enormous  wine  jar  in  which  is  cauglit  the  blood 
that  flows  from  the  wound  inflicted  by  the  centurion's  spear. 
Longinus  is  to  the  left  not  to  the  right  of  the  cross,  and  the  wound 
is  in  Christ's  left  side,  contrary  to  tradition.  The  head  of  Christ 
does  not  fall  to  the  right  but  is  rigidly  upright.  Into  the  scene 
are  introduced  a  figure  of  a  saint,  four  soldiers  and  two  angels. 
The  whole  is  treated  in  an  irreverent,  not  to  say  grotesque  and 
comic,  spirit. 

The  Deposition  is  represented  only  three  times  in  Lombard 
iconography — in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 
c.  1030— (Plate  232,  Fig.  1),  in  the  famous  altar-front  by 
Benedetto  in  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (Plate  165,  Fig.  4)  and  in 
the  altar-front  of  Bardone  (c.  1200),  evidently  copied  from  the 
one  at  Parma.  Since  the  latter  is  iconographicallj^  and  plasti- 
cally one  of  the  most  important  works  of  Lombard  sculpture, 
the  subject  merits  careful  study. 

The  symbolism  already  familiar  in  the  scene  of  the  Cruci- 
fixion was  carried  over  into  the  Deposition.  Thus  at  S.  Zeno 
of  Verona  (Plate  232,  Fig.  1)  as  also  in  the  Parma  relief 
(Plate  165,  Fig.  4),  the  figure  of  the  sun  appears  to  the  right, 
that  of  the  moon  to  the  left  of  the  cross.  At  Bardone  the 
Deposition  is  put  in  parallel  with  the  expulsion  from  Paradise. 
To  the  right  of  Christ  in  the  Parma  relief  stands  the  figure  of 
the  Church  bearing  a  chalice;  to  the  left  tlie  Synagogue  whose 
head  is  pushed  down  by  an  angel.  To  the  right  of  Christ  stands 
the  Virgin  JNIary,  to  the  left  the  centurion  Longinus.  The  cross 
is  represented  like  a  tree  the  branches  of  which  have  been  lopped 
off,  in  evident  reference  to  the  legend  of  the  tree  of  the  knowledge 
of  good  and  evil.  Nicodemus  mounts  a  ladder  to  extract  a  nail 
from  the  left  hand  of  Christ,  while  the  body  of  the  Saviour  falls 
to  the  right  supported  by  Joseph  of  Arimathea.  These  icono- 
graphical  details  became  traditional  in  France  in  the  XV 
century,  and  have  been  supposed  by  M.  Male^  to  have  been 

^  L'Art  Religieux  de  la  Fin  du  Moyen  Age,  50. 

4.22 


THE  PASSION  OF  CHRIST 

derived  from  the  mystery-plays;  but  the  rehefs  of  Parma  and 
Bardone  prove  that  the  tradition  was  known  long  before  the 
plays  existed.  The  scene  of  the  Deposition  at  Parma  is  further 
amplified  by  the  presence  of  John  the  Evangelist  at  the  right 
of  the  cross,  the  three  Marys,  Magdalen,  Jacobi  and  Salome  and 
a  group  of  soldiers  playing  for  the  garments  of  the  Saviour. 

Christ  in  Limbo  leading  forth  the  souls  of  the  patriarchs' 
is  represented  in  Lombard  art  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona — c.  1030 — (Plate  231,  Fig.  1),  and  on  a  sarcophagus  of 
c.  1100  in  the  same  church. 

The  three  Marys  at  the  sepulchre  are  sculptured  on  the 
bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (Plate  231,  Fig.  1).  On  a 
capital  of  the  cloister  of  the  cathedral  of  Acqui — c.  1015-1067 — 
(Plate  3,  Fig.  5)  is  a  curious  representation  of  the  Resurrection. 
Christ  is  seen  emerging  from  the  tomb  in  the  presence  of  Mary 
Magdalen  (identifiable  by  the  vase  or  jar  which  she  holds)  and 
the  Virgin  (?)  ;  St.  Peter  also  appears  to  be  present.  In  the 
ciborio  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (c.  1195)  is  an  analogous  repre- 
sentation with  two  Marys  (Magdalen  and  Jacobi),  an  angel 
and  a  watchman. 

The  feast  at  Emmaus  is  represented  on  the  architrave  of 
S.  Ilario  of  Piacenza.  Christ  in  the  middle  of  the  eleven  apostles 
holds  a  book  with  the  inscription: 

PALlPATE  ET  VllDETE  Q[VI]A  E|GO  IP|SE  S|VAr 

To  the  right  of  Christ,  Thomas  touches  the  wound  in  tlie 
Saviour's  side. 

The  Ascension  is  represented  in  Lombard  art  only  on  the 
bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— c.  1030— (Plate  231,  Fig.  1) . 

0  This  subject  is  represented  on  an  early  ivory-carving  at  Milan  illustrated  by 
Romussi,  285. 

'  Luc,  xxiv,  39. 


423 


CHAPTER  VIII.     LIVES  OF  THE  SAINTS 

The  life  of  the  Virgin,  so  popular  a  subject  in  French 
medifEval  art,  was  singularly  neglected  in  Lombardy.  It  was 
only  at  a  very  late  epoch  and  under  direct  French  influence  that 
scenes  from  this  cycle  of  legends  were  represented  at  all.  Even 
so,  there  is  extant  not  a  single  example  of  a  subject  derived  from 
the  story  of  the  birth  and  infancy  of  the  Virgin,  with  the 
exception  of  the  presentation  in  the  temple  sculptured  by 
Benedetto  at  Borgo  (1184-1196).  The  death  of  the  Virgin  is 
represented  in  the  crypt  of  S.  Pietro  di  Civate  (c.  1195).  Mary 
is  seen  in  bed,  two  angels  receive  her  soul;  Christ,  John  and  five 
other  apostles  are  present.^  It  is,  I  think,  not  the  death,  but  the 
burial  of  the  Virgin,  that  is  represented  on  the  jube  of  Vezzolano 
(Plate  238,  Fig.  4).  The  twelve  apostles  lower  the  body  of  the 
Virgin  into  the  tomb.  Peter  is  at  the  head,  Paul  at  the  feet; 
John,  who  is  beardless,  is  in  the  middle.  In  the  same  monument 
this  scene  is  followed  bj-^  the  Resurrection  and  Coronation  of  the 
Virgin  (Plate  238,  Fig.  4).  In  the  Resurrection,  the  Virgin  is 
seen  being  lifted  from  the  tomb  by  two  angels,  one  at  the  head, 
the  other  at  the  feet,  while  other  angels  swing  censers.  In  the 
Coronation  (Plate  238,  Fig.  4)  the  Virgin  is  seen  crowned, 
bearing  a  sceptre,  and  seated  on  a  bench  with  her  Son  while  two 
angels  swing  censers.  These  are  the  only  scenes  from  the  life 
of  the  Virgin  which  I  have  found  in  Lombard  art. 

The  life  of  John  the  Baptist  as  depicted  by  the  Lombard 
artists  follows  closely  the  narrative  in  the  Bible.  Zacharias 
writing:  his  name  is  John,^  is  scidptured  on  a  capital  in  the 
cathedral  of  Parma.  The  baptism  of  Christ  is  represented  in  the 
C3'cle  of  the  life  of  John  only  a  single  time — in  the  baptistery  of 

1  For  the  explanation  of  this  and  the  following  scenes  from  the  life  of  the  Virgin 
see  Male,  Religious  Art  of  France  in  the  XIII  Century,  246  f. 

2  Luc,  i,  63. 

424 


LIVES  OF  THE  SAINTS 

Parma  (Plate  164,  Fig.  1)/  The  scene  of  John  denj'ing  that 
he  is  the  Christ  is  sculptured  on  the  altar  of  the  baptistery  of 
Parma  (1196-1214).  The  dance  of  Salome  is  depicted  on  the 
bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona— c.  1030— (Plate  232,  Fig.  1) 
and  in  the  baptistery  of  Parma — 1196-1214 — (Plate  164,  Fig.  1). 
In  both  instances  this  is  followed  by  the  scene  of  the  decapitation 
of  the  saint  (Plate  232,  Fig.  1;  Plate  164,  Fig.  1).  The  head 
of  John  the  Baptist  being  brought  to  Herodias  is  represented  in 
the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  (Plate  232,  Fig.  1). 

The  stoning  of  Stephen  is  represented  in  the  cloister  of  S. 
Orso  of  Aosta  (1133)  and  at  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza  (1122- 
1132). 

The  story  of  St.  George  and  the  dragon  is  depicted  at  S. 
Michele  of  Pavia — c.  1100 — (Plate  175,  Fig.  1),  in  the  mosaic 
in  S.  Pietro  in  Ciel  d'Oro  of  Pavia  (1132) — the  princess  is  seen 
in  the  gate  of  the  city  above, — at  S.  Ilario  di  Baganza  (c.  1140), 
and  in  the  pavement  of  S.  Prospero  of  Reggio  (1148).  In  the 
latter  instance  the  saint  is  on  foot  and  wields  a  broadsword.  On 
a  capital  of  ]Modena  of  the  XIII  century  are  sculptured  three 
scenes  from  the  life  of  St.  Lawrence.  These  are  his  condem- 
nation, the  baptism  of  Romano,  and  the  execution  of  the  saint.* 
On  a  capital  of  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia,  St.  LaAvrence  and  S. 
Ippolito  are  shown  in  prison  together;  there  follows  the  martyr- 
dom of  S.  Ippolito.  The  martyrdom  of  the  saints  Abdon  and 
Senen  is  sculptured  on  the  area  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma 
(c.  1185) .  The  legend  of  S.  ISIargherita  is  portrayed  at  Fornovo 
(c.  1200).^  The  martyrdom  of  S.  Giuha  is  sculptured  on  a 
capital  at  S.  Salvatore  of  Brescia — c.  1160— (Plate  36,  Fig.  4). 
This  subject  was  of  course  here  chosen  because  S.  Giulia  was  the 
patron  saint  of  the  convent. 

S.  Zeno  was  so  popular  at  Verona  that  it  will  be  well  to  give 
here  a  resume  of  the  scenes  of  his  life  represented  by  the  artists. 
His  legend,  which  has  been  published  by  Maffei"  and  Biancolini,' 

3  For  representations  of  this  subject  in  connection  with  the  life  of  Christ  see 
above,  p.  415. 

*  See  below.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  33. 

5  For  detailed  description  see  below,  Vol.  II,  pp.  429  f. 

0  Istor.  Dip.,  322.  f  I,  75. 

425 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

relates  that  one  day  while  the  saint  was  sitting  fishing  in  the 
Adige,  he  saw  a  peasant  on  the  opposite  bank  in  a  cart  drawn 
by  two  oxen  suddenlj'  overturned  and  thrown  into  the  river.  The 
miserable  man  A\'as  borne  away  by  the  current  so  swiftly  that 
it  was  plain  to  all  who  saw  it,  that  the  accident  had  happened  by 
the  machinations  of  the  Devil.  Therefore  the  saint  raised  his 
hand,  and  making  many  times  the  sign  of  the  cross  he  said :  Go 
back,  Satan,  do  not  persecute  a  man  whom  God  has  made.  When 
the  Devil  saw  the  sign,  he  vanished  like  smoke  blown  away  by 
the  wind,  and  Avith  a  terrible  noise  he  exclaimed:  If  thou  dost 
not  permit  me  here  to  bind  the  souls  of  men  in  my  power, 
nevertheless  I  shall  elsewhere  work  thy  undoing.  But  S.  Zeno 
said:  The  Lord  does  not  permit  thee  to  saj^  thou  shalt  do  any- 
thing against  His  servant.  After  this  with  a  detestable  shriek 
the  Devil  departed. 

The  miracle  of  the  peasant  rescued  from  the  Adige  is  twice 
represented  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona,  once  in  the  bronze  doors 
(Plate  231,  Fig.  1)  and  once  in  the  sculptures  of  Nicolo,  both 
works  of  1138. 

The  legend  goes  on  to  relate  that  after  the  Devil  had  been 
driven  away  by  the  saint,  he  entered  the  palace  of  the  emperor 
Gallienus,  and  having  seized  his  daughter,  at  that  time  the  only 
child  of  her  parents,  began  to  torture  her  cruelly.  Therefore 
her  miserable  father  and  all  the  royal  house  were  oppressed  with 
sadness  and  sorrow.  One  day  while  the  girl  was  being  seized 
with  cruel  torment,  the  Devil  began  to  cry  out  through  her  mouth 
saying:  I  shall  not  go  out  from  this  body  unless  Zeno  the  bishop 
come,  but  if  forced  by  his  order  I  shall  go  out.  As  soon  as 
Gallienus  had  heard  this,  the  king  began  to  inquire  where  he 
could  find  the  holy  man,  and  sent  messengers  to  him.  They 
found  the  saint  sitting  on  a  stone  fishing  and  reading  the  gospel. 
When  the  soldiers  had  come  up  to  him,  they  commenced  to 
question  him  earnestly  saying:  What  man  of  God  art  thou? 
Say  to  us  if  thou  hast  seen  Zeno  the  bishop  for  whom  we  seek 
at  the  order  of  the  king.  And  Zeno  replied:  For  what  are  you 
sent?  For  I,  albeit  so  small  a  servant,  yet  am  called  Bishop 
Zeno.     Then  they  said  to  him:     The  king  asks  you  to  come  to 

426 


LIVES  OF  THE  SAINTS 

him  that  he  may  see  your  face.  Zeno  replied:  ^Vhy  does  the 
king  who  is  the  open  enemy  of  all  Christians  wish  to  see  humble 
me  ?  And  they  answered  and  said :  The  king  begs  you  to  cure 
his  daughter  who  is  atrociously  vexed  by  a  demon.  The  saint 
answered  and  said  to  them:  Lord  Jesus  is  Omnipotent.  Go 
before;  behold  I  follow  shortly  after  you,  for  it  is  fitting  that 
the  marvels  of  God  be  manifested  to  all  clearly. 

The  saint  receiving  the  embassy  from  Gallienus  (Plate  231, 
Fig.  1)  is  represented  plastically  on  the  bronze  doors  and  in 
Nicolo's  sculptures  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona. 

The  legend  goes  on  to  relate  that  S.  Zeno  told  the  legates 
of  Gallienus  to  take  three  from  among  the  fishes  he  had  caught; 
they  however  took  four,  but  when  they  put  them  in  a  pot  of 
boiling  water,  three  cooked,  but  the  fourth  was  taken  out  raw 
and  indeed  swam  about  unharmed  in  the  kettle.  The  legates, 
suffused  with  blushes,  perceiving  that  nature  abhorred  the  sin 
of  theft,  returned  the  stolen  fish  to  the  holj^  fisherman,  but  the 
man  of  God  gave  them  also  that  fish  and  pardoned  the  fault. 

The  miracle  of  the  fish  Avhich  refused  to  cook  was  sculptured 
by  Nicolo  at  S.  Zeno. 

The  legend  continues  that  after  this  the  saint  went  to  the 
palace  of  the  emperor,  and  so  hastened  his  steps  that  he  arrived 
before  the  soldiers  who  had  been  sent  to  summon  him.  As  soon 
as  he  had  entered  the  palace,  and  had  made  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
the  Devil  began  to  call  out  through  the  mouth  of  the  child  saying: 
Behold,  Zeno,  thou  hast  come  to  di-ive  me  out,  and  I,  because  of 
fear  for  thy  holiness,  can  no  longer  stay  here.  Having  heard 
this  the  priest  took  hold  of  the  hand  of  the  girl,  and  said:  In  the 
name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  I  command  thee,  demon,  to  come 
out  from  her.  And  the  Devil  commenced  to  cry  out  with  a  loud 
voice  saying:  Although  I  be  driven  from  here  I  go  to  Verona, 
and  there  shalt  thou  find  me.  Then  the  priest  of  Christ  made 
the  daughter  of  the  king  whole  from  every  attack  of  tlie  demon. 

S.  Zeno  casting  out  the  Devil  from  the  daughter  of  the 
emperor  is  represented  in  the  sculptures  of  Nicolo  and  on  the 
bronze  doors  (Plate  231,  Fig.  1)  of  S.  Zeno. 

The  legend  goes  on  to  relate  that  when  King  Gallienus  saw 

427 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

that  his  daughter  was  made  whole,  in  astonishment  he  gave  to  the 
saint  the  crown  which  he  was  wearing,  sajnng:  To  such  a  skilful 
doctor  who  has  cured  my  only  daughter  I  can  make  no  other 
gift.  Then  many  of  the  multitude  who  had  assembled  at  the 
palace  believed  in  Jesus  Christ,  but  the  priest  accepting  the  crown 
from  the  Idng,  broke  it  into  pieces  which  he  gave  to  the  poor. 

Gallienus  offering  his  crown  to  S.  Zeno  is  represented  on 
the  bronze  doors  (Plate  231,  Fig.  1). 

The  legend  of  S.  Geminiano  is  sculptured  at  Modena 
(Plate  142,  Fig.  4),*  that  of  S.  Orso  in  the  cloister  of  his  church 
at  Aosta  (Plate  14,  Fig.  3),^  and  that  of  S.  Donnino  in  the 
cathedral  of  Borgo  (Plate  29,  Fig.  1;  Plate  30,  Fig.  3,  5)." 
The  martyrdom  of  S.  Donnino  also  appears  to  be  represented 
on  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150). 

The  life  of  the  confessor  S.  Ambrogio  is  represented  upon 
the  Palio  d'Oro  of  his  church  in  ISIilan,"  and  other  scenes  are 
depicted  in  the  apse  mosaic  of  the  same  church.'"  In  both  cycles 
is  included  the  scene  of  S.  Ambrogio  miraculously  officiating  at 
the  funeral  of  St.  Martin.  St.  Martin  dividing  his  cloak  with 
a  beggar  is  represented  twice  on  the  capitals  of  the  cathedral  of 
Parma.  It  is  remarkable  that  in  each  instance  there  are 
two  beggars.  The  lives  of  S.  Anselmo  and  S.  Adriano  are 
represented  at  Nonantola.'^ 

Before  concluding  this  chapter  mention  should  be  made  of 
an  enigmatic  sculpture  at  Fornovo  which  possiblj^  represents  the 
story  of  Theophilus." 

8  For  the  details  of  this  legend  see  below,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  39  f. 
0  For  detailed  description  see  below,  Vol.  11,  p.  64. 
1"  For  detailed  description  see  below,  Vol.  II,  pp.  182  f.,  189. 
n  For  detailed  description  see  below,  Vol.  II,  pp.  589  f. 

12  See  below.  Vol.  II,  p.  585. 

13  For  detailed  description  see  below.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  102  f. 

1*  See  M&le,  Religious  Art  in  France  of  the  XIII  Century,  260. 


428 


CHAPTER  IX.     STATUES  AXD  IMAGES 

At  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna  (c.  1095)  Christ  is  represented 
between  the  two  saints  Agricola  and  Vitale  whose  rehcs  were 
preserved  in  that  shrine.  At  Nonantola  (1121  f.)  the  Deity  is 
sculi^tured  accompanied  by  two  archangels  each  of  whom  carries 
a  flowering  sceptre  and  a  paten  with  four  hosts.  On  the  archi- 
trave of  Cremona  (1129-1141)  Christ  appears  in  the  midst  of 
the  apostles  who  were  doubtless  originally  twelve  in  number 
(Plate  83,  Fig.  4).  He  is  surrounded  by  an  aureole  and  raises 
His  right  hand  in  benediction. 

Christ  was  not  seldom  thus  represented  with  His  hand  raised 
in  benediction,  as,  for  example,  in  the  arched  corbel-tables  in  the 
apse  of  Rubbiano  (c.  1130).  Frequently  instead  of  the  entire 
figure  of  Christ  there  was  represented  only  the  hand  with  two 
fingers  raised.  Tliis  convention  is  found  in  the  fragments  of 
the  church  of  S.  Antonino  of  Quattrocastella  (Reggio),  now 
assembled  in  the  museum  of  Canossa.^  At  S.  Zeno  of  Verona 
the  significance  of  the  hand  is  explained  by  the  inscription: 
dextra  Dei  gentes  henedicat  sacra  petentes,  and  in  the  ambo  of 
Castell'Arquato  by  the  similar  legend:  dextra  Dei  caelum  totum 
henedicat  et  (tvum.  Amen.  Other  examples  of  the  represen- 
tation of  the  hand  of  God  may  be  found  in  the  southern  portal 
of  Castell'Arquato  and  in  the  cathedrals  of  Piacenza  and  Ferrara. 

Christ  between  S.  Bassiano  and  the  Virgin  is  represented 
in  the  lunette  of  Lodi  (c.  1180).  Christ  between  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul  is  sculptured  on  a  fragment  of  church-furniture  coming 

1  The  fragments  which  include  a  lunette  and  an  architrave  are  said  to  be  remains 
of  the  restoration  executed  by  Matilda  in  1113;  nothing  in  the  style  would  seem  to 
contradict  this  assertion.  The  lunette  is  decorated  with  grotesques;  a  naked  piitto  is 
seen  wrestling  with  two  monsters.  The  archivolt  has  a  guilloche  of  which  the  circles 
are  alternately  very  large  and  very  small.  In  the  large  central  circle  is  the  hand  raised 
in  benediction,  in  the  others  are  rosettes  or  grotesques.  The  spaces  outside  are  also 
filled  with  rosettes  and  leaves. 

429 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

from  the  cathedral  of  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  4) ,  evidently  with 
special  reference  to  the  rights  of  the  pope.  The  same  subject 
is  found  on  the  ciborio  of  S.  Ambrogio  (Plate  121,  Fig.  2),  but 
Peter  is  to  the  left  of  Christ.  The  entire  Trinity  is  represented 
on  the  facade  of  Yezzolano  (Plate  235,  Fig.  1 ) .  God  the  Father 
is  in  the  gable,  Christ  in  the  biforum,  and  the  Holj'  Ghost  in  the 
tympanum  (1189). 

Christ  in  an  aureole  supported  by  two  angels  is  depicted  at 
S.  Pietro  di  Civate.    The  inscription: 

Sacris  spiritibus  fertur  super  ceterna  Christus 
Sic  veniet  mtindi  iuJex  in  fine  trementibus 

makes  clear  the  precise  meaning  of  the  sculpture.  The  Deity 
with  the  inscription:  Ego  sum  Alpha  et  Omega  is  represented 
in  the  baptistery  of  Parma.  The  letters  A  and  O  are  placed  on 
either  side  of  Christ  in  the  XIII  century  ambo  of  Modena.  In 
the  transept  portal  at  Piacenza  (c.  1200)  Christ  appears  between 
S.  Giustina  and  an  angel;  Christ  in  glory  surrounded  by  sj^mbols 
of  the  Evangelists  and  adored  by  the  Virgin  and  angels  is 
represented  at  Bardone  (c.  1200). 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  scenes  from  the  life  of 
the  Virgin  are  extremely  rare  in  I^ombard  art.  The  same 
observation  applies  also  to  statuesque  representations  of  the 
JNIadonna.  In  addition  to  the  few  already  mentioned,  such  exist 
only  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100),  above  the  nave  arcade  in 
the  cathedral  of  Piacenza,  in  the  lunette  of  the  northern  portal 
at  Castell'Arquato — in  this  instance  the  jNIadonna  is  placed 
between  St.  Peter  holding  the  kej-s  and  an  angel  with  a  scroll 
(Plate  48,  Fig.  3), — and  at  Borgo.  In  the  latter  case  the 
Madonna  holds  a  flower  in  addition  to  the  child,  and  is  seated  in 
a  vine.    The  sjTnbolism  is  explained  by  the  inscription." 

John  the  Baptist  is  represented  with  the  scroll:  ecce  Agnus 
Dei,^  at  the  Porta  de'  Principi  of  Modena  (c.  1100),  at  the 
cathedrals  of  Piacenza  (1122-1132)  and  Ferrara  (1135)  and  at 
S.  Zeno  of  Verona  (1138).  Xicolo  was  very  fond  of  putting 
John  the  Baptist  in  parallel  with  John  the  Evangelist,*  as  in  the 

2  See  below,  Vol.  II,  p.  188.         s  Joan.,  i,  29.         4  Compare  Dante,  Paradiso,  IV. 

430 


STATUES  AND  IMAGES 

cathedrals  of  Piacenza  (Plate  181,  Fig.  1),  Ferrara  (Plate  88, 
Fig.  3)  and  Verona  (Plate  217,  Fig.  5)  and  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona 
(Plate  225,  Fig.  2).  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  the  titular  saint 
of  the  basilica,  is  represented  at  Pieve  Trebbio  (1108). 

The  twelve  apostles  were  sculptured  (c.  1120)  on  the  Porta 
de'  Principi  of  JNIodena.  Paul  is  substituted  for  Judas  Iscariot. 
The  apostles  are  without  attributes  other  than  a  book  or  a  scroll, 
with  the  exception  of  Peter  who  has  the  keys  and  a  cross,  and 
Paul  who  has  a  cross  and  a  scroll.  St.  John  the  Evangelist  is 
beardless,  but  so  are  Philip,  James  the  Less  and  IMatthias.  A 
peculiarity  of  this  series  of  sculptures  is  the  fact  that  Matthias 
is  represented  in  place  of  Andrew.  On  the  font  of  Varese  ( 1 187 ) 
are  depicted  the  twelve  apostles.  Thomas,  Simon,  Philip  and 
Matthew  are  labelled;  Peter  has  keys,  Paul  a  sword  and  a  book, 
Bartholomew  a  knife.  In  the  area  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma 
are  represented  ten  of  the  twelve  apostles.  The  series  includes 
Judas,  and  must  therefore  have  followed  literally  the  list  given 
in  the  gospels.  In  medijeval  iconography  either  Paul  or  ]Mattliias 
was  generally  substituted  for  Judas.  Peter  has  two  keys  and 
Bartholomew  a  knife,  the  other  figures  are  without  distinguishing 
attributes.  Ten  apostles  are  still  extant  in  the  architrave  of 
Cremona  (Plate  83,  Fig.  4).  In  this  series  St.  Paul  was 
substituted  for  Judas.  In  the  baptistery  of  Parma  the  apostles 
were  sculptured  twice.  In  the  lunette  of  the  Last  Judgment 
(Plate  164,  Fig.  3)  Peter  is  distinguished  by  the  keys,  but  the 
others  have  merely  books  or  scrolls  (Plate  164,  Fig.  3).  In  the 
northern  portal  the  twelve  apostles  are  represented  in  bust  upon 
medallions  carried  by  twelve  prophets  (Plate  164,  Fig.  1).  This 
series  included  both  Paul  and  ]Matthias  so  that  one  of  the  other 
apostles  must  have  been  omitted.  This,  however,  was  not 
Andrew,  as  was  the  case  at  JNIodena.  Peter  has  keys,  John  is 
beardless,  the  others  are  without  distinguishing  attributes. 

The  apostles  Paul,  Peter  and  Bartholomew  are  depicted 
with  their  usual  attributes  in  the  XII  century  reliefs  at  Acqui. 
St.  Peter  is  represented  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona — 1138 — (Plate  233,  Fig.  1)  and  in  episcopal  robes  with 
keys  at  Bardone  (c.  1200).     St.  Paul  is  represented  at  JNIodena 

431 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

(c.  1120)  with  a  scroll:  quicumque  baptizati  sumus  in  Christo 
Jesu,^  and  on  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 1138 — 
(Plate  233,  Fig.  1).  St.  Bartholomew  was  represented  at 
Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo  (c.  1140),  and  St.  Simon  at  Borgo — 
1101-1106— (Plate  29,  Fig.  5). 

The  four  fathers  of  the  Church  ought  to  have  been  a 
favourite  subject  with  the  Lombard  artists,  since  the  body  of 
St.  Ambrose  was  preserved  at  ]\Iilan  and  that  of  St.  Augustine 
at  Pavia.  In  point  of  fact,  however,  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  often  represented.  The  best  example  extant  is  the  XIII 
century  ambo  at  Modena,  where  Augustine  and  Ambrose  each 
have  a  dove  as  an  attribute,  Gregory  and  Jerome  an  angel.  Two 
of  the  church-fathers  are  possibly  represented  on  a  capital  of  the 
cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150),  but  the  identification  of  this 
subject  is  exceedingly  doubtful.  A  fragment  of  the  ambo  of 
Castell'Arquato  contains  a  sculpture  of  Jerome  with  the  inscrip- 
tion: venite,  filii,  aiidite  me;  timorem  domini  doceho  vos.  St. 
Ambrose  is  represented  together  with  SS.  Agricola  and  Tecla 
on  the  sarcophagus  of  S.  Agricola  at  S.  Pietro  of  Bologna 
(c.  1100).  He  also  appears  on  a  font  of  Varese  (1187),  and 
possibly  at  Fornovo  (c.  1200).  In  none  of  these  instances,  nor 
in  the  numerous  representations  at  S.  Ambrogio  of  IMilan,  is  the 
saint  supplied  with  distinguishing  attributes.  St.  Augustine 
appears  as  the  patron  of  the  Augustinian  order  in  the  tympanum 
of  the  north  portal  of  Vezzolano  (1189). 

St.  Stephen  is  represented  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  Pieve 
Terzagni  and  in  a  XII  century  relief  at  x\cqui;  in  the  latter 
instance  the  saint  carries  a  palm  and  a  book.  St.  Lawrence  with 
his  grill  is  sculptured  at  Acqui.  S.  Giulia  (?)  appeal's  to  be 
represented  between  palms  at  Vaprio  d'Adda  (c.  1115).  S. 
Candida  and  S.  Paulina  are  represented  above  the  nave  arcade 
of  Piacenza,"  and  S.  INIargherita  in  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno 
of  Verona— 1138— (Plate  231,  Fig.  1).  At  S.  Ambrogio  of 
IMilan  are  images  of  various  local  saints — Gervasio,  Protasio, 
Nabore,  Felice,  Satiro  and  Marcellina. 

5  Rom.,  vi,  3. 

•5  S.  Candida  also  appears  in  the  apse  mosaic  of  S.  Ambrogio  at  Milan. 

432 


STATUES  AND  IMAGES 

In  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona  are  also  repre- 
sented S.  Benedetto — 1138— (Plate  231,  Fig.  1)  and  S.  Zeno 
(Plate  233,  Fig.  1).  S.  Zeno  was  sculptured  as  patron  of 
Verona  giving  a  banner  to  the  horsemen  and  infantry  of  the 
commune  in  the  lunette  of  the  principal  portal  of  S.  Zeno  of 
Verona  by  Nicolo  in  1138.'  S.  Xicolo  was  sculptured  at  S. 
Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100).  S.  Bassiano  is  represented  in  a 
sculpture  now  in  the  museum  of  Lodi  but  which  comes  from 
Lodi  Vecchio  (c.  1115).  S.  Giulio  with  his  cane  is  represented 
on  the  ambo  of  Isola  (Plate  100,  Fig.  8).  S.  Guido  holding  a 
model  of  the  church  of  Acqui  which  he  built,  is  represented  in 
a  XII  century  relief  of  that  cathedral.  S.  Abondio  is  portrayed 
like  S.  Michele  trampling  upon  the  dragon  in  a  fragment  of  the 
ambo  of  S.  Abondio  of  Como  (1095).  S.  Colombano  is  twnce 
represented  in  the  church  of  Vaprio  d'Adda  (c.  1115) ;  once  he 
is  given  as  an  attribute  doves,  probably  in  reference  to  his  name, 
and  once  he  is  shown  in  company  with  his  monks  of  Bobbio. 
S.  Ennodio  is  represented  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100) 
as  is  also  in  all  probability  S.  Eleucadio.  On  the  portal  of 
Berceto  is  represented  St.  Remi  (Plate  22,  Fig.  3)  whose 
memory  was  particularly  associated  with  that  monastery.  On 
the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 1138 — (Plate  233, 
Fig.  1)  S.  Elena  is  represented  crowned,  carrying  a  cross  with 
two  bars. 

'  In  the  ciborio  of  S.  Ambrogio  of  Milan,  S.  Ambrogio,  S.  Marcellina  and  SS. 
Gervasio  e  Protasio  appear  as  patrons  of  the  men  and  women  of  Milan  and  the  canons 
of  the  church  respectively. 


433 


CHAPTER  X.  SECULAR  SUBJECTS 

The  custom  of  representing  donors  began  at  an  early  period 
in  Lombard  art.  As  early  as  the  IX  century  the  donor,  Arch- 
bishop Angilberto,  and  the  artist,  Volvinio,  were  represented  on 
the  golden  altar  of  S.  Ambrogio  (Plate  122,  Fig.  3).  These 
sculptures  have  doubtless  been  subsequently  remade,  but  the 
subjects  have  not  been  changed.  At  S.  Ponzo  a  legacy  is 
graphically  depicted.  On  the  lintel  is  a  graffito  of  a  woman  who 
lies  dead,  but  holds  out  a  purse  (c.  1005).  In  the  pavement  of 
the  Duomo  of  Reggio  a  donor  is  represented  followed  by  his  dog. 
Among  the  sculptures  of  Lodi  Vecchio  (c.  1115)  now  in  the 
cathedral  of  Lodi  is  one  depicting  an  archbishop,  doubtless  some 
benefactor  of  the  cathedral,  accompanied  by  his  pati'on  saint 
Stephen  (?).  The  burgesses  of  Borgo  appear  as  donors  at  the 
feet  of  the  Madonna  in  a  relief  of  the  north  portal  at  Borgo— 
1101-1106— (Plate  29,  Fig.  5).  On  a  capital  of  Castell'Ar- 
quato — 1117-1122 — (Plate  48,  Fig.  4)  are  represented  a  man 
and  woman,  doubtless  donors.  A  bishop  with  attendant  is 
sculptured  on  the  Porta  de'  Principi  at  Modena  (1120). 
Individual  donors  are  represented  in  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza 
(1121  f.).  The  priest  Giuliano  was  represented  at  Sasso  in  the 
sculptures  of  the  ambo  which  he  gave  (Plate  205,  Fig.  4).  The 
significance  is  made  unmistakable  by  the  purse  he  carries  in  his 
hand.  The  female  citizens  of  Parma  bringing  gifts  to  the 
cathedral  are  represented  on  a  capital  of  that  edifice  (c.  1130- 
1150).  Luitprando,  the  founder  of  the  collegiate  church  at 
Casale,  is  represented  in  that  cathedral  on  a  capital  and  in  a 
statue  of  the  facade.  Ansa,  the  foundress  of  S.  Salvatore  of 
Brescia,  is  represented  on  a  capital  of  that  convent  (c.  1160) 
together  with  two  nuns  and  S.  Giulia  the  patron  saint  of  the 
establishment.  The  burgesses  and  pilgrims  who  were  shown  the 
door  of  the  church  at  Borgo  by  angels  (Plate  30,  Fig.  5)  possibly 
find  their  place  in  the  iconography  of  the  edifice  because  the 

434 


SECULAR  SUBJECTS 

church  was  built  in  part  by  their  contributions.  In  the  same 
edifice  are  sculptured  the  privileges  granted  to  the  church  by  the 
emperor  Charlemagne  (Plate  29,  Fig.  5)  and  the  popes 
Hadrian  II  (Plate  29,  Fig.  5)  and  Alexander  II. 

Important  donors  to  mediaeval  churches  were  the  corpora- 
tions or  guilds  of  the  various  trades.  Their  benefactions  were 
often  recorded  by  plastic  representations  of  the  workmen  at  their 
various  occupations.  In  the  cathedral  of  Piacenza  there  is  an 
important  series  of  such  reliefs  placed  each  in  the  column  paid 
for  by  the  respective  guild.  The  cobblers  are  represented  twice, 
the  cloth  merchants,  skin  dressers,  knife-sharpeners,  bakers  and 
dyers  once  each.  Blacksmiths  are  represented  at  work  on  the 
Porta  de'  Principi  of  IModena  (c.  1120)  and  on  a  capital  of 
Castell'Arquato — 1117-1122— (Plate  48,  Fig.  4). 

Genre  scenes  from  the  life  of  the  people  and  the  clergy  not 
infrequently  found  their  way  into  Lombard  iconography.  The 
distribution  of  wine  and  bread  to  the  poor  by  the  chapter  was 
represented  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  the  Duomo  of  Reggio — 
c.  1090— (Plate  191,  Fig.  1,  2).  The  baptism  of  a  child  of 
Parma  is  depicted  on  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of  that  city 
(c.  1130-1150) .  On  a  capital  of  the  cloister  of  S.  Orso  of  Aosta 
is  sculptured  the  foundation  of  the  chapter;  another  capital  of 
the  same  cloister  shows  a  genre  scene  of  monastic  life — the 
preparation  of  dinner.  An  ecclesiastic  holding  a  candle  was 
sculptured  at  Almenno  S.  Bartolomeo  (c.  1140).  Priests  with 
candles  and  censers,  holding  books  and  blessing,  are  represented 
on  the  baptismal  font  of  Vicofertile  (c.  1200). 

The  life  of  the  laity  as  well  as  that  of  the  priests  was 
occasionally  represented.  At  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100)  we 
see  two  persons  grinding  flour  and  a  woman  washing.  A  peasant 
with  an  enormous  fish  which  he  has  just  caught  in  the  Po  is 
depicted  in  the  mosaic  pavement  of  Casale.  The  "vile  Raimondo" 
of  Borgo  (Plate  29,  Fig.  4)  must  be  a  local  caricature  the 
significance  of  which  is  now  lost. 

Scenes  from  popular  romances  of  an  absolutely  non-religious 
character  sometimes  found  their  place  in  the  liOmbard  church. 
At  Borgo  S.  Donnino  is  represented  the  traditional,  but  elusive, 

435 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

Berta  (Plate  29,  Fig.  3)  who  even  to-day  still  lives  on  the  lips 
of  Italian  peasants.'  At  Cremona  is  represented  another  Berta, 
the  mythical  heroine  of  the  Cremonese  people  and  the  equally 
legendary  Giovanni  Baldesio  (Plate  83,  Fig.  7).'  Scenes  from 
the  Carlovingian  cycle  of  romances  were  portrayed  in  the  mosaic 
pavement  at  S.  IMaria  INIaggiore  of  Vercelli — 1148 — (Plate  215, 
Fig.  4).  The  paladins  Roland  and  Oliver  are  sculptured  on  the 
jambs  of  the  cathedral  of  Verona  cheek  by  jowl  with  a  series 
of  the  prophets  (Plate  217,  Fig.  1,  3).' 

The  naked  Campaspe  is  seen  seated  upon  Aristotle  in  a 
sculpture  at  S.  Michele  of  Pavia.'  The  wild  legend  of  Theodoric 
was  sculptured  by  Nicolo  at  S.  Zeno  of  Verona — 1138 — 
(Plate  229,  Fig.  2).°  An  echo  of  this  legend  is  probably  to  be 
found  at  S.  ISIichele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100)  in  a  sculpture  which 
represents  a  man  holding  a  horn  in  his  left  hand,  astride  a 
galloping  stag,  while  a  demon  flies  behind. 

A  scene  from  the  Arthurian  cycle  is  represented  on  the 
Porta  della  Pescheria  at  Modena— 1099-1106— (Plate  144, 
Fig.  3).°  There  is  an  analogous  scene  sculptured  on  the  south- 
western side  portal  of  S.  Nicolo  at  Bari.  From  a  central 
structure  issue  on  foot  four  men,  two  on  either  side ;  against  them 
come  a  series  of  men  on  horse-back.  It  is  probable  tliat  light  will 
be  thrown  upon  the  mysterious  Modena  archivolt  when  the 
excavation  of  the  pavement  at  Bobbio  is  completed.  One  scene 
in  this  seems  to  represent  a  castle  without  a  wall  from  the  gate 
of  which  the  defenders  sally  forth  to  give  battle  to  the  besiegers. 
In  the  interior  of  the  castle  is  a  woman.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
analogies   Avith   the   IModena   relief    (Plate    144,    Fig.    3)    are 

1  For  details  see  below.  Vol.  II,  p.  191. 

2  For  this  story  in  detail  see  below,  Vol.  11,  pp.  389  f. 

•■!  Roland  and  Oliver  are  represented  in  the  pavement  of  Brindisi  illustrated  by 
Schulz,  Plate  XLV. 

*  See  Male,  Religious  Art  in  France  of  the  XIII  Century,  334. 

0  See  below.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  531;  also  Salimbene,  ad  ann.  1247,  ed.  Parma,  1857, 
85;  Sancti  Gregorii  Magni,  Dialogum,  Lib.  IV,  Cap.  XXX,  ed.  Migiie,  Pat.  Lat., 
LXXVII,  369. 

»  For  details  see  below.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  44  f.  Compare  A.  Graf,  Appunti  per  la 
Storia  del  Ciclo  Brettone  in  Italia,  in  Oiornale  Storico  della  Letteratura  Italiana,  V, 
1885,  80;  Julius  Pokorny,  Der  Ursprung  der  Arthursage,  in  Mitteilungen  der  Anthro- 
pologischen  Oeselhchaft  in  Wien,  XXXIX,  1909,  90. 

436 


SECULAR  SUBJECTS 

striking.  The  diffusion  of  the  matter  of  Brittany  in  Italy  at  an 
early  period  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  Salimbene  quotes 
Merlin  as  an  indisputable  authority  in  religious  discussions.' 

Echoes  of  the  Arthurian  or  other  romances  are  probably 
represented  in  numerous  scenes  of  combat  in  Lombard  iconog- 
raphy. The  mysterious  Mataliana  sculptured  by  Guglielmo  da 
Verona  at  S.  Zeno — 1138 — (Plate  230,  Fig.  4)  is  in  all  proba- 
bility a  character  from  some  unknown  chivalric  legend.'  This 
demoiselle  is  probably  connected  with  a  combat  between  knights 
on  foot  and  on  horse-back  in  the  adjoining  panels  (Plate  229, 
Fig.  4).  The  same  or  another  demoiselle  is  seen  on  the  pilaster 
strip  between  the  two  duels  and  still  another  kneels  to  the  left. 
At  S.  Bartolomeo  of  Fiumalbo  (INIodena)  are  sculptures  of 
similar  character  in  the  pilaster  of  the  south-western  portal  and 
in  the  rear  of  the  altar."  They  are  undoubtedly  fragments  of 
the  edifice  of  1220.^°  The  subjects  are  a  battle  scene,  knights  on 
horse-back  with  lances  with  pennants  or  on  foot  with  swords,  and 
a  girl  on  horse-back  holding  a  flower  while  on  the  same  horse 
behind  her  sits  a  youth  holding  a  sword  in  one  hand  while  his 
other  is  extended  about  the  girl's  waist.  At  least  some  of  the 
scenes  from  the  tower  sculptures  at  Borgo  (Plate  30,  Fig.  1,  2) 
were  also  probably  inspired  by  a  romance. 

There  are  extant  in  Lombard  art  manj^  scenes  of  duels  and 
combats  of  all  kinds  and  varieties.  They  abound  in  the  sculptures 
of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100).  Two  knights  fighting  on 
horse-back  are  shown  in  the  mosaic  of  S.  Savino  of  Piacenza — 
1107 — (Plate  186,  Fig.  8) ;  two  men  are  depicted  wrestling  in 
the  same  pavement  (Plate  186,  Fig.  8)  ;  also  two  men  fighting 
with  shields  and  spears  (Plate  186,  Fig.  8) ."    Knights  in  combat 

7  SaUmbene,  ad  ann.  1248,  ed.  Parma,  1857,  106-107;  ibid.,  175;  ibid.,  309. 

8  Compare  the  woman  with  a  falcon  on  her  wrist  in  the  XII  century  Limoges 
champlev^  triptych  of  the  Morgan  collection,  Gallery  12,  Case  H. 

3  These  sculptures  have  been  illustrated  by  Toschi  (476-478 ). 
i»  On  the  principal  portal  is  the  inscription: 

MCCXX.  RESTAVRATA.  MDLXXXXII. 

11  A  duel  scene  representing  two  knights  on  foot  fighting  with  shields  and  broad- 
swords is  represented  on  a  XII  century  Limoges  champlev^  enamel  in  the  Morgan 
collection.  Gallery  12,  Case  H. 

487 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

are  represented  on  a  capital  of  S.  Giovanni  in  Borgo  of  Pavia 
now  in  the  museum  of  that  city  (c.  1120) .  About  contemporary 
are  the  two  knights  in  tournament  shown  on  a  capital  of  S. 
Stefano  of  Pavia  (Plate  179,  Fig.  2).  An  analogous  scene  is 
found  at  Narni  (Plate  179,  Fig.  3)  and  on  an  ivory-carving  of 
the  INIorgan  collection,  evidently  a  French  work  of  the  XIV 
century.  In  the  latter,  two  knights  in  full  armour  are  seen 
justing.  The  horses  are  caparisoned  in  long  cloths;  the  scene 
is  embellished  by  heralds  with  trumpets,  spectators  above,  a 
crowned  king  in  the  centre.  A  scene  of  combat  is  represented 
on  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of  Parma  (c.  1130-1150)  and  in  the 
pavement  of  Casale  (Plate  43,  Fig.  1).  A  curious  duel  scene  is 
represented  on  a  capital  of  the  cathedral  of  INIodena  (c.  1150). 
Two  women  are  seen  engaged  in  hitting  the  combatants  over  the 
head.  A  duel  between  knights  was  represented  in  the  pavement 
of  S.  Prospero  of  Reggio  (1148).  The  following  panel  shows 
the  victor.  Two  men  nearly  naked  are  shown  wrestling  at 
Fornovo  (c.  1200). 


438 


CHAPTER  XI.     THE  LAST  JUDGMENT 

The  Mirror  of  History  ends  with  the  solemn  drama  of  the 
Last  Judgment,  the  most  impressive  and  grandiose  of  all  the 
iconographic  conceptions  of  the  INIiddle  Ages.  In  treating  of 
this  subject  the  poets  and  the  artists  of  northern  France  rose 
perhaps  to  grander  heights  than  they  elsewhere  attained.  In 
Lombard  iconography,  however,  the  subject  was  but  seldom 
attempted,  and  never  according  to  the  fully  developed  formula 
familiar  in  the  North.^ 

The  earliest  representation  of  a  subject  connected  with  this 
C5^cle  departs  widely  from  the  established  types,  and  indeed 
presents  peculiarities  of  iconography  that  are  exceedingly 
difficult  to  understand.  It  is  found  on  the  tomb  of  S.  Alberto 
of  Pontida  which  dates  from  1095.  The  first  scene  (Plate  189, 
Fig.  2)  shows  the  horseman  of  the  Apocalypse'  holding  in  his 
hands  scales  in  which  he  weighs  the  soul  of  the  deceased.''  Three 
other  souls  stand  awaiting  their  turn.  In  the  second  scene 
(Plate  189,  Fig.  1)  the  patron  saints  of  Alberto,  S.  Giacomo  and 
S.  Ugo,  plead  for  Alberto's  soul  before  the  Deity,  S.  JSIichele 
carries  the  soul  on  a  napkin,  Alberto  holds  in  his  hand  a  model 
of  the  monastery  he  had  founded.  The  sculptures  evidently 
represent  not  the  Last  Judgment  but  the  arrival  of  the  soul  of 
Alberto  in  the  other  world. 

On  a  capital  of  S.  Michele  of  Pavia  (c.  1100)  an  angel  and 
a  demon  are  represented  fighting  for  the  soul  of  a  dying  man. 
At  Vaprio  d'Adda  (c.  1115)  is  sculptured  an  angel  holding  a 
soul  between  his  legs.  The  torments  of  Hell  are  depicted  at 
Fornovo— c.  1200— (Plate  94,  Fig.  2). 

iSee  Male,  Religious  Art  of  the  XIII  Century  in  France,  355  f. 

-  Apoc,  vi,  5. 

3  For  the  idea  of  the  scales  see  Dan.,  v,  27;  Enoch,  xli,  2;  Evans,  339. 

439 


LOMBARD  ARCHITECTURE 

The  earliest  representation  of  the  Last  Judgment,  properly 
so  called,  was  sculptured  by  Benedetto  in  the  baptisterj'  of 
Parma — 1196-1214 — (Plate  16-i,  Fig.  3).  It  contains  most  of 
tlie  essential  iconographic  elements,  but  lacks  many  of  the  details 
of  the  great  French  representations  of  the  same  subject  (com- 
pare, for  example,  the  Last  Judgment  of  Bourges,  Plate  164, 
Fig.  4)  .^  In  one  detail,  however,  the  Parma  relief  shows  a  deeper 
symliolism  than  the  renowned  sculptures  of  Bourges.  The  cross 
iield  by  the  angels  is  made  not  of  boards  but  from  the  trunk  of 
a  tree,  the  branches  of  which  have  been  lopped  off.  This  is 
evidently  in  allusion  to  the  legend  that  the  cross  was  formed  of 
the  tree  of  the  knowledge  of  good  and  evil.  One  other  icono- 
graphical  detail  of  the  Parma  sculptures  is  also  notable.  In  the 
lower  left-hand  corner  of  the  inner  lunette  is  introduced  the  seated 
figin-e  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist;  the  sculptor  evidently  wishes 
to  indicate  that  it  was  by  his  vision  that  the  secrets  of  the  end  of 
the  world  were  revealed  to  man. 

In  Lombard  art  there  is  extant  only  one  other  representation 
of  the  Last  Judgment.  That  is  executed  in  graffito  on  the  gable 
of  the  facade  of  S.  Zeno  of  Verona.  Unfortunately  time  and  the 
hand  of  man  have  so  seriously  disfigured  this  monument  that  it 
is  impossible  to  determine  the  iconographical  peculiarities. 

•»  For  a  detailed  description  see  below,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  142.  Compare  also  Alain  de 
I.ille,  Anticlaudianus,  V,  7,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  CCX,  536  f.;  S.  Augustini,  De  Civitate 
Dei,  XXII,  16,  17,  ed.  Dombart,  II,  59'.i;  S.  Augustini,  Serrao  XCIII,  De  Scripturis, 
ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.,  XXXVIII,  577;  De  tripHci  habitacuh,  Incerti  Auctoris,  ed.  Migne, 
Pat.  Lat.,  XL,  991;  Enoch,  Ivi,  8;  Origenis,  Ilepi  'Apxdv,  II,  X,  ed.  Migne,  Pat.  Orec, 
XI,  233;  I.amberton,  in  American  Journal  of  Archaology,  XV,  513. 


440 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

N.  B.     From  this  bibliography  are  excluded: 

(1)  All  manuscripts;  those  which  I  have  examined  are  cited  in  foot-notes,  passim. 

(2)  The  standard  collections  of  mediaeval  sources  familiar  to  all  students,  such 
as  Muratori's  Rerum  Italicarum  Scriptores,  and  Antiquitatea  Italicw  Medii  JEvi;  the 
Monumenta  Germaniw  Historica;  the  Historice  Patrice  Monumenta;  Migne's  PatrologUe, 
etc. 

(3)  Ancient  writings,  chronicles,  annals,  diplomas,  bulls,  etc.,  published  in  such 
collections  of  sources. 

(4)  All  guide-books,  books  of  souvenir  or  travel,  and  other  works  of  similar 
character,  except  where  the  same  constitute  a  real  contribution  to  knowledge. 

(5)  Scientific  and  learned  periodicals;  but  individual  articles  in  the  same  are 
included. 

(6)  Articles  in  newspapers  and  non-scientific  periodicals,  except  in  a  few  cases 
where  such  constitute  a  real  contribution  to  knowledge. 

(7)  All  books  which  have  not  been  to  me  personally  accessible. 

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"DeU'insigne  reale  basUica  di  S.  Michele  Maggiore  in  Pavia."     Pavia,  Fratelli 

Fusi.     Folio. 
Relazione  sui  ristauri  deU'insigne  reale  basilica  di  S.  Michele  Maggiore  di  Pavia. 

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Pavia.      (Giornale    deU'ingegnere-architetto    ed    agronomo,    Anno    XII,    1864, 

p.  317). 
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1876.     Pamphlet. 
Indicazione  sommaria  deUe  opere  di  restauro   fatte  in  questi  ultimi  anni  intorno 

ai  nostri  principal!  monumenti  sacri.     (BoUettino  storico  pavese.  Anno  II,  1894, 

appendix,  p.  XXIX). 
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ingegnere  ed  agronomo.  Anno  XIV,  1866,  p.  281). 
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AFFAROSI,  CammiUo.     Memorie  istoriche  del  monastero  di  S.   Prospero  di   Reggio. 

Padova,  Conzatti,  1733.    3  vols.    4to. 
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Seminario,  1755.    4to. 

443 


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Feraboli,  179+.     12mo. 
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editrice  della  Pace,  1883.     Pamphlet. 
Dizionario  storico-geografico  del  Lodigiano.     Lodi,  Tipografia  editrice  della  Pace, 

1886.    4to. 
Spigolature  di  storia  lombarda  in  un  archivio  di  oltre  Po.     Chiese  e  monaster!  di 
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AGNELLI,    Giuseppe.     Ferrara    e    Pomposa.      (Italia    artistica).      Bergamo,    Istituto 

Italiano  d'Arti  Grafiche,  1902.     4to. 
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libri  4.  ed.  Graevius,  Thes.  antiq.  et  hist,  ital.,  Vol.  II,  pt.   1,  p.  6.     Written 
c.  1625. 
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Tipografia  della  Pace,  1880.     12mo. 
ALIDOSI,  Gio.  Nicol6  Pasquale.     See  under  Mainardi. 

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alcuni  sacri  monument!  antichi  di  Milano.     Milano,  Beniamo  Sirtori,  1757.    4to. 

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La  vallee  d'Aoste.     Paris,  Amyot,  1860.    Folio. 
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COULTON,  G.  G.     Artist  life  in  the  Middle  Ages.     (Burlington  Magazine,  Vol.  XXI, 

1912,  p.  336). 
CROSATTI,     Giuseppe.       Bardolino.       Appunti     monografici     documentati.       Verona, 

Marchiori,  1902.     12mo. 
Belfiore  d'Adige  ed  il  suo  S.  Michele.     Verona,  Marchiori,  1906.     12ino. 
CUMMINGS,  Charles  A.     A  history  of  architecture  in  Italy.     Boston  and  New  York, 

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CURTI,   Ambrogio.     Delle   tombe   dei   santi   Ambrogio,   Gervaso   e   Protaso.     Milano, 

DaeUi,  1864.     12mo. 
CUSANl,  Lamberto.     La  chiesa  di  Vicofertile.     Parma,  Fresching,  1910.     Folio. 
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Folio  and  atlas  in  great  folio. 
R6ponse  aux  observations  prfoentdes  par  M.  Alfred   Ram6  sur  I'^glise  de  Saint- 

Ambroise  a  Milan.     Paris,  A.  Lahure,  1883.     Pamphlet.     (Reviewed  in  R6vue 

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See  also  under  Landriani-Beltrami^de  Dartein. 
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I,  1844,  241;  XV,  1855,  413). 
DIONISI,  Giovanni  Giacopo.    Osservazioni  sopra  un'  antica  cristiana  scultura  ritrovata 

nel  recinto  della  cattedrale  di  Verona.     Verona,  Moroni,  1767.     12mo. 
Traduzione  di  un  sermone  di  S.  Petronio  vescovo  di  Verona.     Verona,  Carattoni, 

1783.     Pamphlet. 
DIONISOTTI,  Carlo.     Memorie  storiche  della  citbl  di  Vercelli.     Biella,  Amosso,  1861- 

1864.     2  vols.     8vo. 
Pietro  Brugo  di  Romagnano-Sesia.    Commemorazione,  30  Novembre,  1876.    Torino, 

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DONDI,  Can.  Antonio.     Notizie  storiche  ed  artistiche  del  duomo  di  Modena.     Modena, 

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conservazione    dei    monumenti   dell'Emilia    daU'anno    1892    al    1897.      Bologna, 

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Relazione    dei    lavori    conipiuti    daU'ufficio    regionale    per    la    conservazione    dei 

monumenti  dell'Emilia  daU'anno  1898  al  1901.     Bologna,  Zanichelli,  1901.     4to. 
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FARINELLI,  Alessandro.     Cenni  intoriio  a  S.  Donnino  martire.     Borgo  San  Donnino, 

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FEIGEL,   August.     San   Pictro   in   Civate.      (Monatshefte   fiir   Kunstwissenschaft,   II. 

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FERMI,   Stefano.     Le  chiese  medievali   di   Piacenza.     Milano,   Bonomi,    1912.      12mo. 

(L'ltalia  nionumentale.  No.  26). 
FERRARIO,  Dottore  Giulio.     Monumenti  sacri  e  profani  deH'imperiale  e  rcale  basilica 

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p.  129,  165). 
FERRETTI,   Angelo.     Canossa.     Studi  e  ricerche.     Reggio  nell'Emilia,  Torreggiani, 

1876.     8vo. 
FERRETTO,    Arturo.      Documenti    genovesi    di    Novi    e    Valle    Scrivia.      Pinerolo, 

Brignolo,  1909.    2  vols.    8vo.     (Biblioteca  della  Societal  Storica  Subalpina,  LI. 

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FERRONI,  Elia.     Appunti  sulla  basilica  di  S.  Giulia.     (Arte  e  storia.   Anno   VII, 

5  Marzo,  1888,  No.  7,  p.  S3). 
FILIPPO,  lacopo,  see  lacopo,  Filippo. 

FILOSTENE,  Oresteo.    See  under  Formagliari,  Alessandro. 
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storia  italiana,  Serie  I,  Tomo  XIII,  1873,  p.  379). 
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1898,  XXII  Band,  p.  243). 
FONTANA,   Paolo.     SuU'origine   deU'arte   longobarda.      (Archivio   storico   lombardo. 

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FONTANINI,   Giusto    [Justus    Fontaninus].      De   corpore   Sancti    Augustini  .  .  .  dis- 

quisitio.     Roniae,  Rochi  Bernab6,  1728.     4to. 
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storico  lombardo.  Anno  XVI,  1889,  p.  646). 
Iscrizioni   delle  chiese  e  degli   altri   cdifici   di   Milano.     Milano,    Prato,   1889-1893. 

12  vols.     8vo. 
FORCELLA,  V.,  e  BELTRAMI,  L.    Di  alcune  lapidi  e  frammenti  di  sculture  recente- 

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FORCELLA,  V.,  e  SELETTI,  E.    Iscrizioni  cristiane  di  Milano  anteriori  al  IX  secolo. 

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GABOTTO,   Ferdinando,   e    FISSO,    U.     Le   carte   dell'archivio   capitolare   di    Casale 

Monferrato  fino  al  1313.     Pinerolo,  Celanza  (Torino),  1907-1908.     2  vols.     8vo. 

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XXVIII,  XXIX). 
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GABOTTO,  Fcrdinando,  e  LEGfi.    Le  carte  dell'archivio  capitolare  di  Tortona.     (Sec. 

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Societa  Storica  Subalpina,  XXIX.     Corpus  Chart.   Italiae,  XX). 
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Staffarda  fino  al  1313.     Pinerolo,  Cliiaiitore-Ma.scarcili,  MWJ.     (Biblioteca  della 

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GALVANEO  DELI.A  FIAMMA  [Galvaneus  Flamnia]  ordinis  pra-dicatorum.    Chroni- 

con  Maius,  ab  Antonio  Ceruti  [in  parte]  edita.     (Miscellanea  di  storia  italiana, 

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II  battistero  di  Galliano  presso  Cantii.      (Arcliivio  storico  lombardo,  Anno  XIII, 

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Gieronyroo  di  Beneditti,  1520.     12mo. 
GARRUCCI,   Raffaele.     Storia  dell'arte  cristiana  nei  primi  otto  secoli   della   chiesa. 

Prato,  Giacchetti-Guasti,  1873-1881.     6  vols.     Folio. 
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Giustina.    II  Monastero  di  Santo  Stefano  o  Santa  Maria  di  Banno.    Alessandria, 

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d'Oro  di  Pavia.     (Archivio  storico  lombardo,  Anno  XXIII,  1896,  p.  5). 
Le   chiese   di   Pavia.      Notizie.     Pavia,    Artigianelli,    1903.      12mo.     Only    the    first 
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MALAGUZZI    VALERI,    Francesco.      Milano.      CoUezione    di    monografie    illustrate. 

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di  Pavia.     Milano,  Pirotta,  1816.     Folio. 
Guida  di  Pavia.    Pavia,  Fusi,  1819.    8vo. 
MALCHIODI,  Dr.  Gaetano.     S.  Savino,  vescovo  di  Piacenza.     Piacenza,  Tononi,  1905. 
Pamphlet. 
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MAMACHI,  Tommaso  Maria  [Thomas  Maria  Mamachius].     Originum  et  antiquitatum 
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MANDELLI,  Vittorio.     II  comune  di  Vercelli  nel  medio  evo.     Vercelli,  Guglielmoni, 

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congresso    storico    subalpino,    con    prefazione    del    Conim.    Giaconio    Gorrini. 

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MANRIQUE,  Angelo.     Cisterciensium  seu  verius  ecclesiasticorum  annalium  a  condito 

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La  pieve  di  Trebbio.     (Arte  e  storia,  Serie  IV,  Anno  XXVIII,  No.  4,  Aprile,  1909, 

p.  133). 
MARCHEGAY,  Paul,  et  MABILLE,  Emile.    Chroniques  des  ^glises  d'Anjou.     Paris, 

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MARGARINO,    Cornelio    [Cornelius    Margarinus].      Bullarium    casinense.      Venetiis, 

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[MARINI,  Giuseppe].    Notizia  delle  cose  piu  osservabili  della  citth  di  Verona.    Verona, 

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MARRIER,  Martinus.     Bibliotheca  cluniacensis,  in  qua  SS.  patrum  abb.   Clun.   vitae, 

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MELANI,  Alfredo.    Architettura  italiana  antica  e  moderna.     Quinta  edizione  arrichita 

di  notizie  e  incisioni.     Milano,  Ulrico  Hoepli,  1910.     12mo.     (Manueli  Hoepli). 
Modern   Italian  monuments   from  the  valley  of   Susa   to   the   Po.      (Architectural 

Record,  1906,  Vol.  XX,  369). 
MELLA,   Conte   Carlo   Enimanuele  Arborio.     Allocuzione,   neUa   solenne   distribuzione 

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See  also  Durando,  Edoardo. 

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JUL  1 0  1987 

ART  LIBRARY 

SL    MAY  0  4  1992 

R  E  C  'P  t  V  E^ 

MAR  1 6  139^ 


V 


•NA1119L8P8v; 


L  006  263  075  1 


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